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vv. .../ BURNET'S ^^jjj, ■ 

















"i .1 

■ ^ 






viii Introduction 

copy of the published History'^) there was found a long 
autograph fragment of Burnet's original draught, extending 
from the battle of Oudenarde to the conclusion of the work ; 
and also the original draught of the Bishop's own Autobio- 
graphy, on which the Life by his son is principally founded. 
The historical fragment seems to have hitherto escaped the 
notice of students ; the Autobiography is, we find, twice cursorily 
mentioned in the notes appended by Dr. Routh to the edition 
of Burnet s History (so far as it relates to the reign of James II) 
which he published in 1853 from the Bodleian autograph 
of the History. 

The questions suggested by the preceding details may be 
thus briefly summarized. In what manner can we account 
for the existence of the two Harleian transcripts, and under 
what circumstances can they have fallen into the hands of the 
Harley family ? What is the historical relation between this 
early draught and the work as eventually published ? To 
what extent do the two versions correspond ? in what respects 
do they difi*er? and how far can the variations be said to 
throw light upon the origin of the so-called * editorial castra- 
tions ' which have occasioned so much comment ? 

Three preliminary facts, of great interest, can be at once 
established. This first draught, or original Memoir, which 
constituted the basis of Burnet's published History and was 
commenced in the year 1683 -, when Burnet was forty years 
old, may be confidently identified with the 'Apology,' * Memoir,' 
or * History' of which Burnet, anno 1687, in his published 
correspondence with Lord Middleton, threatened the pub- 
lication. We find, moreover, that in October, 1688, Burnet, 
anticipating possible disaster to the impending expedition of 
the Prince of Orange, left private directions ^ for the post- 
humous publication of the work, which he had brought up 
to date ; and, in the last place, that the narrative was continued 
at irregular intervals from that period, first to the Peace of 
Ryswick, and finally to that of Utrecht. 

an early manuscript version of the Press edition of the Histoty now in 

Ldvis of the Hamiltons from a Dr. Lipp- progress. 

mann (Brit. Mus. Add. MSS. 33259). ' //w/., Airy's cd., ii. 474 ; i>i/ra, p. i. 

^ Used as the basis for Dr. Routh's ' See infrat Appendix III. 
Bumefs Janus 11^ and the Clarendon 

Oh the Text of Burnetts Htstoty ix 

The portion of this original draught which we assume to 
have ended with the Peace of Ryswick, and within which fall 
the entire series of the Harleian fragments, first demands our 
attention ; since it appears probable, that this initial portion 
was on its first completion regarded as an integral whole ; and 
that its fortunes were at once more complicated and more 
curious than those of the subsequent part. 

There can be no doubt that the ' Secret History ' (as Burnet 
himself terms it) was throughout originally comnlitted to 
paper by Burnet's own hand. The Harleian fragments show 
that he revised at least one clerical copy of the portion anterior 
to the Peace of Ryswick ^ ; and the motives for such a duplica- 
tion are not far to seek. Burnet, with characteristic garrulity, 
seems to have freely advertised the existence of his * secret ' 
Memoirs '^ ; and as — partly perhaps in deference to impor- 
tunate curiosity ^ partly on design to obtain critical sugges- 
tions * — he appears to have shown it, in confidence, to several 
of his acquaintance ^, common prudence must have suggested 
the preparation of a duplicate. 

The question now arises, whether among those to whom 
Burnet, during the closing years of the seventeenth century, 
submitted the first portion of the original draught we must 
include Robert Harley. The circumstance could throw no 
light upon Harley's possession of the fragments, which must 
in any case have been secured subsequently, and from a 
surreptitious source ; but it is not in itself altogether improbable. 
The Bishop, in earlier years, had been intimate with Harley's 
family*; and though, by 1699, the trial of Fen wick had 
proved for both a parting of the ways (so that Burnet ranked 
as a staunch if independent supporter of the Court, while 
Harley led the antiministerial opposition), still the final 
identification of Harley with the Tory party'' remained a 

* The writer of the Occasional Leftir, 
who says there was only one clericid 
transcript (see in/raf p. xv, note i ), may 
allude either to the original draught, or 
a first recension. 

' Preface to the Elliot Specimens^ 
p. 6. ' Ibid, 

* Hist. i. 3-4 (folio pagination) and 
Dartmouth*s note. 

» Ibid. 

* See the interesting correspondence 
published by the Hist. MSS. Comm., 
LongUat MSS., vol. i. 

^ To which we owe the unfavour- 
able comments of Burnet's published 
History, see vol. ii. 109, 255, 270, 
291, 381, 486-97, 553-62 (folio pagi- 
nation), and the virulent juvenile 

X Introduction 

remote contingency ; and his extensive knowledge of Parlia- 
mentary forms would have lent to his criticism of a work, so 
frequently concerned with parliamentary proceedings, a special 
value. That Harley, during the summer of 1699, did, whether 
in legitimate or clandestine fashion, peruse Burnet's Memoirs, 
is at any rate certain. Mrs. S. C. Lomas, who has kindly devoted 
some study to the sheet of rough and almost illegible notes ^ 
prefixed to the Harl. MSS. 6584, argues very conclusively 
that the initial dates represent the period of their composition ; 
and show us Harley, during the recess of 1699, collecting from 
Burnet's original Memoirs materials for the renewed attack 
on the administration, which he carried into effect during the 
ensuing session. 

But, as we have already hinted, it is not altogether necessary 
to conclude that Mr. Harley derived his knowledge of the 
Burnet Memoirs from an act of confidence on the part of 
their author. A remarkable anecdote is extant, which may 
throw light upon a possible source of Harley's knowledge, 
and the probable genesis of the second Harleian transcript. 

It was towards the closeof the seventeenth century— -probably 
between 1697 and 1700^ — that Burnet temporarily confided 
his Memoirs — presumably the Harleian clerical transcript 

satires of Burnet's son. See also the 
bitter observations of Oxford himself, 
Hist MSS, Com, Rep., XI. pt. v. p. 


* Printed liw/ra, as Appendix VII. 

The references to the Burnet Memoirs 
have been appended as notes. We 
may here add— i. That S^ W' ¥• is 
probably Sir Walter Yonge, who long 
represented Honiton in the Whig 
interest, a. That the list of charters 
given is presumably the list of char- 
ters g^nted by William III. Such a 
list was demanded by a committee of 
the House of Commons (which included 
Harley) during the ensuing session ; 
was laid before the House, Feb. 7, 
HfS t Ai^d should appear in the 
Journals, from which however it is 
absent {Com, Joum. voL xiii. pp. 8, 
164, 176, 183, 303, 930, 394. See 
also Registers of the Privy CouHcil^ 
Feb. 9, 169I, May 18, June 15, Aug. 

99, 1699 ; Beauties of England and 
IVales^ vi. 494, xv. (i) 604-5). 3* That 
the affair of the Royal Oak Lottery 
took place in the spring of 169I (see 
Commons Joumajsj xii. 497, 588, 
633>4, 644, 646, 665 ; Statutes at Large 
(1769), iv. 15 ; and a curious little 
tract called The Arraignment^ Trial 
and Condetnnation of Squire Lottery, 
alias Royal Oak Lottery. Printed and 
sold by A. Baldwin . . . 1699). 4. That 
' marshal * law is military^ not ' mar- 
tial * law ; and that the Mutiny Act 
was in abeyance for nearly four years 
from April 10, 1698. 

* Dr. Cockburn, Specimen, pp. 64-5, 
says he had seen the extracts ' about 
nine or ten years before 1705* (Mr. 
Airy, note to Hist, i. xxi. of his edi- 
tion, misreads the passage). But few 
memories are accurate at a distance of 
twenty years ; the Specimen is dated 

On the Text of Burnetts History 


which we describe as A — to the custody of a certain Lord 
W. P. ; who is very plausibly identified by Dr. BJiss with 
Lord William Paulet, second son of the Duke of Bolton ^ In 
him the work appears to have excited an interest which pre- 
vailed over the punctilios of honour. Desirous of retaining 
a copy, he hired, before the return of the manuscript, a number 
of clerks ; and dividing among them, with every possible pre- 
caution of secresy, the papers in question, he managed to 
secure, within a very short time, a complete transcript ; which, 
from the circumstances of its origin, must necessarily have 
presented many of the peculiarities observable in our Transcript 
B. We know nothing of the relations existing between 
Paulet and Harley ; but it does not appear incredible that 
the clandestine copy may have been lent by the one to the 

Meanwhile, the indiscretion of Paulet was destined to bear 
fruit elsewhere. Among his hirelings was an impoverished 
Scotch nonjuror, in episcopal orders, of the name of Elliot * 
who had been compelled by want to assume lay attire and 
labours ; and who, exasperated by the tendencies of the work, 
political and religious, found means to record, upon 'some 
clean paper/ which he had concealed under .his cuff, a few 
illicit extracts from the sheets before him. These evidently 
related to the years 1679-81, and are, as it happens, missing 
from the Harleian fragments ^ 

These extracts Elliot seems to have almost immediately * 
communicated to a former acquaintance of Dr. Burnet, Dr. 
Cockburn the nonjuring pamphleteer, a nephew of Bishop 
Scougall of Aberdeen. The act was represented as a mark 
of peculiar confidence on the part of Elliot, who was under 
obligations to Cockburn; and we presume it was intended 

* Preface to the History^ ed. 1893. 
Lord Wiliiam was a pall-bcarer at the 
Duke of Gloucester's funeral, Aug. 9, 
X700 ; sat in Parliament 1688-1799 ; 
became a Teller of the Exchequer 
17x5; and died Sept. 95, 1729, aged 
63 {CoIHms' Pttrage^ iSia, ii. 38a). 

' See Hew Scott's Fasti Ecc/esiae 
ScoHeanatj voL i. pt a, p. 55a ; Robert 
Elliot, minister of lussutUn, deprived 

a^ Aug. 1690 for refusing the oaths. 

' All this from the anon3rroous preface 
to the Elliot Sptdmens. 

* Probably during the year i697,when 
Cockburn, who spent almost the whole 
of the period between 1696 and 1 709 
in exile, happened to be in England. 
Cf. p. xiv, note a, with the Rev. 
Alexander Gordon's article on Cock- 
burn, Diet, Nat. Biog. xi. 189-91. 



that the latter should make some controversial use of this 
material. Cockburn, however, finding that the papers owed 
their existence to a double breach of trust, very properly 
refused his countenance ; and recommended their destruction, 
or at least suppression. Elliot \ 'disappointed and disgusted/ 
declined the hint; and himself drew up, between August, 
1699, and August, 1700 2, some exceedingly virulent annota** 
tions, which he appended to the extracts. He then placed 
the whole in the hands of an anonymous friend ; a * brother ' 
(whether brother ift blood, in law, or in orders does not appear) 
of the celebrated Jacobite controversialist Charles Leslie. 
This nameless Recipient', before returning the manuscript, 
took a complete copy. 

Within the next few years, Elliot seems to have* died ; and 
his papers, in some unexplained fashion, fell into the hands 
of his friend Leslie. Among them, Leslie found Elliot's auto- 
graph copy of the Burnet extracts*. How far Leslie himself 
was aware of the circumstances under which they had been 
obtained is not perfectly clear; but he certainly knew that 
the transaction was clandestine ^. 

It was in the winter session of 1702-3 that the Bishop of 
Salisbury (who, in the eyes of nonjuring Anglicans in general 
and of Leslie in especial ^, had long been the most obnoxious 
of living divines) filled the cup of his ecclesiastical iniquities 
by a strenuous opposition to the first Bill against Occasional 
Conformity. At a moment of such acute crisis, when Burnet 
stood exposed to clerical odium as a supposed renegade to 
the interests of his order, the temptation of publishing certain 
sweeping strictures on the clergy, included in the Elliot ex- 
tracts, proved too strong for Charles Leslie. To a tract 

^ All this from Cockburn, Specimen 
ofRemarkSf p. 64. His statement that 
Uie extracts contained great part of 
the Preface to the History is clearly a 
lapse of memory. 

' There are allusions to the trial of 
the Bishop of St. David's, Aug. 3, 1699 ; 
and to Burnetts charge of the Duke of 
Gloucester, which lapsed with the 
boy's death, Aug. 1700. 

' Who places the incident about 
* fifteen years * before 17 15. See the 

preface to the Elliot Specimens. 

• This, and a fair copy, are probably 
in the Bodleian ; see infra^ p. Ixiii. 

• See New Association^ Part II, p. aa ; 
Cassandra^ No. ii. p. 23. 

• See infra, p. xxii. note a. (R. F, 
Leslie's Life of Leslie, which is strongly 
biassed, and seldom gives authorities, 
should be read with caution.) Lath- 
bury's Nonjurors, pp. aio-i, is valu- 
able on the main question. 

On the Text of Burnet's History xiii 

entitled The New Association^ Part 11^ which probably 
appeared in the first days of April, 1 703 \ he appended the 
sub-title * With • . . the Discovery of a certain Secret History 
not yet published ' ; and in the body of the work, without 
actually mentioning names, he animadverted, in sufficiently 
intelligible fashion, upon the author of this ' most virulent and 
voluminous Secret History/ Part of it, Leslie explains, he 
has already seen ; the author ' dares not publish [it] whilst it 
may be disproved. But intends to leave it as a legacy and 
libel against the Church and the Crown ... so much of it as 
I have seen ... is the lewdest libel that ever my eyes saw 
drop from the pen of any atheist, or the most spiteful dissenter, 
against the Church and the Crown, and all clergymen whatever, 
of whatever degree or profession/ He proceeded to quote 
a selection from the passages most likely to prove offensive 
in the eyes of his readers ; compared his author to Archbishop 
Williams as described in Clarendon's newly published History ; 
contrived to insert a trenchant reference to Burnet's early 
papers on polygamy and divorce ; and described the circum- 
stances which had brought the extracts into his own possession 
as providential ^ 

It is clear that a publication of this kind could not long escape 
the notice of Burnet himself. We are informed, in fact, that 
' as soon as he read it he knew himself to be the person meant, 
which put him, as any one may believe, into a passion ; nor 
was he long aguessing how his Secret History came to be 
known ; which made a rupture of old friendship, and was like 
to have produced other ill-effects ^.* Whether, on discovering 
Lord W[illiam]'s indiscretion, Burnet may have insisted on 
the return of the illegitimate copy; whether he then may 
have made arrangements for the destruction of this, and his 
own clerical transcript ; whether his arrangements can have 
been in part frustrated by the treachery of an agent; and 
whether imperfect fragments rescued from the intended holo- 
caust can have been offered to Harley, when he became known 
as a collector of historical MSS., we have no means of knowing ; 

* The < Supplement ' (written after ' New Association, Part II, pp. 5, 

the body of the work had gone to press) sa. 
is dated March 35, 1703. ' Cockburn, p. 65. 



but such a supposition would at least afford a plausible ex- 
planation of the Harleian fragments^. 

The question next arises, can any connexion be traced 
between Leslie's pamphlet and Burnet's first revision of his 
manuscript History ? It seems unlikely that Leslie's revelation 
occasioned the recension ; since we have Burnetts own evidence 
to the fact that the task was undertaken before the appearance 
of the Leslie tract, though possibly but a few days previously \ 
For such a revision indeed there must have already existed 
quite sufficient motives. A resolution of imitating the method 
of de Thou ^, by placing the events of the author's life as 
a supplement to those of his time (which is specifically ad- 
duced both by himself and his biographer), must have involved 
the complete remodelling of a narrative, in which the two 
strands were originally interwoven ; while the criticism of his 
friends * — the emulation inspired by the stately eloquence of 
Clarendon's History^ which had appeared during the preceding 
year * — a desire of repelling the charge of literary negligence, 
so delicately (we might almost say so flatteringly) insinuated 
by one of the two distinguished men who, during Burnet's 
life, had shed a lustre on the title of Halifax •, may have 
induced a critical review of his own pedestrian narrative. 

But if Mr. LeslieVtract did not supply the impulse for the 
revision, it probably affected its character. The recension of 
the reign of Charles II, within which fall the passages cen- 
sured by Leslie, was completed by the month of August, 
1703; and in this recension'' the passages stigmatized by Leslie, 
with others of a similar tenor, are sensibly modified ; while 

^ The Harleian fragments are not men- 
tioned in the copious manuscript memo- 
randa of Humphrey Wanley, Harley's 
librarian ; which extend, with some 
breaks (July 18, 1716-Jan. 11, 17JJ 
July 15-Oct. 28, 1721), from March 9, 
<7il» ^^ ]Mne 93, 1726, and contain 
notices of all acquisitions as made 
(Brit. Mus. Lans. MSS. 771-a). 

' It was probably begun in the 
spring of 1702-3 ; i. e. before March 
95i 1703. Cf. heading of Bodl. Add. 
MSS. D. 18 (1709) with Hist. i. i, ii. 
474 in Airy's edition ; 1683 + 90 » 1 703. 
The second part of the New Assoda* 

Hon appeared in April, 1703 ; see 
supra^ p. xiii, note i. 

' See iftfra^ p. 451 ; Life in Hist. 
ii. 671 ; the anonymous Occasional 
Z.*//*r of 1704, p. 13. 

* Hist, i. 4. 

' See Burnet*s speech of Dec. 3, 1703 ; 
Hist.f Airy's ed., vol. i. p. 53, note b. 

• See Life in Hist, ii. 795-6. The 
character may possibly be by Mon- 

^ Contained in the original readings 
of the Bodleian autograph and quoted 
in the textual notes to Airy*s ed. 

On the Text of Burnetts History xv 

the Preface, written (or at least rewritten) on the occasion, 
excuses such censures on the clergy as remain. 

Nor does it appear that Leslie s influence in the matter 
ended here. A pamphlet, by an anonymous author, which, 
without naming the Bishop, undertook his defence ^ was 
answered by Leslie, anonymously, in the second number of 
Cassandra (1704). In this work, to which he appended the 
sarcastic portrait of Burnet entitled the 'Character of an 
Enthusiast,' he contrived to insert, not very consequently, 
all the remaining * Elliot' extracts. One of these, which 
described the murder of Archbishop Sharp, probably evoked 
the resentful intervention of the Archbishop's son Sir William, 
who wrung from Burnet a promise that the strictures it con- 
tained should be modified ' ; and the passage in question has, 
it appears, actually undergone a second and final recension \ 

Meanwhile, during the course of these alterations the 
first revision was rapidly proceeding. On Sept. 15, 1704, 
Burnet completed the recast narrative, as far as the end of 
the fourth book in the reign of William and Mary. On the 
first of May, 1705, he resumed his pen * ; and the period of the 
Peace of Ryswick was reached by June 15 in that year*. 

Moreover, concurrently with this elaborate revision of the 
earlier portion, the rough draught of the later History went 
steadily on. In June, 1708, as his son tells us {HisU 11. 669)*^, 
Burnet wrote his so-called 'Conclusion' ; in 17 10 he executed 
the proposed autobiographical appendix; and with 1713 the 
work reached its termination. The revision of the latter portion 

* The Occasionai Letter^ No. i of 
X704. Leslie's biographer treats the 
author *a8 Burnet's apologist or aman- 
uensis/ if not * Burnet himself* ; the 
latter a quite inadmissible hypothesis. 
Theoccasional writer describes Leslie's 
extracts as either false, or at best 
grossly exaggerated, though the work, 
so he maintains, remains unaltered. He 
says the author never had more than 
one copy taken, and that by a person 
yet alive, whose attestation to the effect 
that he had never revealed its con- 
tents the writer had seen. This 
account is clearly either misinformed 
or disingenuous, and probably merely 
emanates from some party hack, writing 

upon second- or third-hand information. 

^ See Cockbum, who however sup- 
posed, no doubt erroneously, that 
Sharp had seen the extract in MS. 

' See on this the curious letter from 
Canon William Stratford to Edward 
Lord Harley, Nov. 15, 1723 (Portland 
MSS., vol. vii. Hist MSS. Com. Rep, 
367-8). Leslie*s tracts are also probably 
the source whence the quotations in 
Hickes' Preface ioThree Short Treatises 
(] 709) are derived ; also the Examiner^ 
Nos. 41, 50, 51 ; Spec. Saris., p. to. 

* Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 19, f. ia6. 
» Ibid. f. 235. 

* On Burnetts own authority ; see 
last page of the Bodleian transcript. 



probably occupied the last two years of the Bishop's life' ; but 
it was never extended to the autobiographical supplement 

We now come to the interesting and important question, upon 
which circumstances have already compelled us to trench, How 
far and in what respects does the earlier draught differ from the 
first recension ? And are these differences of such a nature as 
to render the earlier version of other than literary interest ? 

We must preface our remarks by the explanation, which 
can excite no surprise, that the variations decrease in impor- 
tance as the interval between composition and correction 
lessens. The divergences are extensive in the earliest of the 
Harleian fragments (i 661-4) and very considerable in the^ 
remainder (1683-96); the Bodleian draught, concluded only 
two years before the Bishop's death, is of much inferior 
interest ; while the original of the famous ' Conclusion * differs 
very little from the version eventually published. This 
premised, we may pronounce — 

I. That, in the first place (as we have already observed), the 
recension is marked by an entire change of plan. The Life 
of the author, which in the original sketch had formed the 
thread by which the various episodes were connected, was 
now postponed to an appendix ; and it will be observed that, 
throughout the published History^ Burnet's own experience 
appears to be cited only where it becomes desirable to throw 
light upon the sources of his information, or to exonerate his 
public character from charges publicly made ^ The fact that 
he had omitted much matter relating to himself is mentioned 
by Canon Stratford in the letter quoted below ^ ; who states 
(on what authority he does not say) that these alterations 

* The revised * Conclusion * is miss- 
ing from the autograph History (Bodl. 
Add. MSS. D. 20). 

' See Hist u 595. Of the necessity 
for such self-defence a few instances 
may be given : (a) For the episode of 
the crown matrimonial {Hist i. 692-3) 
see Hickes, Some discourses^ pp. ia-3» 
and Burnet's Reflections on the 
same, p. 55. (Jbi) For Burnet and the 
copy of Magna Charta {Hist, i. 32-3, 
819) see Hickes, Some discourseSfP, ai; 

Burnet, Reflections, p. 68 ; Dartmouth's 
and Airy's notes to Hist. i. 33. (c) For 
Burnet and the flight of James II 
{Hist i. 799) see Hickes, Some 
discourses, p. 25 ; Burnet's Reflections, 
p. 128 ; Burnet to Herbert, Eg. MSS. 
2621, f. 83 {in/ra, App. IV, p. 536). (d) 
For Burnet's attitude towards Scotch 
Episcopalians {Hist ii. 25-6) see 
pp. 66, 80; Burnet, Reflections, p. 
* Injraf pp. xxiv-v. 

On the Text of BurneVs History xvii 

were made on the advice of Secretary Johnstone ^. We thus 
discover in the first draught, more especially in the earlier 
portions, much valuable autobiographical information missing 
from the final version, and sensibly modified even in the 
original Autobiography. Moreover, the abandonment of the 
original design has destroyed to a great extent the unity of 
the work. In the pages of the published History the various 
episodes, severed from their original context (that is, from the 
order in which they came to Burnet's own knowledge), are 
arranged without either art or insight in a series professedly 
chronological ; they lose the ingenuous simplicity of the 
Memoirs, without attaining to the organic coherence of a 
literary or scientific masterpiece. We notice, too, that the 
transposition has been in some cases very carelessly executed ; 
and confusing repetitions or discrepancies are not uncommon -. 

II. We have next to consider another class of alterations — 
the deliberate substantial modification of statements originally 
made. Such changes are very much more numerous than 
Burnet's own assertion, on p. 3 of his Preface, can in any way 
suggest ; and we must charitably suppose that the passage in 
question, written at the moment when he began to recast the 
work, eventually escaped his notice. 

The variations to which we refer may be roughly grouped 
as follows : — 

(tf) Amplifications and corrections inserted in the final 
version on the strength of subsequent information or recollec- 
tion. These are very frequent ; and often correct obvious 
errors, fill up considerable gaps, or supply needful subsidiary 
details lacking in the original narrative. 

(d) The necessary omission of prophecies, reflections, or 
censure, falsified by the event. 

(^r) Omission of subsidiary detail, often vivid and charac- 

* Portland MSS., vol. vii. Hist. MSS. landing and the close of the session is 

Com. Rep, 367-8. mentioned three times {ibul, 639, 640, 

' Instances:— the list of politico- 641) ; Admiral RusselFs mission is 

religious crises given in Hist i. described twice in slightly different 

310-ai does not tally with p. 656 ; language {ibid, 746, 763) ; the reasons 

Uie reference to Monmouth*s sale of for filling the sees of the deprived 

his jewels is twice given (ibid. 631, bishops are reiterated {ibid. ii. 71, 

640) ; the connexion between his 76). 

roxcKorr O 

xviii Introduction 

teristic, in some cases through a respect for tTie delicacy of 
the persons concerned ^, in other cases as obviously from an 
excessive respect for the dignity of history. In certain cases 
the eventual excision has been so rigorously or so carelessly 
done that the curtailed narrative of the printed History does 
not make sense \ 

(d) Changes due to the desire of deprecating censure, 
whether deserved or undeserved. Among these we may 
mention — 

(i) The softening of those diatribes against the characteristic 
errors of the Anglican clergy, to which we have already 
referred, and which had raised such a storm of re- 

(2) The lessened space devoted to members of Burnet's 
own family — to George Hutcheson, Lord Warriston, and 
' Secretary ' Johnstone. 

(3) The omission of various references bearing on Burnet's 
early intimacy with Lauderdale ^ These alterations, 
though natural enough, are not in all instances perfectly 

(4) In general, the more lenient treatment accorded, 
throughout the History, to individual character. We shall 
see reason to suppose that in a second revision the process 
was carried further. 

(e) Alterations due to a change of standpoint on the part 
of the writer. These, though of great interest and importance, 
are by no means so extensive as Von Ranke's imperfect 
researches led him to suppose. The principal classes are — 

(i) Changes occasioned by the modification of Burnet's 
views on the subject of passive obedience. For this see 
Appendix I, infra, 

(a) Changes occasioned by the gradual transformation and 
definition of parties, which had occupied the whole reign 

^ As in the case of the graceful fate of Fairfoul and the comments it 

character of Lady Russell, who sur- evoked (ibul, 134) ; the escape of Lord 

vived the Bishop ; the portraits of Grey {ilu'el, 549). 
Lady Balcarres and Lady Essex are ' See for instance Harl. MSS. 6584, 

also to the point. ff. 10 (A), 11 (6), 14 (6) (three times), 

' Instances': — Leighton^s motives for 16 (a-6), 23 (,6), 45 (b) ; mfnif pp. 17, 

preaching in Latin {Hist i. 136) ; the 18, 93-4, 95, 41, 98. 

On the Text of Burners History xix 

of William, and which had practically reached its final 
stage early in the reign of Anne. This process, which 
found Burnet, though a warm adherent of the Revolution, 
yet detached from party ties, left him identified with the 
reconstituted Whig section, of which Lords Marlborough 
and Godolphin were allies and Lord Nottingham an 
opponent ^. The alterations (which mainly occur in the 
account of the Revolution, and the subsequent settlement, 
and are most noticeable in the references to Churchill, 
Nottingham, Bancroft, and possibly to Portland ^^) are, as 
Von Ranke says ^, very significant ; they impair the his- 
torical value and the self-consistency of the final narrative ; 
they reflect upon Burnet's political judgement ; in some 
instances they are hardly to be reconciled with those 
professions of a * full and free impartiality * ' in which Von 
Ranke traces something of * clerical unction ' {geistlichcr 
Pathos), But regarded as a whole, the severe strictures of 
the distinguished German seem somewhat overstrained. 
Twelve agitated years of fluctuating political relations, 
of unsparing political conflict, and bitter party recrimina- 
tion, are apt to modify our estimate of men, measures, 
and events ; and though the omission of Nottingham's 
domestic virtues and the condonation of Churchill's 
public vices cannot be defended, it must be admitted that 
these instances of partiality are practically unique. Nor 
should it be forgotten that Burnet's intimacy with the 
Marlboroughs (which followed on his admission, as tutor 
to the Duke of Gloucester, to the household of the Princess 
Anne) had placed him under considerable obligations to 
Churchill's friendship ^ ; and had exposed him, in full 
measure, to the fascinating influence of the most seductive 
intellect in Europe. A curious instance of his gradual 
subjection is to be found in his account of Marlborough's 
disgrace. Originally this was ascribed to detected 

' Even Swift admits that it was Whig junto in the severe proceedings 

only during the last ten years of his relative to the Partition Treaty, 1701. 

life that Burnet can be described as ' Eng, Gesch. ed. 1868, vii. APP* "*• 

party mad {Works^ ed. 1824, xil 189). pp. 184-9. 

' See Appendix VI, infra, Portland * History (PrtitiCti), i. pp. 2-4. 

was of course associated with the ' See iM/hi, p. 494, and note. 


XX Introduction 

treachery, of which Burnet had been informed by WiUiam 
himself; next, Burnet concedes that a discontented man 
may be unjustly aspersed by the interpretations of 
political go-betweens ; finally, the charge is dismissed 
as quite unfounded, and the Churchill version of the 
affair is accepted without demur ^. 
III. In the third place, we are concerned with the changes 
of phraseology, which are almost innumerable. It is clear 
that the style was throughout revised with an anxious and 
painful deliberation ^ ; and we can only regret that the result, 
by general consent, should prove so singularly unsuccessful. 
The truth appears to be that Burnet, by temper and training 
an orator, never expressed himself with the force, the lucidity, 
and the eloquence which constitute a fine literary style, 
save when under the immediate influence of strong, though 
restrained, emotion. His Essay upon Mary II, his diary of 
Lord Russell's imprisonment, the noble exhortation with 
which his History concludes, are admirable in their respective 
kinds. On a lower level, he was capable of rendering with 
considerable vivacity any keen immediate impression ; and the 
* Characters,* as originally sketched (upon which Von Ranke 
has. passed so high an eulogy), often evince the happy strokes 
of a quick and practised observer. But what Burnet was 
capable of doing upon the spur of the moment, or under the 
stimulus of mental and emotional excitement, he was quite 
incapable of doing in cold blood ; he had some literary 
instinct; but of literary tact or literary judgement none. This 
explains the astonishing inferiority of the laborious published 
Characters — an inferiority which Von Ranke regards as inex- 
plicable {rdthselhaft). Burnet's untiring exertions have rectified 
structural errors, corrected grammatical blunders, removed 
provincial peculiarities, averted verbal repetition; but they have 
blurred and distorted the sharpness of the original outline, 
and rendered the general literary effect at once feeble and in- 
coherent. The unsatisfactory result is intensified by a curious 
distaste, which seems to have grown upon Burnet in later 
years, for the use of conjunctive particles. This gives to the 

* Sec infra, p. 373 and note. " Cf. Autobiography, infra, p. 487. 

On the Text of Burnetts History xxi 

History in its final form an oddly disjointed character ; and 
often renders it difficult to trace the connexion of events ^. 

We have thus discussed at length the relation between the 
original Memoirs of Burnet and the first recension of the 
History, Two points remain for consideration ; the nature 
of the second revision (commenced in the year 171 1), to 
which Burnet himself is witness ^, with its bearing upon the 
authenticity of the so-called * editorial castrations * ; and the 
circumstances which led to the substitution of the well-known 
* Life ' by his son for Burnet's own autobiographical appendix. 
To elucidate these questions, we must refer to events con- 
nected with the first publication of the History. 

The Bodleian autograph of the History^ which represents 
the first recension, contains numerous alterations (mostly of 
a literary tenor, but in some cases calculated to minimize 
personal censure) in the hand of Burnet himself. These are 
embodied in the text of the edition now in progiess, the 
original readings being relegated to the textual notes ; and 
the Preface* regards the text so amended as authoritative. 
This conclusion is, however, misleading. The text of the 
present edition, though of first-rate value for historical 
purposes, is unquestionably not the text which Burnet finally 
sanctioned. In a codicil to his will, dated Oct. 24, 1711, and 
published (apparently by his family*) within a year of his 
death, the Bishop bequeathed to his second son, Gilbert, all his 
private papers, with directions that none should be published 
save * a Book entitled Essays and Meditations on Morality and 
Religion ^* and * the History of my own Time^ together with 
the Conclusion and the History of my own Life' Of this 
History^ so the Bishop explains, he leaves two copies, * one in 
my own hands (sic) and another in the hand of a servant. 
In the reading these over ' (he proceeds) * I have made several 
amendments, deletions and additions, having read over some- 
times the one copy and sometimes the other ; so I order the two 

' This was carried still further in * The biographical sketch which 

the second revision. Can Burnet accompanies it is usually ascribed to 

have been influenced by the strictures his son Thomas ; the original of the will 

of Swift? See Works^ ed. 1824, iv. 184. is at Somerset House (Fagg, 58). 

• History, Airy's edition, ii. 474. * See Autobiography, infm^ p. 489, 

' Airy*s ed., i. p. ix, note. and Appendix III, f«/m, p. 526. 



copies to be compared together, that so all the alterations that 
I have made may be taken into the printed edition . . . [This 
is to appear] six years after my death, and . . . not . . . sooner. 
But as to the printing it after six years or the delaying it longer, 
I refer that to such directions as I may give him by word of 
mouth, only I require him to print it faithfully, as I leave it with- 
out adding suppressing or altering it in any particular, for this 
is my positive charge and command.' The .publication of the 
will had been no doubt necessitated by the curiosity as to the 
contents of the Bishop's posthumous History ^ which the Leslie 
revelations had occasioned ^. This excitement was now further 
stimulated by the republication of the * Elliot ' extracts (from 
the secondary copy described supra^ p. xii) with a dedication 
to Leslie, and the explanatory preface of the nameless * brother ' 
above mentioned ; and by a series of ribald skits on the deceased 
historian, of which the wittiest is ascribed to Dr. Arbuthnot ^. 
The' six years mentioned in the Bishop's will expired with 
the year 1720, O. S. ; and we may presume that Mr. Gilbert 
Burnet, then Rector of East Barnet, commenced thereupon to 
prepare for the publication. It seems certain that he obtained 
some editorial assistance * ; and a Jacobite rumour, current at 
Paris, named as his colleagues the Bishop's cousin, Mr. 
* Secretary * Johnstone, then living in extreme old age in 
retirement at Twickenham, and a Mr. Cunningham (query the 
historian ?) *. We give the story for what it is worth ; as 

^ The pamphlet containing the will 
ran through at least four editions, the 
last of which appeared in 17 17. 

* This is the Notes ,,.cfthe Six Days 
(preceding Burnet's death), which 
represents him as revising his History 
to the last For the relations between 
Burnet and Leslie see Burnet's printed 
speech against the Occasional Con- 
formity Bill of 1703, p. 4 ; iftfra^ Auto- 
biography, pp. 499, 506 ; Leslie's Leslie^ 
pp. 96-101, 941, 408, 451 ; Burnet, 
Hist. ii. 538-9 ; Leslie's Good Old Cause 
and Letter to the Lord Bishop ofSarum, 

^ The prefatory notice mentions 
' editors ' ; while it is clear from Brit. 
Mus. Add. MSS. 11404, t 96, and J. 
Sinclair's answer to Beach, that Thomas 
Burnet was not concerned in vol. i. 

* Journal des SfavaHs, Paris, Nov. a6, 
1726, p. 699. Johnstone was cer- 
tainly consulted concerning the busi- 
ness aspect of the second volume 
(Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 33, f. 155), and 
betrayed some acquaintance with Bur- 
net's revisionary zeal (Dartmouth's 
note to Hist. i. 4). Cunningham (no 
doubt the diplomatist and historian, 
though the early confusion which 
identified him with the editor of 
Horace appears in the Journal des 
SfavMts) was the ally and agent of 
Carstares (though no friend of Port- 
land), and was thus presumably an 
enemy of Johnstone ; while his rooted 
antipathy to Burnet, whom he never 
mentions without a sneer (see his 
subsequent Histofy, i. pp. Ixiv, Ixv, 29- 

On the Text of Burnet* s History xxiii 

regards Cunningham, at least, it would seem very improb- 

We have seen that, according to the terms of Burnet's will, 
the task of eliciting the Bishop's final version from the two 
manuscripts in which it was imbedded devolved on his editor. 
This tedious process might have been effected in one of four 
methods : — 

1. The autograph copy might have been selected as the 
basis, and revised by the clerical copy. 

a. Or the reverse method might have been pursued. 

3. Or a fresh transcript might have been derived from the 
one version and collated with the other. 

4. Or, after the collation had been made, a fair copy might 
have been produced for the use of the printers. 

The editorial notices prefixed to each volume, which 
promise to deposit the clerical transcript corrected by Burnet 
in a public library, describe that MS. as the copy froni which 
the work had been printed ; but this, may only mean that 
the transcript in question had been selected as the basis of the 
text. The actual * printer's copy ' is among the Burnet papers 
in the Bodleian ^ ; and Dr. Routh, who maintains that a cross 
reference given in the Autograph does not correspond with 
the pagination of this second copy ^, infers that the printer's 
version was a transcript subsequently made. His view 
derives some force from the fact that the printer's copy is 
not — as Burnet's instructions suggest his own copy to have 
been — all in one hand ; but as, when carefully studied, it 
reveals corrections in Burnet's autograph, the identification 
seems complete. Its first volume, with which the original 
editors alone concerned themselves, is full of deletions and 
alterations (all so made, that the original readings, like those 
of the Autograph, are clearly legible). Some of these are 
obviously transcribed from the final readings of the autograph 
copy ; others are not so authenticated. Were all these last 
made by Burnet himself in this transcript ? or did the editors, 
from motives of caution or timidity, defy the Bishop's instruc- 

3o> 46, 50, ^» 79» 83, 88, 103, 1 14, 1 18, ^ Routh's Burnet sjamts 11 , 475 ; he 
I94f 145-6, 254, 258), belies the tale. does not give the references. 
^ Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 15, 16. 

xxiv Introduction 

tions already published by the family, and retrench some 
passages which they feared might be offensive ? That they 
did so seems very probable ; though the charge originally 
emanated from political malignity. 

The editors of this first instalment were not unnaturally 
anxious to secure the services of Bowyer the elder, the most 
famous printer of the day. Mr. Bowyer, himself a Jacobite, 
who had but a few years before enthusiastically undertaken the 
republication of Leslie's works, employed as press-reader the 
Rev. John Blackbourne, an impoverished nonjuror, eventually 
advanced to the rank of bishop in the sect. Blackbourne, 
to whom the * copy ' of the first volume was entrusted, soon 
convinced himself that the text had been tampered with ; and 
on his advice, Bowyer declined the task, which was entrusted 
to another firm. Blackbourne, however, retained a tran- 
script of all those passages which he assumed to have been 
posthumously deleted, but some of which are really marked for 
omission even in the Bodleian autograph ; he made at least 
one subsequent copy, which passed into the possession of his 
employer, and is now in the Bodleian Library ^ ; and he seems 
to have freely trumpeted abroad the supposed falsification. 

It is not therefore surprising that the appearance of the 
volume in the end of the year 1723 ^ should have been the 
signal for vociferous accusation. In this connexion we note 
an extremely curious letter written Nov. 23, 1723 ^ by Dr. 
William Stratford, Canon of Christ Church, to Edward Lord 
Harley, eldest son of Lord Oxford (then still alive). Stratford, 
who abuses the book with considerable asperity, and refers to 
a severe criticism passed upon Burnet's conduct by Lord 
Oxford, observes, in so many words, * There are great omissions 
from the original draught . . . such as chiefly related to himself.' 
He refers to the Leslie publications; and hopes * the omissions 
will be supplied out of true copies of the original which are 
still extant.* To what does Stratford allude ? To the originals 

^ For all this see Nichols, Lit, Anec.^ insertions, given by Bowyer to Gough. 

i. 282, 25 1-3, note ; Macray, Ann. of the For three other copies see infra^ p. xxviii. 

Bodl.^ 399-30. Blackbourne's own ^ With title-page dated 1724. 

copy is in Rawl. MSS. D. 404, IT. i-io. * Portland MSS., vol. vii. Hist, 

The * Bowyer transcript ' is a copy of MSS, Com. Rep.■,2l^^-8; cf. Hist. i. 382 

the printed History, vol. i, with the MS. (Lord Dartmouth's note). 

On the Text of Burnetts History xxv 

of the Elliot extracts? or does he refer to Blackbourne's MSS.? 
Hardly, since few of the * castrations * relate to Burnet. Then 
had he seen the Harleian fragments either in Paulet's or 
Harley's custody ? If so, was Harley's own son (as the form 
of the sentence suggests) ignorant of their existence ? 

Nor were these charges of fraud made only in private circles. 
As early as Nov. 1726 the Parisian journal already mentioned, 
while reviewing in a strong Jacobite strain the French 
translation of 1725, maintained that the editors 'en ont re- 
tranch^ un grand nombre d'endroits injurieux k des personnes 
respectables ' ; adding sarcastically : ' ce qu'ils ont laiss^ fait 
assez voir Tindulgence de ces reviseurs.' Again, in the year 
i733> the anonymous editor of the Memoirs and Characters 
of John Macky the spy (in a preface of which the political 
animus may be guessed from the terms of the dedication to 
Frederick Prince of Wales) taunted the Bishop's youngest son 
Thomas, on whom, by the death of his elder brothers, the 
editorship had devolved, with the non-appearance of the 
second and of a (mythical) third volume ; and made a direct 
assertion that the History had been largely falsified *. 

It does certainly appear that the violent storm of party 
resentment excited by the contents of the first volume ^ had 
intimidated the Bishop's family ; who seem moreover to have 
had some reason to suppose that the publication was not very 
favourably regarded in high government quarters. The 
pecuniary straits of the family were however pressing ; and 
necessitated in 1734 the issue of the second and final volume '. 

^ For Macky see the above work; 
also Mccormick, Carstares Papers ; and 
cf. YiVA Memorial, pp. 138-40, with Hist, 
ii. 93. Macky has been wrongly iden- 
tified by Miss Strickland with John 
Mackney, the Bishop^s steward {Queens 
of England, viii. 374, note). His 
editor's remarks apply to the sup- 
posed omission of certain 'characters* 
from the History (he says Macky *s 
own ' characters/ but this is absurd) and 
the suppression of the Bishop's early 
opinions on polygamy and divorce, 
which he reprints from a previous 
publication of the original MS. The 
existing account, Hist, i. a6i, may have 

been altered after the composition of 
the original draught, the corresponding 
portion of which is not now extant ; 
but as the autograph and published 
versions of the History exactly corre- 
spond, the editors are here at least 
blameless. The introduction of Bur- 
net's affairs into Macky's volume is 
gratuitous and suggests personal malig- 

' See the various pamphlets evoked 
by it ; also Hist. MSS. Com, Rep. XIII. 
iv. 496. 

=» See Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 23, f. 
156 et seq, ; Brit. Mus. Add. MSS. 
IT 404, ff. 62-3. 

xxvi Introduction 

In the ' printer's copy ^ * of this, as of the former volume, are 
many deletions, which however have been prudently obli- 
terated, or in some cases altogether erased. These * castra- 
tions * have never been published ; the original readings are for 
the most part still legible in the Autograph, and will no doubt 
be reproduced in the edition now in progress. The proposed 
autobiographical appendix meanwhile had, as we have seen, 
never been revised by its author ; and the circumstance 
afforded a specious, perhaps a legitimate pretext, for the 
substitution of a * Life * by the editor, founded on this and 
other sources. Motives more remote may however be 
suspected. The Autobiography, which is both garrulous and 
imperfect, evinces in a high degree that mixture of childlike 
self-complacency and childlike self-reproach which had so 
often brought upon the author the charge of excessive 
^otism ; while the fragment unluckily concluded with the 
Bishop's devout reflections upon the exemplary success which, 
up to the year 1710, had attended his efforts for the due 
education of his family. As it chanced, the subsequent 
stages of Mr. Thomas Burnet's youth had not been such as 
to rejoice the heart of an anxious parent ; from 17111 to 1715 
he had been notorious among the * men about town ' of his 
generation ^ ; and though, by the year 1734, he had long since 
carried into effect that * reformation ' of his own manners 
which he had once wittily contemplated as * a greater work 
than his father's ^' and was to die some twenty years later 
in the odour of judicial sanctity, it was natural he should wish 
to avert the laughter of the town by the suppression of so 
premature a paean. 

To this second volume of the History^ which, with its 
accompanying * Life,' appeared in 1 734, Mr. Burnet prefixed 
a renewal of his brother's promise to deposit the MS. in some 
public collection ; and more particularly specified the Cotton 
Library. Two years later, the non-fulfilment of this promise 
evoked an anonymous * Letter to Thomas Burnet, Esq.,' usually 

* It is hard to explain a curious is probablyatentative editorial version, 

transcript of Hist. ii. 1-293 »" Thomas " Swift, Works, ed. 1824, »"• 5 » the 

Burnet's hand (Bodl. Add. MSS. D. Notes ,,.ofthe Six Days; and various 

17). It differs both from hb father's other contemporary skits, 

autograph and the printer's copy, and » Nichols, LiUrapy Anecdotes, iii.353. 

On the Text of Burnetts History xxvii 

ascribed to Mr. Philip Beach, son of a nonjuring Dr. Beach, 
between whom and Bishop Burnet a sonaewhat notorious 
controversy had existed ^. This pamphleteer, whose informa- 
tion was presumably derived from Mr. Blackbourne -, 
asserted that he had before him 'an authentic collection of 
very many passages castrated in the manuscript from which 
this book was printed . . . after the Bishop's decease. . . . The 
manuscript meant is that which was wrote by the Bishop's 
amanuensis and corrected throughout by the Bishop himself.' 
Of these so-called * castrations ' the pamphleteer gave a pre- 
liminary selection, with references to the MS., which coincide 
with the pagination of the printer's copy ; and he threatened 
that unless the MS. should be laid open to the public, the 
whole of them should be published by himself. The answer 
to this challenge, which issued during the same year under 
the name of * J. Sinclair,' is not very convincing ; it insinuates, 
without actually asseverating, that all the deletions were really 
made by the Bishop, upon charitable motives ; afBrms in so 
many words that the passage on the misfortunes of the 
Dalrymples, printed in Beach's pamphlet, had been so ex- 
punged ; and makes a ' palpable hit ' by the insinuation that 
the deposition of the MS. would at this conjuncture become 
the signal for a publication of the most authentic deletions. 
Mr. Beach's retort, however, ruthlessly analyses the arguments 
of Sinclair, and quotes a further instalment of the reputed 
* castrations.' There, for the time being, the controversy 
closed. Rumour continued to assert that the second volume, 
of which no * castrations * had beconw public, had been manipu- 
lated at the instance of the Duchess of Marlborough ^ ; but 
Mr. Burnet held his peace, and kept the manuscript^; and 
it was not till forty years after his death, in the year 1795, 
that the European Magazine published some further specimens 
of passages * suppressed' in the first volume ^ The original 

* See Life in Hist ii. pp. 31 1-3; * The edition of 1753 (misprinted as 

Hickes, Som/djr'scoMrsrs, pp. I5,i6,and 1755 in the preface to the edition of 

Appendix;//^s/. AfSS. Com. /?^. XIII. 1833) seems to be merely a pirated 

vi. 29 ; Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 93, f. 55. venture. 

' Who survived till 1 74 1. ^Beach's first selection of pas- 

' See Dartmouth's note on Hist sages included the 'castrations' of 

ii. 90 ; Hardwicke's on Hist, ii. 91. Hist, i. a8, 35, 39, 97, 189, S03, 207, 



source of this publication seems to have been a transcript in 
the possession of Lord Hardwicke, of which, previously to 
1775, Lord Onslow had obtained a copy; into this copy, at 
some date before 1788, by Lord Lansdowne's permission, the 
Swift notes had been transcribed ; and the indiscretion of 
his copyist may have occasioned the eventual appearance of 
the excerpts in the pages of the Magazine. Finally, in the 
Clarendon Press edition of 1823 the * castrations ' of the 
first volume were for the first time included in the text, from 
a collation of the * Onslow ' and * Bowyer * transcripts ^. 

On a review of the whole evidence it seems impossible to 
avoid the conclusion that some, though by no means the 
whole ^, of the * suppressed passages' were in fact unwarrantably 
deleted. It may indeed be fairly urged that all the variations 
can be paralleled by changes avowedly licensed — that they 
could all be sufficiently explained by the Bishop's own desire 
of averting censure or resentment, by the growing timidity, 
the more lenient charity, the stricter decorum of old age. 
Nor can it be denied that the action of Mr. Beach was 
calculated to place an honest no less than a dishonest editor 
on the horns of a dilemma. The suppression of the Autobio- 
graphy may perhaps be adduced as an argument on either 
side ; since if it evinces on any hypothesis a defiance of the 
Bishop's instructions, it is none the less possible to argue 
that, where such defiance seemed imperative, it was at least 
frankly avowed. On the whole, however, it seems difficult to 
believe that the editors did not, as a matter of fact, introduce 
some unwarranted changes, substantial as well as grammatical, 
into the text prepared for the printers. The reduced circum- 
stances of Burnet's family and the pecuniary dangers of 

a57i 297, 320, 328, 357, 369, 380, 
382, 508, 511, 524. His second in- 
stalment referred to Hist i. 89, 177, 
267, 414, 416. The European Magazine 

for 1795 (pp. 39-4i» i58-9» 374) 
quotes three of the above {Hist, i. 28, 35, 
39) ; and adds Hist i. 26, 27, 30, 34, 
39 (Montrose), 40, 52, 59, 102, 126. 
Quotations from the Swift and Onslow 
notes appear in the Magazine, 1795-7. 
* See Preface, edition 1823, pp. vii, 
X, xvii. It does not seem to be 

generally known that Dr. Birch had 
also a complete copy of the castrations 
(Brit Mus. Sloane MSS. 4238. 

' The following only among the so- 
called *' editorial castrations ' of the first 
volume are deleted in the Bodleian 
autograph — Hisi, i. 28 i^sexies), 30 {bis), 
39» 77. 143. 267, 396, 433, 669, 764 {bis) 
(see Mr. Airy's edition, in iocis). But 
it reveals many other genuine dele- 
tions {ibid,). 

On the Text of Burnet's Htsto}y xxix 

prosecution for scandaltim magiiatum suggest a possible 
motive; while the continued failure to deposit the MS. as 
promised, and the non-existence of any explicit statement on 
the part of Burnet's friends to the effect that the provisions 
of his will had been scrupulously observed, seem evidence, 
circumstantial indeed^ but sufficiently damning. 

The documentary appendices to the present volume call 
for little comment. The three valuable * Meditations * (reveal- 
ing to us the sentiments with which Burnet approached the 
several crises of his second marris^e, the expedition of the 
Prince of Orange, and his own elevation to the episcopate) 
are here reproduced, from Mrs. Salmon's transcripts of the 
autograph originals, by kind permission of Mrs. Morrison. 
Two of them, we shall find, are specially mentioned in the 
Memoirs and Autobiography respectively ; and their existence 
is noted by the Hist, MSS, Comm, Rep. ix. p. i6o, and by 
Dr. Airy {Diet. Nat, Biog.). The Herbert Correspondence, 
from the autograph originals in the British Museum, gives 
Burnet's contemporary reflections during the great expedition. 
These also are mentioned by Dr. Airy. The Harley Notes 
are printed as Appendix VII ; and editorial notes too long for 
the body of the work appear on pp. 515-9 and 540-4. 

The plan of the present work is indicated in the scheme of 
Contents; but it demands some further explanation. Con- 
siderable embarrassment arose as regards references to the 
History, Convenience would have prompted the citation 
of the edition now in progress, to which this volume is an 
appendix ; but as only two instalments have yet appeared, it 
seemed best, for the sake of uniformity, to quote the folio 
pagination, which is given marginally in all the Clarendon 
Press editions. For the same reason, the text quoted is always 
that of 1833 ; and references to the existing two volumes of 
the edition now in progress or to Routh's reprint of Burneis 
James II are always specifically given to *Airy's' and 
' Routh's' edition respectively. 

It was the wish of the Delegates that the original draught 
or Memoirs should be reproduced in as condensed a form as 
possible ; and that the present publication, while final for 
historical purposes, should ignore merely literary variations. 

XXX Introduction 

Where possible, therefore, the text of the History is taken as 
a basis ; and only substantial variations are recorded, in type 
comparatively smalP. In all such cases the reader will of 
course accommodate the punctuation of the History to the 
exigencies of the new matter. Passages which differ largely 
from the received version or are not represented within its 
scope are printed in cxtcnso^ and in larger type ; with parallel 
references to the History in a separate set of footnotes. The 
forward references remain valid till cancelled by a backward 
reference, or by a fresh indicating letter ^. Throughout the 
original Memoirs the spelling and punctuation have been 
modernized ; and (on the suggestion of Dr. Firth) the mar- 
ginalia have been employed as subject headings : where these 
are defective they have been suppHed, within brackets, by 
the Editor, where possible, from the History. 

The Autobiography, on the other hand, is printed as Burnet 
left it ; save that the marginalia have been transferred to the 
text. It is singularly characteristic ; and while the interest of 
the Memoirs is dependent on that of the History^ to which they 
are an indispensable complement, this quaint and curious 
piece of self- revelation — unique perhaps in the case of a man, 
high in ecclesiastical office, and verging upon his threescore 
years and ten — should attract on its own merits the attention 
of the literary world. 

The synopses of parallel passages, and of passages peculiar 
to the Memoirs or Autobiography, have been carefully com- 
piled; and it is hoped they may prove a convenient means 
of reference. As they serve, to a great extent, the4)urposes of 
a subject index, the final index is mainly personal ; but 
readers are referred, in the latter case, to the exceptional 
items ranged under the general headings 'Affairs English, 
Irish, Scotch, Colonial, and Foreign,' with their subdivisions. 

Finally, the sincere thanks of the Editor are due for the 
valuable advice of Dr. Firth and Mr. Doble.; while a work of 
so complicated a nature is specially obliged to the vigilance 
of the proof-reader. 

^ By this means an amount of mat- duced to half that number, 
ter which would naturally occupy ' The text and foliation of Transcript 

more than a thousand pages is re- A are always preferred. 



Introduction v-xxx 

Synopsis of subjects common to the published History 

(and Life) and the early draughts . . . xxxv-liv 
Synopsis of subjects peculiar to the early draughts . Iv-lxi 
Addenda Ixiii-iv 




Fragment relating to the years 1660-4 

written presumably in the summer of 1683 

Brit Mus. Harl. MSS, 6584, 

ff* Z-Al (Transcript A) , . . 1-99 

Fragments relating to the years 1679-81 

written probably in the year 1683 

TAe Elliot Specimens . . . 99-108 

Fragment relating to the Rye House Plot 

written in the summer of 1684 

Brit Mus. Harl. MSS. 6584, 

ff. 93-107 {Transcript A) . 108-31 

Fragment relating to the conclusion of the reign of 
Charles II 

written before the end of 1686 


\ ^\Q^\^ {Transcript A^\ _, ^^ 

Reign of James II to close of 1687 

written by Dec. 26, 1687 


Iyf 1 14-46 ( Transcript A)\ 
M' i55-ai8 ( „ B)\ 

ff.2l<)-jfi (Transcript B only) . 142-266 

xxxii Contents 


Reign of James II, Dec. 1687-Mar. 1688 

written Jan.- March 15, 1688 

Brit Mus. Harl. MSS, 6584, 
ff, 246-54 (Transcript B) . 266-71 

Reign of James II, Mar -Oct. 3, i688 

written by Oct. 3, 1688 


ff, 254-69 (Transcript B) . 271-86 

The Revolution, and events to summer of 1691 

written June- Aug. 13, 1691 

ff, 269-97 ( Transcript B only) 

\ fr 47-64 {Trattscript A) \ jo-.,^. 
V' 397-317 ( .. ^) 1 • ^^7 364 

Events from 1691 to 1693 

written Sept. 1-9, 1693 


Events from Sept. 1693 to April 1695 

written April-May 2, 1695 


i^33i:;4r'""r^i^! -394-408 

Events from April 1695 to Feb. 1696 

written Feb. 1696 


j ^ 88-91 {Transcript A) \ 
\II' 344-48 ( „ B)\ 
ff. 349-50 (Transcript B) . 408-15 

Fragment containing events from July 1708 to May 1709 

concluded by May 8, 1709 

Bodl. Add. MSS, A 21, 

ff. I (a)-i7 (a) 416-22 

Events from May 1709 to end of summer campaign 

probably written in autumn of 1709 


ff. i^ (a)-2i (a) 422-5 

Events from autumn 1709 to end of June 1710 

apparently written in May-June 1710 


# 23 (a)-35 (a) 425-9 

Contents xxxiii 


Events from the battle of Almanara to Nov. 1710 

concluded Nov. 16, 17 10 

BodL Add, MSS. D.2i, 

^36(^)-39W .... 429-32 
Events from Nov. 1710 to Feb. I^^^ 

concluded Feb. 16, 17}^ 


ff' 39 W-45 (^) 432-4 

Events from Feb.«i7fJ to May 1711 

concluded May 14, 17 11 

^46(^)-53(«) 434-7 

Events from May. 1 711 to June 1712 

written Jan.- June 2, 17 12 


.^54(«)-39W .... 437-44 

Events from June 1712 to end of year (O. S.) 

concluded March 24, 17!$ 


#38(^)-29(^) 444-7 

Events from March to June 1713 

concluded July 4, 171 3 


j:29{bh23{b) 447-8 

Events from May to July 18, 1713 

presumably written in July 17 13 


ff. 23 (b)-2\ (b) 449 

The conclusion of the History 

written in June 1708 


ff. 91 (^)-64 (b) .... 449-50 



From his birth in the year 1643 to the year 1710 

written by Nov. 30, 17 10 

Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 24, 

ff^ 195-218 451-514 

FOxcKorr C 

xxxiv Contents 



I. Additional Editorial Note : Change in Burnet's 

views concerning Passive Obedience .... 5^5-9 

II. Dr. Burnet's Meditation on his second marriage 

written May 1687 

Morrison MSS. 520-1 

III. Dr. Burnet's Meditation on his voyage to 


written Sept. or Oct. 1688 

Morrison MSS. 522-8 

IV. Dr. Burnet's Letters to Admiral Herbert 

written Oct.-Dec. 1688 

Brir. Mus. Eg. MSS. 2621, 

^ 49i 51. 67, 69, 70, 83 . . 528-36 
V. Dr. Burnet's Meditation on his Consecration 

written March 30, 1689 

Morrison MSS. 537~4o 

VI. Additional Editorial Note : Burnet's account of 

Scotch affairs after the Revolution 54o-4 

VII. Memoranda on Burnet's Memoirs written by 
Robert Harley 

written July, 1699 

Brit, Mus, HarL MSS, 6584, 

/ 2 545-6 

Index 547-^5 


[Nor. — Passages in which the differences between the two versions 
appear very important are italicized.] 

(Events previous to the Restoration.) 

Hist. L pages 

2. Character of Robert Burnet the elder .... 452-4 

6-8. French intrigues with James I 172-4 

12-3. Affairs of Frederick, Elector Palatine . . . 175 

14. Anecdote told by Fabricius 178 

15. Affair of the cautionary towns . . . • 178 
21-6. The business of lord Balmerino 18-21 

26. Character of Sydserfe 8 

28. Character of Warriston 459 

34. Mr, Douglas and the other Edinburgh ministers . . 2, 3, 31 

46. Casuistry of Cromwell and the zealots . . . . 241 

46. Cromwell and the death, of Charles I . . . . 231 

47-8. Intrigue between the duke of Buckingham and Anne 

of Austria 175-6 

48-9. The episode of Isabella Clara Eugenia . . . 177 

49, Schoipberg's counsel to the historian . . . . 165 

58. Character of Glencaim 28 

59. Character of Sir Robert Moray .... 43-4,465 
65. Relations between Stoupe, Carlisle, Orrery, and Crom- 
well 229-30, 242 

65. Cromwell and the zealots 230-1 

65. Cromwell and assassination-plots 238 

65-6. Cromwell and Willis 240 

67-70. Cromwell and the offer of the crown . 232-5, 241 

72-3. Cromwell's foreign policy ; its problem . . . 234 

73. Its determining motive • 234-5 

73. The alliance between Cromwell and the foreign pro- 

testants alienates our princes 237 

73-4. Conversion of Charles II 138-9 

C % 

xxxvi /. Synopsis of 

Hist. I. pages 

74-6. Anecdotes concerning the Hispaniola affair . • . 235-6 

76-7. Cromwell and continental protestantism . . . 237 

77-9. The Syndercomb affair 237-40 

79. Cromwell's fanaticism and casuistry . . . 230, 241 

80. His patriotic seal 234, 240-1 

89. Monk and the Restoration 53 

89. Southampton and Charles II 58 












. 99. 










1 5 1-2. 


(Reign of Charles II.) 

Burnet is less full as regards English affairs . 47 

Character of Charles II 48-50 

the duchess of Cleveland .... 64-5 
chancellor Clarendon . . .53-6 

the duke of Ormond 60-2 

the earl of Southampton .... 56-8 

the earl of Shaftesbury .... 58-60 

the earl of Anglesey ..... 62 

lord Holies 63 

The Presbyterians and the Restoration . . . 55, 62 

Character of Monk, duke of Albemarle ... 53 

secretary Morrice 66 

secretary Nicholas 66 

the earl of Arlington .... 66-7 

the earl of Falmouth .... 65 

the duke of Buckingham .... 63-4 

the earl of Bristol 64 

The citadels in Scotland 5 

Lauderdale and presbytery 7-8 

Middleton goes to court ; his proceedings . . . 4-5 

ArgylVs estate 5-7 

Restoration of episcopacy 7-9 

Bishop Leightotis character and career . 9- 1 5 , 30, 46 1 -2 

Settlement of episcopacy in Scotland . . . • 1 5-7 

A Scotch session: (i) Ecclesiastical affairs . . . 17-8 

(2) The act of indemnity and the 
renunciation of the Covenant 21,24 

(3) The second draught of the act of 
indemnity .... 22-3 

(4) Condemnation of lord Lorn . 23-4 

(5) The * billeting * ... 24 
The king and the incapacitating act . . . . 25-6 
The ecclesiastical revolution in Scotland . . . 26-8 











Parallel References 

Hist. I. 

























Burnet is ofTered a benefice .... 

Character of the presbyfenan ministers 

Their political opinions .... 

Prejudices infused against episcopacy . 

Burnet's first introduction to English politics 

Moderation of Clarendon ' . 

Venner^s rising; the guards 

Murmurs of the cavaliers .... 

Clarendon^ Southampton, and the king's mistress 

Incorruptibility of Clarendon 

Character of the duke of York 

Character of the duke of Gloucester 

Character of the princess royal (princess of Orange) 

Reflections upon the deaths in the royal family 

Dunkirk, afid Tangier . 

The king's marriage ; his wife 

His mistress 

The settlement of Ireland . 
Characters of Anglesey and Orrery 
„ Sheldon and Morley 

The question of toleration : Clarendon's view 

Southampton's view 









the bishops' view 
the king's view 
the papists' view 

and papist 

The Savoy conference . 
The new terms of conformity 
The Presbyterians anxious to conform 
The name ' latitudinarians ^ ' . 
Lloyd's influence on Burnet's style 
Sheldon undertakes to fill the pulpits 
St Bartholomew's day . 
Character of Robert Boyle . 
Schemes of the dissenters, protestant 

trigues of the earl of Bristol 
The act concerning the king's religion 
Observations of Peter Walsh . 
The parliament is against toleration 
WUd schemes of the earl of Bristol 
Repeal of the triennial act . 
Arrest of W arris ton . 
Bnmet and English affairs . 

The account of them given in the History does not appear. 






58, 76-8 



50-2, 78 







68-9, 71 






xxxvifi /. Synopsis of 

Hist. L paces 

30D-3. Fan of Middkton 41-3 

303. Ex€cutum of WarrisUm &>-i 

303-5, A Scotch sesfion 8i'-3 

205. />r^ Lcmi restored to his honours attd estates . 83-4 

306. Intrigues among the Scotch statesmen at WhiUhall . 90 

306. Character of archbishop Burnet 90 

70J. Burnet travels 9^, 93. 95> 467-8 

. 208. Burnet returns 98, 468 

215, Nairn declines a bishopric 461 

215. Character of Nairn 460-1 

215-6. Character of Charteris 462 

216. Bttrnef 8 obligations to Nairn and Charteris . 2 (see also 86-9) 

217. Conduct of the Scotch bishops censured . . . 472 
217. Bumefs memorial to them 472 

219. Death of the earl of Falmouth 65 

220. Character of fohn de Witt 179-81 

221* Errors of the town of Amsterdam . . . 199-201 

221. De Witt and the navy 180 

227. Conduct of the earl of Cassillis 18 

227. Intrigues of Henry Sidney 284 

228. Licentiousness of the duke of York .... 51 
242. A saying of the earl of Northumberland ... 78 

247. Religious state of the western parts .... 476 

248. Pessimism of Mr, Charteris 41 

249. Death of the earl of Southampton .... 58 
251. Clarendon and the king's marriage .... 54 
260. MarvcU and Parker 2i5'-6 

265. Burnet and Wilmot, earl of Rochester .... 486-7 

266. Character of Orrery 63 

273. The prince of Orange visits England . . .181-3 

273. Religious condition of the west of Scotland . . . 476 

274. Proposals of Leighton .«...•• 16 
276. Hutcheson, by marriage a cousin-germane to Burnet . 4 
276. Religious opinions of the duchess of Hamilton . . 475 

276-7. Violence of the presbyterians 476 

279. Nisbet's character 82 

280-1. Burnet, being at Hamilton, writes an important letter . 476 

287-8. Burnet and the divinity professorship at Glasgow . 476-7 

298-9. Burnet and the Hamilton Memoirs .... 479-80 

300-1. Intrigues between the English and French courts • 481 

302-3. Intrigues of the French court 246 

310. The Anglo-French intrigue bears fruit .... 481 

310. First crisis of the protestant religion . . . . 172 


Parallel References 


Hist. I. 
















373» 379i \ 
38a J 








Third crisis of the protestant religion 
Fourth „ „ 

Dissensions in the United Provinces 
De Witt's administration 
Youth of the prince of Orange 
Invasion of the United Provinces . 
Negotiations . . . . 
Desperation of the Dutch 
Murder of the De Witts 
Elevation of the prince ; his heroism 
Character of Fagel 
lValdeck*s character . 
Dyckveldt's character . 
Halewyn's character 
Viin Beuning^s character . 
Errors of Amsterdam . 
The French king returns ; the French garrison the 

fortresses ; character of Luxembourg 
Character of lord Ossory 
Burnet's relations with the Lauderdales in 1672 
Burnet in London^ 1673 
His court favour .... 
Toleration and the duke of York . 

His memoirs 

His immorality . • . . 

His despotic temper and treatment of enemies 

Breach between Burnet and the Lauderdales 

Early popularity of the second duchess of York 

The duke of York warns Burnet, who resigns his post 

Burnet betrays Lauderdale's confidence, and is lost at 

court ; his reflections on this . . 
He obtains the freachership cU the Rolls 
Bumefs intercourse with sir Thomas Littleton 
Montagu and the French subsidies 
Character of Crew^ bishop of Durham 
The Coleman conference .... 
The publication of the Hamilton Memoirs, Burnet 

urged to write the ' History of the Reformation ' 
Marriage of the prince of Orange 
Burnet is offered the bishopric of Chichester 

A saying of Charles II 

The exclusion bill 

Controversy in 1679 

172, 174 

i74-5i 177 
. 178-9 

. 180-1 

i8r, 183 

177, 181 







198, 201-2 
















xl /. Synopsis of 

Hist. I. . pages 

462-3. The bishops and the earl of Dandy's trial . . 1 01 -2 

470-1. Murder of archbishop Sharp 103-4 

472. Reflections on the duke of Lauderdale . . . 108 

478. Character of Godoiphin 104 

481. Exclusion intrigues 99 

482. The prince of Orange and the bill of exclusion . 105 

483. Burnet receives thanks for his ' History of the Reforma- 

tion ' ; Dr. Sprat's sermon and character . • . 105-6 

485. Passing of the Habeas Corpus act .... 351-2 

487. The duchess of Portsmouth and the exclusion bill . 136-8 

496. The regency project 100 

499. Dissolution of the Oxford parliament . . . 106 
499-500. Burnet applies himself to chemical experiments . . 489 

500. Bumcfs devotional retirement^ 1681 . . . . 107 
500-1. A declaration and addresses thereupon . . . 106-7 

507. Burnet refuses offers of preferment .... 107-8 

523. Censures upon Hatton . . . . . • . 108 

540. Burnet's attitude towards resistance, as subsequently 

described . . , . . . . . . . 4^^ 

543. The * Rye House ' assassination plot {imperfect) . 109 

544. Treachery of Keeling 109-10 

544-5. The story concocted by West and Rumsey , . ill 

546. The story gets abroad iio-i 

546. Major Wildman's cannon 113 

546. Lord Howard's protestations no 

546-7. West and Rumsey arrested iio-i 

547-50. The king summoned J various arrests . 111-2,113-6 

548. Trenchard and the plot 382 

550-3. Arrest and conduct of Russell; Howard's behaviour; 

arrest of Hampden and Essex ; suicide of the latter 118-20 

553-8. RusselPs trial and conduct ctfter conviction (imperfect) 126-31 

558-9. Confession of Walcotj fate of the inferior con- 

spirators 109, 123-6 

559-60. The two plots confounded 1 1 1 

561. Russell and the popish plot 131 

562. Burnet charged with Russell's last speech . . . 489 
569-70. The BrcuLion affair 119,121-3 

575. An anecdote of Charles \\ 302 

576. HoUoway's confession . 109 

583. The duke overshadows the king 133 

585. Burnet has declined compromising confidences . . 488-9 

590. Dolben^s character 214-5 

592. A jest of Halifax 145 

Parallel References xH 

Hist. I. pages 

596-7. Burnet dismissed from the Rolls ; be resolves to go 

abroad 490 

598-9. Roswell's trial {imperfect) 132 

599-6oa Hayes' trial 132 

600. The St. John trial 140 

600-1. The Clancarty marriage 134-5 

601-3. Sunderland's Irish policy ; affair of Col. Maccarty . 133-5 

603-4. The affair of the Siamese missionary • • • • 138 

604-5. Intrigues at the duchess of Portsmouth's j her aS' 

cendency I33i 135 

605. The marquis of Halifax and the carl of Rochester . 134 

606. The king's health 1 38 

606-9. The king's illness 140-1 

609. His private hoard 140 

609. His death 141 

609-10. Suspicions of poison ; his funeral • . . , I43~4 

611-4. His character 48, 141-2 

614-5. His posthumous papers 170-1 

(Reign of James II.) 

618. The earl of Northumberland's care of James when 

duke of York 78 

620-1. Proclamation of James II ; his first speech ; addresses 142-3 

621. The new ministry 144-5 

621-2. The customs X47-8 

622-3. Reception of the Whigs 145 

623. Apparent opposition of James II to France . . 145, 146 

623. Character of Skelton 161, 256 

624. The king's reputation rises ; his course of life . . 146 

624. The prince dismisses Monmouth 145-6 

625. Burnet discourages MonmoutKs partisans , . 151-2 
625. Preparations for the coronation 150 

625-6. Parliantentary elections 148-9 

627. opinions on foreign policy. 149-50 

627. The breaking of the officers in Holland . 146-7 
627-8, Views on the domestic crisis 150 

628. Coronation 150 

628-9. Bumefs own contemporary fortunes . . . 151-2,490 

629-30. The preparations of Argyll 155-7 

630-1. The preparations of Monmouth 161 

631. Burnet leaves England for Paris . . . 157 

631-4. Rebellion of Argyll 158-60 

xlii /. Synopsis of 

Hist. L pages 

634-7. Scotch politics i54-5» 160 

637-8. Fate of Oates and Dangerfield 164 

638-40. A session in England 163-4 

640-1. Monmouth starts, and lands 160, 161-2 

641. His attainder 164 

641k His manifesto ; 164 

641. His first steps 162 

642. Cowardice of Grey 167 

642. Conduct of Fex^guson 162 

642-3. The duke delays; result 1 62 

643. The preparations of the king 1 62-3 

^43'^- Question of the generalissimo ; Sedgemoor ; fate of 

Monmouth 165-6 

646. Fate of Grey 167 

646. Brandor^s trial 208-9 

647-51. The ' campaigns ' of Kirk and Jeffreys . . . . 167-9 

651-2. Business of the Test 169-70 

652-3. Conversion of Perth and Melfort ; fall of Queensberry . 170-1 

654. Fall of Halifax 170 

654-5. Fall of Ormond; affairs in Ireland . . . 170 

655. Burnet in France 157, 227, 490 

655. He converses with Montagu . 136, 227 

655-6. Revocation of the edict of Nantes, and fifth crisis of 

the protestcmt religion 172 

657-8. Mission of Ruvigny the elder to England . 202-3 

658-60. The dragonades 203-4 

66a Burnet leaves Paris 204-5 

661-2. He travels to Italy with Stoupe . 172,229,247,490 

663. Fate of the principality of Orange .... 205-6 

663. Some refugees come over 207 

664. This affects public opinion here .... 172,207 

664. A session of parliament in England .... 207-8 

665. North and Jeffreys 169 

665-7. The session continued, and closeting .... 208 

668-9. Trial of Delamere 209 

669-71. The Hales trial, and character of chief justice Herbert 209-10 

671. Conduct of admiral Herbert .... 210,280-1 

672. The tests set aside 210 

672. CharcKter of Petre 259 

673~4< The religious controversy, and the proselytes . 210 

674-5. The Sharp affair 211 

675-6. The ecclesiastical commission appointed . 211 

676. Character of the bishop of Durham . . 212 

Parallel References xliii 

Hist. I. pages 

676. Death of archbishop Dolben 214 

676-7. Trial of the bishop of London 212 

677-8. Sentence; the princess intervenes; fate of the two 

divines 213 

678-9. Marriage of lord Perth ; a riot in Edinburgh . . 171-2 

679-81. A parliament in Scotland ; firmness of all parties . 254 

681-2. Ireland 225, 255 

682-3. Ill^health of the queen 1 5 2-3 

683. Attempts at conversion ; Mulgrave's retort . . . 220 

684. Norfolk's firmness 220 

684. Rochester's favour ; its cause (the loan) . . . 220-1 

684-5. ^^^ y^A ^ described by his enemies .... 223-4 
685-6. The loan spent on the fleet j consequent rumours . 221 
686-8. Burnefs travels; his reflections on the state of Protestant 

piety 227, 247-9, 490-1 

688. Burnet settles at the Hague ; his reception . 250, 308, 491 

689. The princes courage^ and predestination . . . 191 
689-90. His character 190-3 

690. Character of the princess 1 94-6 

691. The king's parsimony towards her .... 207 

691. Burnefs love of toleration 250 

691-2. The hundredth penny 223, 491 

692. The princess hesitates to interfere re bishop of London 2 1 3 , 49 1 
692. The king warns the prince and princess against Burnet 250, 491 

692-3. Burnet advises the princess re the crown matrimonial . 308-9 

693-4. Penn's embassy 218-9, 226, 227 

694-5. Deaths of Pearson and Fell ; character of Pearson . 214-5 

695-6. Cartwright^ Parker ^ and Massey 215-7 

696-7. Death of the president of Magdalen College . 217 

697-9. Attack on the university of Cambridge . . . 214 

699-701. „ Magdalen College 217-8 

701-2. The king breaks with the church and courts the dis* 

senters y characters of the dissenting bodies . .218-20 

703. The condition of the army 226-7 

704. Petre and the cardinal's hat 260 

707-8. ^IVhite [jyAIbeville] succeeds Skelton .... 255-6 

708. Burnet is forbidden the society of the prince and 

princess 251 

708-12. The negotiations of Dyckveldt and D'Albeville; the 

Li^ge letter 256-8, 494 

712-4. The Scotch indulgence 253-4 

714-20. The English indulgence, and addresses on it ; the king 
designs a progress ; the nuncio received ; events of 

xliv /. Synopsis of 

Hist. I. pages 
the progress ; a pamphlet war ; changes in the 
magistracy ; electors questioned ; the king's resolu- 
tions 263-5 

720. Firmness of princess Anm . . . . . . 153 

720-6. Polemical correspondence between the king and the 

princess Mary 266-8 

726-7. Proceedings against Burnet ; his second marriage 251-3,492 

728. D'Albeville and the business of Bantam . . . 268 

728-31. Further proceedings against Burnet .... 268-9 

731-3. The Fagel-Stuart correspondence .... 258-9 

733. The king will have all or nothing .... 22# 

733. Influence of Petre; the Jesuits and the secular priests 259-60 

733-4. Folly of D'Albeville 260-1 

734-5. Publication of the Fagel letter ; recall of the six regi- 
ments 269-70 

735-6. Arrogance of Petre • . . 270-1 

73^45* The second declaration of indulgence, and its results, 

up to the acquittal of the bishops ; further citations • 271-3 

746. Mission of Edward Russell 288 

746. State of the country and army .... 277, 494 
746. The prince's answer ; Burnet's observations . . 289-90 
746-8. Death of the elector of Brandenburg ; his character ; 

succession of his son 278-9 

748. The queeris ill-health 153, 274 

748-9. Her jealousy; its political result 153 

749. Her dislike of Fits-James ; his character . . . 225 

749. The queen's movements 274 

749. The [Loretto] vow 262 

749. Precautions observed 274 

749. Reticence of the queen 274, 296 

749-50. Suspicions expressed ; the queen's retort . . . 274 

750. Her supposed disappointment 296 

750. Story told by lady Clarendon 295-6 

. 750-1. Movements of the princess Anne .... 274,296-7 

751-2. Birth of the child ; the queen's reserve . . 275 

752. The story of Chamberlain * . 296 

753. Health of the infant 275-6 

753-4. Bumefs authorities j he alludes to various reports Tjd^ 297 

754. Strange conduct of the court ; coldness of the people ; 

reception of the news by the prince and princess . 276 

754. Anecdote of the princess 195 

754. Prayers for the infant countermanded ; preparations ; 

feeling of the nation and forces .... 276-7 

Parallel References xlv 

Hist. I. pages 

756. Supposed collusion between Sunderlcmd and the prince 295 

756. Soft counsels the more insidious 277 

756. Conduct of the judges 278 

757-61. Conduct of the German princes ; death of the elector 

of Cologne and subsequent intrigues . . , 279-80 
762. Herberfs mission and character 280-2 

762. Mordaunt^ s charcuter 287-8 

762-3. Shrewsbury's character 288 

763. Russell's character and mission 288-90 

763-4. Henry Sidney's character and importance . . 284, 494 

764. Johnstone and the Revolution 415 

764. Halifiax declines 291 

764. Danby and Compton concur 290 

764. Nottingham's character and conduct .... 290-1 
764-5. Adhesion of Churchill, Kirk, and the Trelawneys . 291 

765. The Churchills 291-2 

766. Churchill answers for the prince and princess of Den- 

mark ....••... 291 

766-7. Fidelity of the conspirators ; France gives the alarm ; 

mutiny in Berwick's regiment 282 

768. The French offer ships 282 

768-9. Folly of n AlbeviUe ; the French proclaim an alliance; 

Skeltoris disgrace , . 282 

769. Episode of sir WiUiam Trumball 377-8 

769-74. Strange conduct of France ; she declares war ; marshal 

Schomberg 283 

774-6. Final arrangements ; the declaration • . . 284-5, 495 

776. Burnet's 'Enquiry'; he will accompany the expedition 286 

^76, Burnet's reasons for declining premature confidence . 287 

776-8. Advice from England; views oj the prince and Herbert 292 

778-9. Affairs in the United Provinces . . . 292-3, 494-5 

779. Herbert's orders 285 

780-1. Disputes concerning the declaration . . . 294, 495 
781. Secrecy at the Hague; the fleet shipped; relations of 

the prince and Bentinck 294, 196 

782-90. The prince takes leave of the States ; the first abortive 
start ; state of affairs in England ; inquiry into the 
birth of the infant ; course of the expedition up to 

the disembarkation 294-8 

790. Reception at Exeter 298 

790. Conduct of the clergy 495 

790-1. Combury deserts 298-9 

79 K The king's spies 299 

xlvi /. Synopsis of 

Hist. I. pages 

791. The rising of the North 299 

791-2. Desertion of Churchill and Grafton, of prince Geoige 

and others 299 

79a. Flight of the princess Anne \ Lilibulero . . 299 

792. All Devonshire comes in to the prince .... 299 
792-3. The association 302 

793. Oxford congratulates the prince .... 302, 495 

793. The prince's plans for the West 299 

793. The king^s precipitate return 299 

793. The earl of Bath's adhesion 299 

793-4. The forged declaration 299-300 

794* The prentices rise 299 

794-6. A treaty advised and inaugurated ; the queen's flight ; 

the king follows her ; reflections .... 300-1 
796. Orders for the disbanding of the army .... 302 
796-802. The king stopped; events until the prince's arrival at 
St. James's; the beginnings of discontent \ good order 

kept in London 301 -3) 496 

803-4. Consultations concerning the settlement ; a convention 

summoned ; second flight of the king . . . 303-4 

804-5. Affairs of Scotland 304-5 

^S~9« >» Ireland 305-6 

809-19. Preparations for the convention ; its proceedings . 306-8 

819. Danby's letter to the princess 310 

820-1. The prince declares himself; Burnet intervenes . . 308-10 

821-5. Further discussions in the convention .... 310-1 

825. Proclamation of William and Mary . . . 311 

Hist. II. (Reign of William and Mary.) 

2-3. The king* s health and behaviour , . , . 312,496 

3. A. n^yf mmxsXry \ the earl of Shrewsbury • . 312,313 

3. The chancery is put in commission . . . . 381 
3-4. Nottingham 312, 314 

4. The earl of Danby and the marquis of Halifax . 312, 313 
4-5. Lord Mordaunt and lord Godolphin . . . 312,313 

5. Prevalence of the Whigs 312, 313 

5. Judicial appointments 382 

5. Herbert and the admiralty 312 

5-6. The convention turned into a parliament . . . 315 

6. Eight bishops withdraw 315 

6. The movement in favour of comprehension . . . 317 
6. Nottingham had prepared the toleration bill and the 

comprehension bill 317 

Parallel References xIvH 

Hist. II. pages 

7-8. The bill of oaths 315-6 

8. Burnet is made bishop of Sarum ; queen Mary's com- 
ments . 326-7, 497 

8. Burnet in the house of lords ; his views on the situa- 
tion 316,327,498 

8-9. Discussion concerning the bill of oaths . 316,327,498 

io» Alteration in Burnet's view on that subject • . • 327 
10. The toleration act; Burnet is for it . • .317, 327, 498 

10. His views as to Church reform and convocation • . 498 

10. Subscription to be modified 317 

lo-i . The posture of kneeling and the cross at the sacraments 317 

11. Disingenuousness of the High Church party . • 317-8 
II. The Jacobites against the toleration .... 318 
II. Disingenuousness 0/ the extreme Whigs . . 318,495 

11. Animosity of the clergy to the dissenters . . . 317 

12. Views of the wber part and of the king . . . 317 
12-3. Revenue matters ; the chinmey money . . . . 318-9 

14. The militia bill ; the Dutch costs 319 

14-5. The act of indemnity 319 

17. Intrigues at the French court 365 

17-8. Officers and money sent over to Ireland . . . 320 

18-9. Advice offered concerning siege of Deny . • . 320 
19. Treachery of Lundy ; its result ; resolution of the men 

of Detry and Inniskilling ; their relief . . . 320-1 

19-21. Schomberg's campaign ; afiairs at sea . . . . 321-2 

21-3. Scotch affairs ; the settlement and claim of rights . 322-3 

23. Montgomery and Hamilton 323 

24-5. The ministry in Scotland ; a faction formed ; Hamilton 

and presbytery ; Burnet intervenes in vain . . 323-4 
26. Burnet blamed for Scotch ecclesiastical policy by the 

episcopal party 327 

26-7. The question of the judges ; Killiecrankie . . . 324-5 

28. Affairs at sea ; foreign affairs 325 

28-9. Affairs of the clergy ; the latitudinarians cliarged with 

Socinianism ; the filling of vacant sees . . . 326 

29. A defence of the king's ecclesiastical policy in Scotland ; 

violence shown by Melville and Crawford ; censures 

on this 328-9 

30-4. A comprehension designed ; the preliminary confer- 
ence ; the convocation meets; the matter is dropped ; 
reflections on this 33l-3> 494i 503-4 

34-8. A session of parliament ; Montgomery's plot ; it is dis- 
covered ; the revenue 333-7 

xlviii /. Synopsis of 

Hist. II. pages 

38-40. Tke struggle between-Whig and Tory over the corpora- 
tion act; effects on the king; he resigns his schemes 
for Holland, resolves for Ireland, and dissolves the 

parliament 337-9 

40-2. The elections ; changes in the lieutenancy of London ; 

parliament meets ; * recognizing ' bill . . . 339-40 
42-6. Revenue debates ; the act putting queen in administra-* 
don; the lieutenancy address; the abjuration act; 
Shrewsbury resolves to retire ; the second abjuration 
bill ; city of London bill ; Jacobite intrigues . . 340-3 
46-8. The king's sense of affairs; his tenderness of king 
James ; he goes to Ireland ; events to the eve of the 

battle of the Boyne 343 

48-9. The queen in the administration 343 

49-55. Progress of events until the queen hears of the battle of 

the Boyne ; the king pressed to return . . . 344-6 
55-6. The king in Ireland ; supposed assassination plot . 348 
56-9* Narrow escapes of the king; Irish affairs till the 

termmation of the siege of Limerick . . . 348-50 

59. Depressing effect of this failure 350 

59-60. The king's stoicism 350 

60-1. Marlborough's proposal ; the king returns ; Marl- 
borough's campaign ; state of Ireland . . • 350 

61-5. Scotch affairs ; foreign affairs 346-7 

65-6. The king's plans ; session opens ; debates on arbitrary 

imprisonments 351 

66-8. Debates on Irish affairs ; on lord Torrington's business ; 

on impeachments 352-3 

69-71. Failure of the attack on the marquis of Carmarthen; 

Mtf /'r^j/zj/r //^/ ; treatment of those implicated . 353-5 

71. The king and the vacant sees 355 

71-3. Congress at the Hague; affairs on the continent; 

Mons falls ; a scheme settled for the war . . 355-6 

74-5. Scotch affairs 357 

75-6. The sees of the deprived bishops filled .... 358-60 

76-8. Affairs in Flanders 360, 366 

78. Affairs at sea 361,366 

78-9. The campaign in Ireland 361 

80-1. Limerick surrenders 364 

81. The articles of Limerick, and end of war . . . 365-6 

81. The king's motive 362 

81-2. Indignation of the English ; GinkePs reward . . 365-6 
82-5. Affairs abroad ; Hungary, Germany, Savoy, Flanders . 366-7 

Parallel References xlix 

Hist. II. pages 

85. Opening of the session ; complaints of the standing 
army and the king's Dutch proclivities ; the king's 

conduct 367-8 

85-90. Conduct of Marlborough ; unpopularity of the Dutch ; 
events to end of session; parliament in Ireland; 
Scotch affairs and Glencoe; an inquiry ordered . 36S-73 
90. Result of the inquiry 415 

90. MarlborougKs disgrace 373 

91. His wife's power over Anne 373 

91. Quarrel between the sisters 373"4 

92-102. Naval affairs; the campaign on sea, including La 
Hogue ; the assassination plot ; campaign on land ; 
Trumball's advice ; affairs in Piedmont ; great earth- 
quakes ; general corruption of manners • . . 374-9 

102-7. The session 379-8i 

107-8. Ministerial changes; the chancery j appointments of 

Somers and Trenchard alone mentioned • . . 381-2 

109. Character of Foley 402 

1 10-3. The war by sea and land to the end of the battle of 

Landen 3^2~5 

1 13-4. Fall of Charleroi ; sufferings of France ; peace overtures 394 
1 14-7. Events at sea ; jcalousiesi especially of Rochester . 385-6 
1 1 7-8. Censures of Rochester on the government of the Church ; 
intrigues against Tillotson ; criticisms on the bishops 
and Burnet \ apprehensions concerning the impend- 
ing session 386-8 

118-20. Affairs of Ireland ; the William and Mary College . 38S-90 

120-2. State of Scotland 391-3 

1 22-3, MiddletorCs errand; a new declaration from king James 393 
123. French overtures to Spain ; a change of ministry, due 

to Sunderland ; his arguments 394 

124-5. The Whigs in power; a session ; visit of the prince of 

Baden 394-5 

125-6. Attacks on the judges and bishops • . • • 395-6 

126-32. The Norfolk divorce ; the campaign; peace overtures . 396-9 

132-3. opening of the session ; supply ; the triennial bill 399-400 

I33-4* Virtues of the queen 390 

134-8. Deaths of Tillotson and Sancroft; appointment of 

Tenison ; the queen's sickness and death . . 404-5 

138. The king's grief; and good resolutions . . . 406 

140-1. State of the coin; complaints 401-2 

I4i« The bill of treasons introduced 401 

J41-4. The Lancashire plot ; complaints of the bank • • 401 


1 /. Synopsis of 

Hist. II. pages 

144-7. Inquiries into corruption; Foley Speaker', the East 

India company scandals ; close of session * • 402-3 

149. Appointment of seven lords justices .... 408 
149-50. Deaths of Hamilton^ Queensberryy and Halifax . . 407-8 

1 50. Nature of the commission granted to the lords justices . 408 

150. The campaign begins 408 

150. Death of Waldeck 385 

150-6. The history of the campaign 408-10 

1 56-60. Affairs of Scotland and Ireland ; factions everywhere . 410-2 

160-2. The preparations for the session in England; its events; 
the Darien outcry; the king's action; change of 

ministry in Scotland; indigncUion there . . . 4 1 2-5 

2 10- 1. Burnet and the household of the duke of Gloucester . 493 

227. Burnet keeps his work on the Articles for some years 

by him 507 

228. His reasons for writing it 507 

228. Answers are made to it 508 

237. An attack on Burnet in parliament fails . * . . 508 

245-6. Death of the duke of Gloucester 508 

284-5. '^hc work on the Articles attacked in Convocation . 507-8 

292. Courage of James II 51 

292. Character of his intellect 51 

292. His good qualities 50-1 

293. His immorality 51 

304. Imperfect education of William III .... 190 

304. His reticence 190 

304. His memory and judgement 190 

304-5. His courage . . . . . . . 191 

305. His love of building 192 

305. His resentments 191 

305. His religious views 192 

305. His belief in predestination 191 

305. His zeal for toleration 192 

305. His hatred of France 193 

306. His affection for Portland 196 

306, Reticence of the latter 196 

(Reign of Anne.) 

337. Motives for the occasional conformity act . . . . 502 

364. Burnet's opposition to the same 502 

505-11. Events of the campaign in 1708 from the battle of 

Oudenarde to the investment of Ghent • . . 416-7 

Parallel References M 

Hist. II. pages 

511. Providential weather at siege of Lisle . . . • 418 

51 1-2. Siege and fall of Ghent ; a severe winter . . . 418 
5l2'-6. Campaign elsewhere; death and character of prince 
George; ministerial changes; parliament meets; 

choice of a Speaker 417-8 

516-7. English business of the session 419 

517-9. Scotch business of the session (to Queensberry*s appoint- 
ment) .••..••• 418,419 
520-4. A trial in Scotland ; consequent treason bill ; an act 

of grace; the bank; our trade 419-20 

525. Miseries 0/ France 42a 

525. Lord Halifax and his address 421 

525-6. Convocation 422 

526-8. Negotiations J Townsend*s appointment . . .42 1-2 
528-30. The preliminaries ; the negotiation fails ; French minis- 
terial changes ; Chamillard retires .... 422-3 

531. The miseries of France 423 

531. The war resumed ; campaign in Spain . . . . 423 

•531. Campaign in Dauphin^ and Germany .... 423 

532-3. Campaign in Flanders ; Malplaquet ; Mons invested . 423-4 

533. Mons falls 425 

533. Policy of the Pope 425 

533* Mission of Albano 425 

533-6. Affairs in Spain and Sweden ; character of the king . 424 
(For the guarantee see p. 430-1) 

536. State of the North of Europe 425 

536. Position of Charles XJI of Sweden .... 425 

536-7. Affairs in Hungary ....... 426 

537~'4S* Naval matters ; a parliamentary session ; Sacheverell ; 
change in the ministry; Burnet remonstrates with 

the queen 426-8 

548. Marlborough goes beyond sea ; his schemes • . . 428 

548. Operations in Flanders, up to the siege of Douay . 428-9 

548. Fall of Douay and Fort Escarp 429 

548. Burnet's reason for continuing his narrative . . • 425 

549. Negotiations between Paris and the Hague . • . 428 

550. The French appeal to the States 428 

550. The French equivcUent 428 

551. Conferences at Gertruydenberg .... 428,430 

552. The negotiations fall through 430 

552. French motive for continuing war .... 428 

552-4. Further ministerial changes; Sacheverell's progress; 

additional removes .»••••• 431 

d 2 

fa /. Synopsis of 

Hist. II. pages 

554. The queen's sense of these changes • . • . 432 

554. Parliamentary elections ; the lieutenancy of London . 431 

554. Comments on the situation 431 

555. State of public credit 432 

555. Language of the new ministry 432 

555. King Philip confronts king Charles .... 429 

555. The battle of Almanara 429 

556. Subsequent situation in Spain 429-30 

556-7. Staremberg*s campaign ; battle of Villa Viciosa . . 432-3 

557. Intrigues of Medina Celt 429 

557. Bethune, Aire, and St. Venant taken .... 430 

557. Success of the czar 430 

557. The guarantee 430-1 

557-8. The session of parliament up to the recess . . . 432 
558-63. The session after the recess, up to the passing of the 

lottery bills 433-4 

563. Results oj the lottery bills 435 

563-7. The duke of Marlborough still commands ; events up 

to Guiscard's attempt, and its effect on the queen . 434-5 

567. King William's grants 435-6 

567-8. Inquiries into the accounts 436, 437-8 

568-9. Deaths of the dauphin and emperor ; foreign affairs . 436 

569-73. A convocation . . . . . . . . 436-7 

573-4. The South Sea trade ; accounts investigated . . 437-8 

574-80. Affairs abroad, and events to dismissal of count Gallas 438-9 

581-9. Townsend recalled ; events to introduction of new peers 440-1 
590-61 1. Remainder of session ; negotiations, and general events 

to the cessation 441-5 

612-7. Elections to the order of the Garter ; and events to the 

imprisonment of Charles XII 445~7 

6l7*-23. Signature of the treaty ; it is discussed in parliament . 447-8 

628-32. Events to termination of session 449 

€33-69. The conclusion 449-50 

(For the abuses of patronage, censured on p. 646, see 
also p. 331 ; for the good address of Charles II 
and James II, mentioned on p. 661 , see also p. 48) 

Life in 
Hist. II. 

671. How Burnet followed the example of Thuanus . . ^^i 

671. Burnet's Autobiography a rough draft only • . . 451 

671. Reasons why Burnefs life should be written . . 451 

672*. CharacterofRobcrt Bttrnet the elder f father of the bishop 452-3 

Parallel References Hii 

Life in 

Hist. II. pages 

672. His intimacy with Grotius 458 

672. Character of the bishofs mother 459 

672-3. Character of Warriston ; his severity . . . 453, 459 

673-4. Gilbert BumeVs education 454-S 

674. He passes his trials as expectant preacher; their 

character 4S6~7 

674. His father becovies a judge 457 

674. Burnet is offered a living; he refuses it . . . 458 

674. Death of the elder Robert Burnet 458 

674. Death of the younger Robert Burnet; Gilbert's family 

recommend the law ; he declines .... 4, 46a 

675. His friendship with Nairn, who instructs him in 

preaching, and advises him to read the Platon- 

ists 2,460-1,470 

675. Bumefs debt to Hooker- 460 

675. The Scotch bishops go North 17, 461 

675. Burnet's debt to Leighton .... 9-11,30,461-2 
675-6. Burnet's obligations to Charteris 2, 462 

(i^(i, His gifts of education 468-9 

676- „ nature 455-6,468-9 

676. His visit to England in 1663 .... 43-71 463-6 
676-7. His introduction to sir Robert Fletcher ^ who offers him 

a benefice S5i ^9; 466 

677. His travels in 1664 9<>~8, 467-8 

677-9. He settles at Saltoun ; his labours there ; the Memorial 469-72 

679. A change of ministry in 1668 475 

679-81. His introduction to the Hamiltons; he is appointed 
divinity professor at Glasgow ; his discomforts there, 
and his professorial labours ; he writes the Hamilton 
Memoirs and is summoned to London by Lauderdale ; 
he is offered a bishopric 476-80 

681. His first marriage '^ intercourse of lady Margaret and 

the duchess of Hamilton 475, 480-1 

68i-2.- His intercourse with Lauderdale in 1672 . . . 481-2 

682. „ „ „ 1 673, and his favour 

at court 4S2-3 

683. The breach with the Lauderdales ; Burnet loses favour 

at court ; kindness of the duke of York ; he resigns 

his chair 4^3-4 

684. He obtains a settlement at the Rolls chapel . . . 484 

685. He studies the Roman controversy ; the Coleman con- 

ference 485-6 

liv /. Synopsis of Parallel References 

Life in 

Hist. II. pages 

685. He writes the * History of the Reformation \ . . 486 

685. Acts as spiritual adviser to Wilmot^ earl of Rochester 486-7 

685-6. Is offered the bishopric of Chichester .... 488 

689. Is offered the mastership of the Temple , . . 108 

690. H is reasons for undertaking a course of chemical studies 489 

691. Is offered a living by lord Essex 488 

691. His prudence in the year 1683, and his views of resis- 

tance (as subsequently stated) . . . . 130,488-9 

692. His answer to the apprehensions of his friends . . 489 
692. He is dismissed from the Rolls chapel .... 490 

692-3. Goes abroad, and lives at Paris in retirement ; goes to 

Italy; his conduct at Geneva . . 157, 205, 247, 490-1 

693-4. His reception in Holland; the king's resentment. 250-1,491 

695. His second marriage 251,492-3 

696. The affair of the bishopric of Durham ; he is appointed 

bishop of Salisbury 326, 496-7 

705. He fonns a plan of his epi scoped duties . . 329,497 

706-7. His view of confirmation ; and his visitation tours 

329-30, 49S-5<»> 506 

707. He preaches constantly 498, 506 

707. Attempts to reform the consistorial court . . 331, 503 

707-8. Ordination excaninations 330, 502-3 

708-9. His theological college 329,500-1 

709. His views on pluralities 501 

710. His toleration of the nonjurors 502 

7 1 1-2. His relations with the dissenters 501-2 

712. The prebendary bonds 504~5 

716-7. The ecclesiastical commission of 1695 .... 406 

716-7. His appointment to the preceptorship of the duke of 

Gloucester 493-4 

718-9. His third marriage 508-9 

719-20. His work on the Articles 507-8 

721. His constant health 456 

721. He supervises the religious studies of his children . 510 

722. His affectionate care of lady Margaret , . . . 481 

722. The education of his children 510-2 

723. He founds a charity school 500 

724. He does not enrich himself by the property of the sec . 505 
724. His generosity in the matter of fines .... 500 


I. The Memoirs. 

(Events previous to Restoration.) 


Character of Cromwell ; his early career . . ' . . . 230^1 

England's true policy on the American continent . . . . 236 

A reflection of Macchiavelli applied to Cromwell .... 239 
Burnet describes his character of Cromwell as the first accurate 

one . . * 242 

(Reign of Charles 1 1.) 

Character of Mr. Hutcheson 3-4 

Primrose advises Middleton to attack Lauderdale .... 26 

Personal fortunes of Bumeti 1662-3; his friendship with lady 

Balcarres 28-31 

The Scotch presbyterians and the doctrine of political resistance ; 

Burnet defends the principle of passive obedience (1683) , 32-9 

Burnet's conduct, winter of 1662-3 39-41 

Burnet's friendship with Mr. Drummond ; character of the latter 44-5 
Burnet's cause for reticence concerning the king and the duke of 

York (1683) 47 

Burnet's reflections upon the order of the succession to the crown 

(1683) • . . 75-6 

Characters of Mr. Pierrepoint and the earl of Northumberland . 77-8 

Character of lady Margaret Kennedy (Burnet's first wife) . 84-5 

Character of sir Robert Fletcher 85-6 

The story of Thauler's conversion, as told by Charteris ; its effect 

on Burnet 86-9 

Burnet's censure of men in power 90 

His detailed account of his stay in Holland (1664) 9^>'S 

„ „ „ France (1664) .... 95-8 

Lauderdale intrigues against Hyde 98-9 


Burnet reflects on the clergy loi 

He condemns episcopal interference in politics .... 102-3 

Ivi //. Synopsis of 


He again reflects on the cleigy ... ... 104-5 

He refuses a City living worth £soo a year 108 


His intercourse with Cochrane, when the latter absconds in 

1683, after the Rye House plot .... .112 

The arrests of * commissary ' Munro and Mr. Shepherd • . 114 
Armstrong absconds in Southampton house; fortunes of Walcot, 

lord Delamere, lord Brandon, and major Bremen . . . 115 

The character of lady Russell 11 7-8 

Attempts to make political capital out of the death of lord Essex . 120-2 

Implication of Speke and Atkins in the Braddon affair . . . 122-3 

Reflections upon Walcot's confession 1 24-5 

Burnet describes his own faculty of abstraction 126 


The duchess of Portsmouth's medal 136 

Lord Halifax and the religion of Charles II 138 

General reluctance to believe in the perversion of Charles II . 141 

(Reign of James II.) 

Burnet's reason for doubting the intentions of the new king . . 143 

Halifax discusses the situation I49~S^ 

Illness and death of lady Margaret Burnet 151 

Burnet's fear lest lady Russell should be compromised by the 

adherents of Monmouth 15I 

Reasons for an optimistic attitude in 1685 152 

Contemporary belief in the probability of the queen's continued 

childlessness (presumably early in the year 1687) . . . 152-3 
Apprehensions lest the princess Anne should turn papist and 

supplant her sister prove to be groundless . . . 153 
Insinuations against the memory of Argyll . i$6-g ^asstm 

Mention of Monmouth's success at Philip's Norton . 167 

James II desires the arrest of Ferguson 168 

Remarks on the political functions of the English house of 

commons 180 

Insinuations against Des Marcts of Groningen .... 186-7 

The quarrel between Montagu and Danby 189-90 

The character of Mr. Bentinck 196 

The ascendency of Amsterdam discussed 198-9 

Reflections upon the political position of an English common- 
wealth, made by Burnet and Cardinal Mazarin . . 199-200 

Additional Subjects (Memoirs) 



Error of the States in not exacting a parliamentary ratification of 
the Anglo-Dutch alliance 

Additional reflections upon the invasion of the principality of 
Orange, and upon king James's parsimonious treatment of his 

Additional reflections on the dissolution of James ITs first parlia- 

Additional anecdotes concerning the bishop of Durham 

Supposed destination of the temporalities of York 

Burnet's polemical relations with Parker and Cartwright 

Rivalry of the Dutch and English at Bantam 

Herbert and the state of the English fleet .... 

Comparison of James ITs treatment of lord Rochester to *the 
Italian's revenge' 

Supposed intrigues in favour of Berwick's succession . 

Supposed attempts to invalidate the king's first marriage 

Proposals of compromise rejected by the king 

Characters of Louis XIV and madame de Maintenon . 

Burnet declines to write the life of Louis XIV 

Reflections of the count of Dohna on European revolutions . 

Burnet has learnt from marshal Schomberg a strange anecdote of 
the Portuguese court 

Burnet's anony^aous letters concerning Italy .... 

Further reflections on the state of religion at home and abroad 

Character of Burnet's second wife ; account of his naturalization 

Burnet comments on the negotiations of Albeville and Dyckveldt 
on the English situation ; on the dilemma of the prince of 
Orange ; on the report that the queen is with child 

Additional reflections, St. Stephen's day, 1687 

Further comments on the trial of the bishops 

Suggestions as to the parentage of the Pretender . 

Henry Sidney is regarded as the future favourite . 

Burnet's reflections before leaving the Hague, Oct. 3, 1688 . 

His qualifications for narrating the history' of the Revolution de 

Reflections on the date selected for the proclamation of William 
and Mary 



. 215 












(Reign of William and Mary.) 

Reflections upon the appointment of Nottingham . . . . 314-5 

Dr. Walker and the siege of Londonderry 321 

Ecclesiastical inconveniences involved in a union with Scotland . 322 

Iviii //. Synopsis of Additional Subjects 


Queen Mary's views as to the conduct of clergymen's wives . . 327 

Reflections on the laxity of the English clergy .... 330 
Burnet's negotiations with the Dutch clergy before leaving 

Holland 331 

Bentinck in favour of the prerogative 334 

His extreme unpopularity 335 

The king's opinion of the Whigs and Tories 338 

Fuller and Crone 342-3 

The king and the marquis of Carmarthen 353 

Character of the duke of Bavaria 356 

Advancement of the duke of Leinster 356 

Beveridge and the see of Bath and Wells ; various appointments 359 

Reflections on the European situation, August, 1691 . . . 362-3 

The errors of the French in the war 364-5 

A mediation proposed 366 

Ability of the elector of Hanover 367 

Why the rank and file of the English army hate the Dutch . 369 

Various Scotch appointments 369 

Character of secretary Johnstone 370 

Johnstone and iht first Glencoe inquiry (of 1692-3) . . 372 

Additional reflection s'on the prevalent corruption of manners, 1693 379 

Intrigues of the Halewyn brothers 383 

Observations on the situation (end of the campaign, 1693) . 385 

Burnet's ecclesiastical activity ; the pastoral letter . . . 387-8 

His veneration for queen Mary 390 

Johnstone and the Scotch session of 1693 39i'2 

Reflections dated September 9, 1693 393 

Comments upon the conduct of Sunderland 395 

Popularity of the prince of Baden 395 

Eulogy of lord Somers 396 

Burnet's grief for queen Mary 405 

(Reign of William III, 1695-6 only.) 

Additional details concerning the king's resolutions . . . 406 

Lord Portland and the massacre of Glencoe 411 

Additional reflections on the elections of 1695, and on the re- 
coinage bill 413 

Reflections on the fall of secretary Johnstone . . . 415 

(Reign of Anne, 1708-13 only.) 

Censures passed on Marlborough's campaign of 1708 • . 418-9 

Reduced state of France in 1709 420 

{Alemoirs and Autobiography) 


Additional details concerning the state of Hungary 
Censures passed on king Charles of Spain . 



Bumet*s experience of a blessing on his prayers before preaching 449 

A decline of the judicial spirit in parliament 449 

Lord Somers and the codification of the English law . . . 449-50 

II. The Autobiography, 

Burnet gives his motive for writing his own life . « • 451 
Points wherein he (a) resembles Thuanus, and (b) diverges from 

that historian's method 452 

Description of the elder Burnet in his retirement • . . 453 

His affectionate rigour 454 

His desire to have three sons in three professions. . . 454 

His advice to Burnet concerning the clerical function . 455 

Burnet's early delight in scholasticism 455 

The reasons for his good health 456 

Speech of the elder Burnet on taking his seat as a lord of session 457 
His eagerness for his son's immediate settlement ; Burnet reflects 

on his own prudence in declining it .... * 457~S 
The elder Burnet's view of the situation, ecclesiastical and political, 

in 1660-1 458 

His deathbed 458-9 

Political errors of Warriston 459 

The occasion for Bumet*s insight into presbyterianism ; his view 

of contemporary sermons 460 

Nairn's love of epistolary literature 461 

Burnet's mathematical studies 461 

The sermons of Mr. Charteris 462 

Characters of Baxter and Manton 463 

Censure on Dr. Bernard 464 

Burnet's opinion of the English universities 464 

The aims of Robert Boyle 464 

Friendship between Burnet and Mr. Drummond .... 465-6 
Burnet's good resolutions upon taking orders ; his mathematical 

work interrupted by the death of sir Robert Fletcher . 468-9 

Burnet's devotional studies 469-70 

Results of his catechetical exercises 47 ' 

His method of studying scripture 47 ^ 

Ix //. Synopsis of 


He abandons the pursuit of abstract learning .... 472-3 
He studies the mystics, but realizes the connexion between apparent 

ecstasy and morbid physical conditions ; an instance of this 

comes before him ; his asceticism and its spiritual results . 473-5 
Burnet is the more unpopular in Glasgow from his friendship with 

Leighton 477 

His initial reason for an interest in the elder duke Hamilton . 479 

Clarendon's History and the character of Charles I , • . 479 
The motives and clandestine circumstances of Burnet's first 

marriage 480-1 

His marriage becomes public concurrently with his appointment 

to the Rolls ; his account of his ministry there . . . 484-5 
Wilmot lord Rochester's censure on clerical ambition ; he repeats 

to Burnet a saying of Charles H 486 

Burnet's amenability to criticism ; popularity of his pamphlets . 487 

A saying of Charles II concerning Burnet, and Burnet's retort . 488 
A providential windfall comes to Burnet in 1683 through the 

Russell family 489 

He writes a book on the evidences of religion .... 489-90 

His sentiments on the death of Charles II 49^ 

His first wife's illness and death . 490 

Additional reflections on the state of religion at Geneva and in 

Switzerland 491 

The circumstances of his second marriage, with two anecdotes of 

successful fortune-telling 492-3 

Details relating to his second wife, and to her death . . 493 

His relations with the Churchills 494 

Bentinck and the English malcontents in 1687-8 .... 494 

Burnet in 1688 doubts the liberality of the Church party . 495 

The irreligion of the ultra- Whigs 495 

Censures passed on the prince's retention of Dutch ecclesiastical 

forms, on his way to London 495 

Danger of a reaction in 1688-9; unpopularity of the prince and 

Bentinck 495-6 

Burnet offends the new king by his remonstrances . 496 

Compton and the bishopric of Durham 496-7 

Burnet's good resolutions on the eve of consecration . 497 

Queen Mary and Mrs. Burnet 497-8 

Burnet's opinion of synodical meetings 498 

He finds his diocesan conferences of little effect .... 499 

His unpopularity with his clergy 499 

The clergy and confirmation 499 

He inspects his charity-school at regular intervals . . . 500 

Additional Subjects {Autobiography) ixi 

University opposition compels him to disband his theological 

Unpopularity of his opposition to pluralities .... 

His popularity with the dissenters 

Scriptural ignorance of candidates for ordination . 

He urges devotional preparation on candidates for ordination 

Uselessness of testimonials to character ; defectiveness of the best 
methods practicable for the conduct of ordinations 

He bewails the scanty result of all his efforts 

Remarks upon the appointment of Tillotson and Sharp ; unfavour 
able comments on the latter 

Final reflections of Burnet on his episcopal labours 

Attendance in parliament a load on the episcopate 

His treatise on the * Pastoral Care ' ; reflections on charges of heresy 
brought against those who are in earnest for reform 

Leslie and * Tempora Mutantur ' 

Absurdity of the Arminian outcry against Burnet's work on the 
Thirty-nine Articles 

Additional details concerning Burnet's third wife and her ' Method 
of Devotion'; he admits that he 'dictated,' in great part, Dr 
Goodwyn's account of her 

His children do him credit 

His special motives for care of his children and for treating them 
with indulgence; his reasons for educating them at home 
details of their literary education 

He dilates on the promise shown by the youths . 

His untoward interference in the Salisbury election, anno 1705 

He concludes with a catalogue of his [more important] works 



















While this work was in the Press, the editor's attention was called 
(by the courtesy of Mr. W. H. Allnutt) to certain Burnet entries in 
the newly published Catalogue of Rawlinson MSS. D. Among the 
papers there described is a MS. copy of the Elliot extracts and 
comments, which may be confidently identified as Elliotts own 
draught ; and attention is drawn to a duplicate (Rawl. B. 453, f. 45) 
which is probably his fair copy. These identifications derive stress 
from the fact that the text^ in certain trivial instances, is that of 
Leslie, who used Elliot's papers, and not that of the anonymous 
editor (17 15), who employed his own transcript. How Rawlinson 
became possessed of the papers does not appear; himself a non- 
juror, he had facilities for acquuring such MSS. The title differs 
entirely from that adopted in 1715 ; it runs as follows: 'A Sample 
or Proof sheet Being a Collection and faithful relation of a few 
passages taken out of a Voluminous History written by Dr. 
Gilbert Burnet, representing the Affairs of Church and State 
within Britain and Ireland in his time, and designed to be published 
for a postumus (sic) work, with some Remarkes upon them [by a 
hater of lies and falshood ^]. Dedicated to all true Churchmen of 
England.' (The mottos are, Hor. Car. III. vi. 45-7; Ps. Hi. 3. 
et seq.) 

The following variations from the edition of 17 15 (quoted on 
pp. 98-109) affect the actual quotations : — 

P. 100, 1. 3 from bottom, read 'these and the present time '; last 
line, /or * ran ' read ' run.' 

P. 101, 1. Sf /or 'either' read 'neither*; and adopt all Leslie's 

P. 102, 1. 8,yfor 'with' read *in'; 1. 18 transpose *only' to after 

^ Added, as an afterthought, in the fair copy only. 

Ixiv Addenda 

p. 103, 1. iZ^for 'were* read^YiZS,^ 

P. 104, 1. lo^ for * a ' read * the ' ; before * fate * insert * dismal.' 
(N.B. ^on^ for *in' (1. 9) and the omission (^Z^* passing into' 
Jfefore *an unchangeable' (1. 12) are slips of the present editor.) 

P. 106, 1. 8, oniit 'house.' 

P. 107, 1. 4, after * fulsome' insert 'stuff'; 1. 9, before 'health' 
Insert * good ' ; 1. \%^for 'as he should ' read ' which he would ever.' 

P. 9, n. I, add *A generous recantation of his censures on 
Leighton will be found in Hickes' unpublished retort to Burnet's 
Vindication (Bodl. MSS. Rawlinson D. 841, p. 48).' 

Pp. 40-1, * Burnet's projects of reform,' add reference to Hist. ii. 

P. 108, 1. 4 from botto.Ti, add '(see however supra, p. vii, n. 4).' 


Introduction^ p. viii, 1. 8. The Editor learns that since Dr. Routh's 
time, the 'Autobiography' has been used by Mr. H. W. C. Davis, 
M.A., Fellow of Balliol College, Oxford, in a Lecture on Bishop 
Burnet, delivered at St. Margaret's, Westminster, during the early 
part of the year 1901, and printed (pp. 147-91) in Typical English 
Churchmen^ published in 1902 by the Church Historical Society 
through the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge. 

Tcxt^ p. 91 J 11- 12-13, /?r *Ahoab and Musaphia [? Mustapha]' 
read *Aboab and Musaphia,' and add this note: — 

* Isaac Aboab de Fonseca (Isaac Avu haf), a Portuguese Jew, 
d, 1606, was carried to Amsterdam in his seventh year. He migrated, 
about the year 1642, in the capacity of Rabbi, with a band of Jewish 
colonists to the Dutch possessions in Brazil ; where he remained till 
the discreditable abandonment of those colonies in 1652, — for which 
see Burnet, Supplement^ infra^ p. 199. He became one of the heads 
of the Jewish community at Amsterdam (in which capacity he helped 
to excommunicate Spinoza), and was a leading light of the great 
Jewish college in that city ; where he died in 1693. He left behind 
him a few translations from the Spanish into Hebrew, and vice versa ; 
with some 886 sermons. Graetz describes him as a distinguished 
and popular preacher, but as very deficient in originality of concep- 
tion and force of character ; and stigmatizes his influence over the 
Jewish community in Amsterdam as little less than disastrous. 

*DvoNis (Benjamin) Musaphia, b. 1616, d, 1675, a physician, 
scientist, and lexicographer, spent some years in the service of the 
Danish king. Christian IV. He had philosophic leanings ; allowed 
himself some heterodox doubts; and was regarded as "half a 
Spinozist." None the less he engaged in active controversy with 
Christians ; figured at Amsterdam, in later life, in the character 
of Rabbi; and about the time of Burnet's visit fell, together with 
the above-mentioned Aboab, under the spell of the pseudo-messias 

For the sources of this correction and note (Jocher : AUgenuines 
Gelehrtenlexicony i, p. 670, and Continuation, v. 243 ; Graetz : 
Geschichte der Juden^ x. 9, 11, 24, 27-8, 129, 175-7, 202, 226-7, 
243-4), the editor is obliged to the courtesy of a learned correspondent. 

SuppUment io Burnet. 




(From Harl. MSS. 6584 ; the Specimens of Robert Elliot ; and 

Bodl. Add. MSS. D. ai) 


[Since the opening 47 folios — amounting, on a rough calculation, 
to about 47,000 words— are missing from the initial 'Number' of the 
Harl. MSS. 6584, the first portion of Bumet*s original Memoirs, ex- 
tending from his birth in 1643 to about the year 1661, is not available. 
We may however conclude, with little fear of error, that ff. 195-9 of 
the Autobiographical Appendix, printed in Part II, give a fairly repre- 
sentative, though very much condensed rendering of the more personal 
details contained in the lost fragment. This fragment must almost 
certainly have further included some form of Preface; a 'Sunmiary 
recapitulation of the affairs in Scotland ... to the Restoration of King 
Charles II' (sec printed History ^ i. 5-21, 26-45, 49"65, 83-9; nearly 
all the passages omitted in this list emerge at a later stage in the 
original Memoirs) ; with the characters of the leading Scottish statesmen 
at the time of the Restoration (see ibid, 101-5) and the career of the 
'Drunken Administration* (ibid. 105-7, 108-28). 

The earliest portion of the orip^nal Memoirs which is yet extant, and 
which is printed below, is contamed in the initial folios of the existing 
Harleian MSS. 6584. It forms part of Transcript A (see Preface), and 
represents ' No. i' of Dr. Gifford*s eight sections ; beginning abruptly with 
p. 94, and concluding abruptly with p. 179 of the original pagination 
(flf. 3-45 of the present enumeration). The leaves are written on both 
sides, in a neat clerical hand, corrected throughout by Dr. Burnet himself 
(see Preface). Incidental allusions to the recent marriage of the Princess 
Anne, with the impending sixth anniversary of her sister's wedding, 
restrict the period«ot composition within the terminal dates July 28 and 
Nov. 4, 1683 (O.S.) ; but an explicit statement on f. 38 (a) that a certain 
brief passa^^ at that point was added after the doctor^ s return from 
France^ which took place about Oct. 20 (Hist, MSS, Com, Rep, vii. 
291 b) in that year, suggests that the bulk of the narrative was actually 
written during the early part of August, 1683, at the end of which month 
he had start^ for France (ibid, 289 by 366 a, 290 b). The most probable 
inference would seem to be that Burnet commenced his Memoirs after the 

foxcKorr / B 

3 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1661 

execution of Lord Russell, July 2T, 1683, perhaps in consequence of the 
satisfaction expressed by the dead man's family with the terms of the little 
' Journal ' of Russell's last days, which Burnet had drawn up for them. 
It is, however, possible that the initial and now missing portions of 
the Memoir, though certainly composed in 1683 (see Hist., ed. Airy, ii. 
474), may have been written earlier in the year. Roughly speaking, the 
contents of the present fragment fall within the years 1661-4, and 
correspond, though with innumerable variations as well in substance as 
in arrangement, to Hist. L 93-101, 128-208. The first imperfect sentence 
alludes to the benefits Burnet had derived from his introduction to Naime 
and Charteris.] 

HARL. MSS. 6584, f. 3. 
[Obligations to Nairn and Charteris; the Edinburgh ministers.'] 

[That I fell into such hands after I had so long cast off] 
• all restraint ^, and was now beginning to take my ply, was 
so great a blessing to me* and had such effects on me, that 
to this day I count myself bound in my daily thanksgiving 
to God to thank him for the happy providence of my falling 
into their acquaintance and friendship ; and though I had 
but two or three days' conversation with Mr. Charteris at 
this time, yet the impressions that it made were very deep. 
For the other ministers of Edinburgh, I neither admired their 
persons nor their sermons, and much less their conversation 
which was all made up of news. Their sermons were subtle 
divisions of very ordinary matter hung full of quotations of 
Scripture, but there was nothing in them that struck either 
on my fancy or reason, or that went to my heart ; they were 
plain dull things sometimes set off with an appearance of 
quickness and wit, which made them rather worse than better. 

[Characters of Douglas and Huicheson.] 

The two eminentest of them were Mr. Douglas* and 
Mr. Hutcheson ; *»the former was a bastard of a bastard, but 

• Cf. Hist.y fo. ed.. L ai6 (Airy's ed. L 386). «» Ibid. 34. 

' In the Hiatotyj Burnet introduces 17 (5) ; Article on Robert Douglas (by 
his obligations to these two divines A. C. Bickley), Did. Nat. Biog., where 
sub anno 1665, in connexion with the the Had. MS. is quoted ; .Mr. Airy s 
later intimacy which resulted from notes on Hist. i. 34, 109 (foL pagina- 
his settlement at Salton, in their tion);Z^tM/m/<ti^Pa^#f9,i. 4,andintro- 
common neighbourhood. duction; also LaudenlaU Papers, i. 34, 

^ For Robert Douglas see infra, f. 36, 54-90 (passim), 992, 395, Ixxzii. 

x66i] Harleian MSS. 6584, J^. 3 (a)-3 (p) 3 

it is believed his father was Mary queen of Scotland's son, 
for he was born soon after she was conveyed out of the castle 
of Lochleven, and was educated with great care by the gentle- 
man that helped her away, so that it was believed there 
were more than ordinary endearments between them, and 
that this son was the fruit of these. It is certain Mr. Douglas 
was not ill-pleased to have this story pass ; he had something 
very great in his countenance, his looks showed both much 
wisdom and great thoughtfulness, but withal a vast pride; 
he was generally very silent, I confess I never admired any- 
thing he said. I wondered to see him express such mean 
compliances with some silly women of their party, as I have 
seen him do to my own mother and sister. He went over 
when he was a young man chaplain to a regiment in 
Germany, where, for want of other books, he got the 
Scripture so by heart that he could not only repeat any 
part of it but could have readily quoted chapter and verse 
for every passage in it*; and this was his great faculty in 
preaching, that he laid all the Scriptures relating to any 
point together, but it was a skeleton of bones, for he neither 
connected them well nor made he lively reflections on them ; 
his chief excellence in preaching was that he would have 
made his matter look towards the present times with such 
dexterity that though it was visible what he meant, yet he , 
could not be .questioned upon it. He was a man of great 
personal courage [/. 3 (b)] which he shewed often in Germany 
more signally than became his profession, yet he was a very 
mild good-natured man (though that did not appear much 
in his countenance) and he was of an unblamable conver- 
sation as to all private matters. The other ^ has written 
many books ; as, on Job and St. John's Gospel two folios, and 

• Htst. i. 34. 

* For George Hutcheson, by mar- to ibid, 51, 109, 276, a8i ; Lauder- 

rage Burnet's cousin-germane, of dale Papers, i. 4, 34, 77, 83, 295; 

whom, in the printed History^ no Pearson, Life of Leighton iJVorks 

chmmcter is given, see Hist, i. 976, of Leighton, 1835, i. 36 and note). 
981, 990-x, 995-7; Mr. Airy's notes 

B % 

4 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1661 

3 books in octavo on the 1 2 lesser prophets ; he had a great 
subtlety in his preaching and drew out one thing very in- 
geniously from another, which I thought was like wire 
drawing and ever despised it; he affected great mirth and 
was much given to raillery, but it was neither grave nor 
witty and he seemed to be a very proud man. » He married 
my cousin-germane* so that I was well acquainted with him, 
but could never have any great value of him ; yet the duchess 
of Hamilton ^, and some others whom I . esteem very much, 
have told me that he was a much better man than he appeared 
to be upon a general acquaintance, and that the more any one 
knew him, they would value him the more. 

[Burnetts family rtcammend the /aw.] 

This is all that is particular to myself that fell out this 
year, only in the beginning of the next year *(my brother 
Robert dying of a fever) all our family set on me to return 
to the study of the law ; they flattered themselves and me 
so as to think that I might grow eminent in that profession ; 
and they, being zealous presbyterians, were afraid of my 
conforming and so desired to see me in another employ- 
ment, but I thank God their importunities had no effect 
on me, so I went on. But now I will give an account of 
public affairs. 

[Middletan goes to Court.] 

Ct Hisi,f fo. ed, i 128-30 (Airy's ed. i. 930-a) (Jrom 'Middleton went 
up* to * unusual and so unreasonable '). 

After 'pride' add * he reckoned that Lauderdale and Crawford could not 
stand long before him, and '.' 

r/ 4 («)] ^r 'The earl of Crawford still pressed* r^ad < Crawford, who 
told me all this story, pressed.' 

Om, ' The earl of Crawford was glad . . . excuse him.' 

For * prison ' rtad ' the castle of Edinburgh.' 

Om, * that was not a time . . . insist on it.* 

For * as fully satisfied the king' rtad ' that nothing could be made of them.' 

• Cf Hist. i. 376. * Cf. Life (appended to Hisi. ii), p. 674. 

* See Hist. I 095. « Cf. Lauderdalt Papers^ i. 105. 

i66i] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 3 (A)-4 (Z») 5 

/or ' he was set at liberty ' rtad ' he was confined to hb house ^ which lasted 
till the next sessions of parliament ' ; and om. next sentence. 

After ' because * read * a few days before he left Scotland.' 

After 'from Tweeddale' add 'at his house of Pinkey, 4 miles from Edin- 
burgh'; and ofM. ' upon the complaint . . . ready at hand/ 

For * Middleton was now raising the guards . . . granted by the parliament ' 
read * Middleton was made general of the forces that were now a raising (for 
the English garrisons were removed, and the citadels which they had built in 
Scotland were slighted) ' (cf. Hist, i. 107). 

j^fter * himself as general ' add * and delivered by them to the paymasters of 
the army.' 

[/ 4 (6)] After * opposed this ' add * (and was seconded in it by Lauderdale).' 

Om. * with great advantage . . . treasury.' 

For * and as to what .... king was master' read * that the jf40,ooo was the 
best and surest branch of the revenue, that though a great part of it was to go 
to the establishing of the forces, yet it was not able to be so employed.' 

After * to the treasury ' add * for the payment of the guards and preferring 
them to other payments ' ; and om. * But the earl of Middleton knew . . . 
year's end.' 

For * unless . . . masters of the army ' read ' except in time of war. These 
things were unanswerable.* 

After * unreasonable ' add ' for it had been a much easier thing for him to have 
got himself made treasurer than to have gained such a point' 

[Lord LorrCs estate,"] 

• The next particular brought in debate was concerning the 
estate of Argyll. The king had great inclinations to restore 
the lord Lorn, so that much pains was taken to persuade 
him that all the zeal that he had expressed for his service 
was only an artifice between his father and him to secure the 
estate, which way soever the world might turn ; but in 
managing this they committed great errors, for it was said 
that Lorn had searched the king's pockets and locked him 
up as a prisoner while he was in Scotland ; this the king 
knew to be so false, that it made the other things laid to his 
charge to be the less believed. So they, finding that this 
was not like to take effect, betook themselves to another 
method that was likely to be more effectual. The late mar- 
quis of Argyll had designed to raise his family to an absolute 

» Hist, i. 130. 

' For the reason of this see Lau- * house at Bothans/ not the ' house of 
derdale Papers^ i. xoa. This was the Pinkey ' specifically mentioned below. 

6 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1661 

power over the Highlands ; and the marquis of Huntly being 
the next in power to him, he intended to take his estate into 
his own hands, which he effected in this manner. The 
marquis of Huntly had married his sister, so during their 
friendship he was bound with him for some of his debts. 
Afterwards Huntly both neglecting his affairs and engaging 
in the king's ser\ace, (by which he was likely to be ruined 
considering the violence of that time) Argyll pretended that 
for securing himself he was forced to buy in prior debts and 
mortgages, for which he said he had paid great sums of 
money, but it was said by others that he had them almost 
for nothing ; it is like he never paid so much himself as he 
said, nor so little as his enemies gave out, but in conclusion 
he transacted for about ;{^20,ooo of his debts, and made his 
son bind with him for the payment of these debts. So now 
it was moved that the king ought in honour and justice to 
restore the marquis of Huntly, and then they reckoned 
those debts [/. 5 {a)\ of his for which the lord Lorn was bound 
would sink him. Lorn upon this offered to clear the accounts 
between his father and Huntly, and that he would not pretend 
to a farthing, but that which he should prove his father had 
in effect payed for Huntly's debts, but that was not much 
considered. So Huntly had a grant given him of all that 
part of Argyll's forfeiture that concerned his estate, by which 
he was neither liable to his own grandfather's debts, nor to 
those for which Lorn was engaged ; and this was the true 
occasion of all the hardship that Lorn was afterwards put on 
which raised such a clamour against him ^ After this Mont- 
rose put in his claim upon this account ; when the late marquis 
of Montrose was in armes his men had wasted and burnt 
Argyll's estate, upon which Argyll got Montrose's estate 
to be charged with that damage, and possessed it till his son 
compounded with him for it, so he now pretended that he 
ought to have all that restored to him and got a grant of 
a part of Argyll's estate to reimburse him worth between 

* Sec infra, f. i20 [a). 

i66i] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 4 (*)-5 {b) 7 

5 or £6fioo. After that a great many others put in their 
claims, pretending their estates had been ruined by Argyll's 
means for their adhering to the king s service, and it being 
easy to swell up an account of losses, they put in such pre- 
tensions that all Argyll's estate could not have satisfied 
them. To all this Lorn answered that if the king intended 
any grace for him, a stop must be put to all further grants 
out of his father's estate, otherwise it would be quickly out of 
the king s power to give him anything, especially considering 
the great debts that lay on it ; so a stop was put, and Middle- 
ton saw it was in vain to press the matter further. 

Consultations concerning episcopacy. 

Cf. Hist, i. 130 {from * The point of the greatest importance * to p. 13a, end 
of paragraph). 

Om. * and honester.' 

Insert ' that * be/brg * one synod ' and ' many others.' 

Om. ' Sharp assured . • . indemnity passed.' 

For <and that the supporting it . . . engaged in' substitute the following 
passage (cf. with Hist. i. 107-8) : ' and that after that the keeping of Scot- 
land quiet would be all that the government there could do ; whereas if the 
king would let them alone with their beloved presb3rtery, he might have the 
hearts and affections of the nation entirely united to his service in all other 
things ; and that Scotland being a poor kingdom, all that the king could expect 
from it was the hearts and hands of so many people ; [/ 5 (6)] this Lauderdale 
made his constant topic to the king, that whatsoever he intended to do at any 
time in England, he might govern Scotland so as to have them all sure to assist 
him in it ; and showed him how certainly his father might have made himself 
master of England if it had not been for the trouble he brought on himself from 

Om, * The king went . • • design ^' 

For < and having called . . . the way of that nation ' read * and was only appre- 
hensive of some disorder that ought follow on the change.' 

After ' inclinations of the nation * insert the episode of the letter in while ink 
{Hist. L X08); reading instead of ^ a daughter of the earl . . . among her papers' 
only ' her whom I afterwards married which I have in my hands' ' ; and for ' he 
saw the king was indifferent ' to the end of the passage^ reading * pressing her to 
take care to have many of the presbyterians to signify to the king their aversion 
to episcopacy and their firmness to him in all other things if he would not 

' The passage is also omitted in ff. 908-9. Bumet*s assertion there- 

Airy's edition. fore, in the published History , that he 

' Lady Margaret was living when found the letter after her death must be 

Burnet wrote this, though in a state of a slip of the pen, unless we suppose 

imbecility ; for she died early in 1685 ; the anecdote to be a subsequent in- 

see infroj f. 117, and Autobiography, sertion. 

8 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1661 

touch them in that point; but he pressed her to engage them to malce full 
declarations of their affection in all other things ; so that in this letter it both 
appears that he had at that time a great zeal for presbytery, and that he was 
beginning to possess the king with that which he esteemed afterwards his 
masterpiece, that the chief use the king ought to make of Scotland was to 
engage them to assist him in any design that he might come to have in 

Thtn resutfie p. i^a/rom ' The result of the debate.' 

For ' that might have such effects . • . affairs ' read ' in so important a thing." 
For * the main body of nad * the whole.' 

[Afen sought out to be bishops,'] 

CC Hist. 1. 139-4 {to 'dealt falsely in the covenant'). 

Begin * And thus was the matter concluded. [/ 6 (a)] So nothing remained 
but the calling up such a number of men as might be first consecrated in 
England and then sent down to consecrate the rest ' ; then {omitting from 

* Sheldon and the English bishops ' to ' that matter wholly to him/ p. 133) 
proceed * Sharp now took off the mask and owned,' dr'C 

ul/ier *■ love and moderation ' return to p. 13a, * There was but one of the old 
bishops,' dr*r., and after *■ Galloway ' iftsert (cf. Hist. i. 96) ' that was a very 
learned and good man and one on whom old age had a very extraordinary effect, 
for he who was hot and fierce beyond expression in his youth, was now become 
very mild and gentle in his old age, but he was always more a scholar than 
a wise man, and he was now under some of the ill effects of age, for he was 
beginning to sink much.' 

Om, * he had come up • . . primacy of Scotland.' 

After ' episcopally ordained * ittsert ' and the bishops required some uneasy 
conditions of those whom they ordained.' 

Om, < with others . • . about him.' 

After ' of ordaining ' read * in his chamber.* 

For from *and that without demanding* to end of fbilowing paragraph read 

* without requiring any conditions of them ; for all that he took was fees. This 
was so foul a thing, so like simony, and so contrary to all ecclesiastical orders, 
that nothing but regard to his old age, and the merit of his former life and his 
sufferings, kept them from proceeding against him ; so it was resolved Isee p. 133] 
that he should only be made bishop of Orkney which has a good revenue, and 
it was intended he should never go thither.' 

For * The former of these . . . own function ' read 'The former was a prudent 
and good-natured man, very facetious, and of a most obliging behaviour; he 
was also a very good physician, which gave him a great interest in the country 
where he lived, but it was never thought he had a deep sense of religion, nor 
was his life exact' 

Om. 'very good.' 

[/ 6 {b)] For * he, who had passed his whole life . . . almost a changeling ' 
trad * he veiy soon lost both his understanding and his memory. Whether it 
was that he was falling under the infirmities of old age, or that he indulged 
himself too freely in eating, drinking, and sleeping, I know not ; certain 
it is, that he became very soon the object of all people's scorn or pity.* 

After * himself from suspicion ' insert ' and to keep his benefice.* 

i66i] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 5 {by^ (a) 9 

Aflir * sacrament * insirt * he used to renew it, with this ceremony.' 
AJIer * falsely in the covenant ' add * He was designed to be bishop of 
Galloway, and it was thought the respect to his birth would make him the 
better received there ; he was also a good plain preacher and a man of estate. ' 

Bishop Leighion!s character. 

•But there was another Scotch clergyman^ then in England 
who for his health had gone to The Bath, on whom, because 
I have known him so particularly and esteem him beyond all 
the churchmen I ever yet knew, I will dwell a little longer. 
He was son to Dr. Leigh ton, a Scotchman that lived in 
England, and was censured in the Star-chamber for a seditious 
book that he had writ against the bishops of England: he 
was sent by him to be educated in the college of Edinburgh, 
because he looked on the English universities as much cor- 
rupted ; so ** he was bred under all the prejudices to episcopacy 
and the church of England that a father of hot principles and 
inflamed by ill-usage could infuse into him. ^ He was a man 
of a most quick and piercing apprehension, he had a life in 
his thoughts and expressions that were inimitable, ^ only his 
language was too fine, too much laboured, and too full of 
figures and sentences : this was the effect of study in his 
youth, and became a habit, or rather nature, in his old age. 
• He spoke Latin with a readiness and purity that I never knew 
in any except sir James Langham ^ and he was a great master 
of the Greek, [/. 7 {a)\ and had almost all their poets by heart ; 
he had the Hebrew very well, so that I have met with many 
curious criticisms from him which I have found never in any 

• Cf. Hist i. 134. ^ Ibid, 135. • Ibid. 134. ^ /^vi 135, 

• Ibid. 134. 

^ It will be remembered that when 
thiB was written Leighton, who died 
June a8, 1684, was still alive. To Mr. 
Airy's note, Hist, in locOy we may add, 
that traces of correspondence between 
Burnet and Leighton survive in HisU 
MSS. Com, Rep, xi. pt 6^ p. 148, Brit. 
Mus. Add. MSS. 93135, f. 96, and 
Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 23, ff. 34-54; of 
which the two latter are shortly to be 
published by the Scottish Historical 
Society; and that Burnet's enthusiastic 
admiration of Leighton, intimated to 

the world during Burnet*s lifetime in 
the Preface to the Lift of Bedel 
and the Pastoral Care, drew upon him 
the bitterest censures of the Jaco- 
bite High-churchmen, who regarded 
Leighton as a fanatic (see Some dis- 
courses on Dr, Burnet ondDr, Tiliotson 
[i^5]> by [George Hickes, D.D.], pp. 
23-4). We see trace of a desire to de- 
precate such a view, in the variations 
between the original and later versions. 
' See Hist, i. 267, and Mr. Airy's 
note on that passage. 

lo Burnet's Original Memoirs [1661 

author ; • he spoke French like one bom in France •, though 
it is now 45 years since he came out of it. He had read the 
fathers so exactly that ^ I never happened to talk with him of 
any particular relating to ecclesiastical learning, but he was 
as ready at it as if he had just come from studying it ^ ; and 
he was most conversant in the lives of all the devout men 
that have been of all religions, and out of them all he formed 
the highest idea of devotion that I ever yet met with ; for he 
had laid together with great judgement all the extraordinary 
passages of bishops and churchmen, and had read most of 
the lives written in the latter ages, and had picked out of 
them what was most remarkable and imitable among them, 
and used to say that when he met with a good passage, he 
did not much care whether it was true or not, so that it raised 
in him some good thoughts. He was sent again by his 
father into Scotland in the year [i6]38 [?], and was at the 
assembly of Glasgow; he told* me he was even then dis- 
gusted with their heats and the manner of their proceedings, 
but these prejudices were not yet strong enough in him to 
overcome education. Some time after that ^ he took presby- 
terian ordination* and signed the covenant, ^and was minister 
at Newbottle within four miles of Edinburgh, • where the earl 
of Lothian dwelt. ' He led so exemplary a life, that it was 
rather like a pattern framed out of fancy, than what a man 
could really attain to, H e entered upon a course of ^ almost per- 
petual fasting 8, for though he had a quick and craving appetite, 
he never eat above what seemed necessary to keep him alive ; 
he never allowed himself any sort of diversion, except riding 
abroad ; ^ he was never merry, nor familiar with any, but 
lived in a perpetual reserve and silence, and every word he 
spoke had an impression of religion on it. Those that knew 
him before me and ' I that have now lived one and twenty years 
in greater intimacy with him than he has been ever observed 
to live in with any person, must say this of him, ^that I 

• Cf. Hist. i. 135. »> Ibid. 134. • Ibid, 135. ^ Ibid, 

• Ibid. 136, ' Ibid, supra. ' Ibid. 134. •» Ibid. 135. 

« Ibid. 135, 138. k Ibid. 135. 

i66i] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. l{a)-l{b) n 

never saw him angry at anything, • nor ever perceived in him 
any concern for anything in this world, or the least appearance 
of pride or vanity ; ^ and I scarce ever heard him speak an 
idle word ^ and never once found him in any other temper, but 
such as I would wish to be in when I were to die. He has 
a heart the fullest [/. 7 {b)'\ of all the melting affections and 
devotions in religion, and yet has nothing of enthusiasm, or 
of a schismatical temper under it ; ^^ he had the most universal 
charity for persons and things that I ever knew in man. * He 
had such a way in preaching that I [n]ever knew any come near 
it ; his thoughts were the most ravishing, his style the most 
beautiful (if not too fine), but his way of uttering them so grave, 
and so tender together, that I never heard him preach without 
trembling for one great part of the sermon, and weeping for 
another ; and I confess his way of preaching was so much above 
all others that I had ever heard, or anything that I could ever 
hope to attain to, that for some time after every sermon that 
I heard of his I both preached myself and heard all others 
with a sort of indignation ; and yet he really seemed so to 
undervalue himself that be always chose to preach to mean 
auditories, and when he was tied to a charge he used to 
employ every man he could get to preach for him^. And 
though he never made any so much his own friend as lie 
did me, yet he was .a friend td a great many, and was very 
full of tenderness and Christian concern for them, and I see 
it still lives with him. • He soon came to see the follies of the 
prcsbyterians ; he hated their covenant and their rebellion 
against the king, their imposing of oaths, and their fury 
against all that differed from them, and their rough sourness 
and narrowness of soul, and he openly preached up an uni- 
versal charity ; he would never meddle in their matters, but 
withdrew from them^ and only minded his pastoral care in his 
own parish •. They saw he grew to hate their ways, but the 
reputation he was in was such that they durst not let it be 
thought that he was against their courses; 'yet he openly 

• Cf. Hisi. i. 134. ^ Ibid. 135. • Ibid, infra, ^ Ibid, infra. 

• Ibid. 135 6. » Ibid. 136. 

12 Burnet's Original Memoirs [i66r 

declared himself for the engagement in the year[i6]48 that 
was made for delivering the king ; and when after the defeat 
of that army some that were in it came to profess their repen- 
tance for it, in his church, according to the order of the 
general assembly, he, being to exhort them to a true repen- 
tance, told them they had been in an expedition in which he 
was afraid they had been guilty of much swearing, drunken- 
ness, oppression and other sins, besides the neglect of God 
and religion, and charged them to repent seriously for those 
things, but did not say one word of the unlawfulness of the 
expedition. He likewise openly owned his esteem of all the 
episcopal party*, and when my father was absconding [/. 8 [aj] 
for refusing to swear the covenant ^ he visited him often ; he 
wished that the presbyterians would have questioned him for 
these things or put him again to renew the covenant that 
so he might have found a fair colour for breaking with them, 
but they thought it more advisable to let him alone. ** At last 
he grew so weaiy of mixing with them that he left his 
charge, and retired into England ; he would never engage in 
jangling^, so he would not declare against them, but thought it 
was better to leave them^ He likewise found that his English 
accent, and that politeness to which he had accustomed 
himself, made him less capable of doing good among the 
commons; and so he thought he could not hold a living 
with a good conscience, where he was as a stranger and 
alnlost a barbarian to the greater part. ® Soon after that the 
mastership of the college of Edinburgh fell vacant, and that 
being in the town's gift the offer of it was made him. It was 
an employment separated from all ecclesiastical matters, so 
he accepted of it ** ; but though the heads of the college were 
generally considered as members of the presbytery, yet he 
never went to their meetings, and continued to live in great 
reservedness with all people. The English judges and 
officers then in Scotland courted him much, and endeavoured 

• Cf. Hist. i. 136. »» Ibid, infra. « Ibid, infra. 

* His reasons for doing this will be found in Bodl. Add. MSS. D. aa, ff. 124-5. 

i66i] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. T{by8{b) 13 

often to hear him preach ; upon that he gave over all preach- 
ing in the pulpits of Edinburgh (for which *thc lowness of 
his voice furnished him with a very good excuse), but **he 
preached often within the college, and did it for the most 
part once a week; but finding crowds break in upon them 
from the town \ he ordered that the gates should be shut when 
he preached ; yet the judges were too great to be shut out, 
so once when he came into the pulpit, and saw them there, 
^ instead of preaching in English he did it in Latin ^, and so was 
delivered from their company. ^ He went often into England 
in vacation time, and once or twice over into Flanders ; 
he grew a little acquainted with all the great preachers about 
London and the high-flown men about Cromwell's court; 
but he often told me, he could never be taken with anything 
he observed among them, and that all he heard from them 
was dry unsavoury bombast stufT. He was much taken with 
some religious men he saw in Flanders ; some of them were 
Janseniuss followers, and he thought they were men of 
extraordinary tempers ; he did not stick to declare himself 
freely against the humour of magnifying and widening con- 
troversies ^ of all hands, not excepting those with the papists, 
and did often preach up a greater largeness of charity ^. [/. 8 (^)] 
* Thus he had lived above twenty years in Scotland, and was 
the most admired man that was in that kingdom. He had 
a brother, sir Elisha Leighton, very like him in face and wit, 
but the most unlike him in better things that could be, for 
though he will talk of the highest notions of religion, and 
heat himself with them as if he were in a rapture, yet he is 
a very bad man in all respects ^ He has a vast deal of wit, 
but by his rambling way of discourse he will sometimes run 
out into great impertinences, pursuing wit when he cannot 

• Cf. Hist i. 135. * Ibid. 136. • Ibid. d /^,v/. 137. • Ilnd. 136. 

^ Burnet, in his published History Leighton met for the last time, a few 

(see i. 137), has somewhat extenuated months after this passage was written, 

Leighton*s complacency towards the Bumet had found his old friend much 

Church of Rome as suggested above more strongly impressed with the 

and on t 8. It must however be errors of Popery. See Hist, L 138-9, 

remembered, that when Burnet and 589. 

14 Burnetts Original Memoirs [i66r 

hit on it ; he is an eternal talker, and will often say as lively 
things as ever I heard ; I will set down at present, for a taste, 
one of the best of his sayings that occurs to me. *He is 
a papist — that is to say he goes to mass — (having declared 
himself one when he thought it was his interest to do so), 
^ but he believes nothing of popery. ^ So one asked him once 
if he believed transubstantiation ; he answered, he did not 
know whether he himself believed it or not, but he was sure 
the king believed it ; and when the king asked him how he 
came to think that, he said, * Sir, you believe Christ is present 
in an unconceivable manner ' ; to which the king assenting, 
he said, * Then you must believe transubstantiation, for that 
is the most unconceivable manner that ever was yet hit on.' 
He was a man of a facetious conversation, ^ and was much with 
the earl of Bristol and the lord Aubigny, and knew the 
secret of the duke*s being a papist, for he was his secretary ; 
•but his great design was to raise himself °; for he had no 
spite nor ill-nature in him, and thought of nothing but plenty 
and pleasure, and would have stuck at nothing that could 
have procured him these. 'He, seeing that his brother was 
not only episcopal, but had tender and favourable thoughts 
of many things in the church of Rome, resolved that he 
would get him to be made a bishop, and fancied he would 
soon be the eminentest man in Scotland, and this would help 
to support him at court. So he pressed my lord Aubigny 
and all the popish party to put the king on making him 
a bishop. His brother was truly the most averse from it that 
could be ', for he hated both pomp and business, and was often 
running away from London, having come thither from The 
Bath in his way to Scotland. 

Sir Elisha at first thought this was only a shyness of his 
brother's, but when he saw how positive he was in it, he was 
almost mad at it, and got it to be so much pressed on him 
by all hands that he at last yielded to it. ^The English 
clergy found him more learned and [/. 9 {dj\ more thoroughly 

• Cf. Hist i. 136. y> Jhid. 137. • Ibid, 138. d Jhid, 136. 

• Ibid, 137. ' Ibid. • Ibid, 138. 

x66i] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 8 {py^ {b) 15 

theirs in the business of the common prayer than any other 
of the Scotch clergy, and though they did not much like his 
strictness, yet they thought that such a man as he was might 
give a credit to episcopacy at its first entry into Scotland. 
Lauderdale was not much concerned, only he saw he did not 
love Sharp whom he hated, and so he hoped he would balance 
him. • Leighton, seeing what the state of the bishoprics of 
Scotland were, found that Dumblane was a very small diocese 
consisting of about 24 parishes, that the revenue of it was 
very low (not ;£'200 a year), and the deanery of the king's 
chapel was united to it ; so he made choice of that, and 
resolved to have set up common prayer in the chapel*. 
This made Middleton very desirous of engaging him to it, 
for he could not find any of the rest that were willing to 
undertake so hard a province. Thus he was pressed to it on 
all hands. ** The secret of this matter was never known, and 
is not too honourable for his memory, yet *! set it down 
frankly as I had it both from himself and his brother, but it 
will soon appear how much they were mistaken in him that 
pressed his advancement in hopes of his favouring popery. 
^ The truth on it is he was much charmed with his brother % 
and it was long before he thought he was so ill a man as he 
afterwards to his great grief knew him to be. 

[The Scottish bishops consecrated.'] 

Cf. Hisi. L 139-40 (Jo * new modelling of a church '). 

For * Sharp was very uneasy at this ' rtad * Sharp seemed to resent this very 
much and spoke big« as if he would never submit to it.' 
Om, ' who thought it went too far , . . fierceness/ 
For * The English bishops did also say ' read * To this it was answered.' 
[/ 9 (*)] Ow. ' thrown ofiF that order . . . greater matters.' 
Om, ' He did not think orders . . . being of a church. But.' 

\LeightofCs schemes,] 

* After that he had some private discourses with Sharp, 
about the method in which they intended to proceed ; but 
he was surprised to find that he had laid down no scheme at 
ally but only this, that they should be established by next 

• Cf. Hist. i. 13a »» Ibid, infra. « IM. 137. ^ /^v/. 140. 

1 6 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1661 

sessions of parliament, and so be lodged in their bishoprics, 
and then every man must do the best he could. •As for 
Fairfoul he could never endure to talk with him, for he had 
always some merry tale ready, and this was all he could ever 
get of him. So he found the two things that he designed 
were never like to take effect ; ** the one was to set a higher 
spirit of religion and devotion on foot ^ both among the clergy 
and laity, and to look well to the universities, particularly to 
the professions of divinity, that so those who were trained up 
for holy orders might be well formed and prepared, whereby 
the nation might see they were like to be the better for that 
order ; "^ the other was that some reasonable terms might be 
offered to such of the presbyterians, who could not be induced 
to submit to that order, ^that so they might not be turned 
out but suffered to die out, and so in little more than twenty 
years most of them would be gone off the stage, and they 
dropping thus* one after another, if care was taken to have 
worthy men ready to put in their rooms, he thought the 
change would be more insensible to the nation, whereas if 
they went more violently to work it would raise a great 
fermentation, which perhaps would never be quite laid to 
sleep. But all that he proposed signified nothing. 

\Leighton loses hearL^ 

Cr. HisL i. 141 (< By these means * to end of paragraph). 

After * that affair ' acid * and in all that has been done since.* 

For * and that they were not . . . church' read * in the way in which [/ lo (a)] 

they set it up.' 
For * He who . . . hand in it ' read * The churchman that managed the 

design (Sharp) ' ; om, 'and the rest. . . selfish.' 

[The meetings of the preshyteries forbidden^ 

Cf. Hist, i. 141-a. 

For * were of a piece with this melancholy beginning* read * helped to fix this 
melancholy prospect in his mind.' 

For * openly ' read * more openly ' and om, * and to prepare . . . against them ' ; 
and for 'Some were talking' rtad'amd [Sharp] fear[ed] lest in presbyteries 
they might have entered.* 

For * since the king . . . episcopacy * read ' a letter might be sent from the 
king to the council ordering.* 

• Cf. Hist, i. 141. b Ibid, 140. ••/Wrf. supra. * CC with this, 

ibid. 373-6. 

i66i-2] Harl. MSS. 6584, J^. 9 (*)^ii (a) 17 

F&r ' the ministers * mad * some of them (le. the presbyterians). * 

For • once ' nod * secretly.' 

/or ' without any advice ' ruid < without so muth as communicating it with 
the other bishops.* 

B€/of9 ' when king James' instri Mf, as * ; and for * some of them protested 
... no remedy * rtad ' they would have sat still, pretending that their sitting 
there with a biahdp was but likt a iubmisiioii granted in dvil thingt to Ad 

Om, * by a sort of connivance . . . legal authority.* 

Om.frofH * which was too great a turn * to $nd of paragraph, 

1 663* Episcopacy settUd in Scotland, 

Ct Hia, I 14a (*The bishops came down* to p. 143, grid d/paragrt^k). 

For * soon after their consecration * rtad ' in March.' 

For * a few days before them ' rtad ' privately, only with his man.' 

[/. 10 (^] For ' and was not easy . . . forced it on him * nod < nor would he 
ever go before men of quality.' 

Afttr ' futfction'* add ' and I was full of many sad thoughts upon it ' 

jiftfr 'arrival' add ' Middleton came down and.' 

Be/brt * Sharp hoped ' ifistrt * Lauderdale told me that' 

Ohu 'but he Would enter . . . one Wishart/ ihtd nad 'Afterwards ono 
Wisbart, a weak a&d insignificant but candid and good*natured old man, waa 
preferred to it' 

For ' that it seemed but justice ' rtad * so Middleton thought it was but 
justice ' (cf. Mr. Airy^s tthHou), 

[Thiy ivire brought into parliament^ 

Cf. Hist, i. Z43 (' The session of parliament ' to p^ 144, md cf paragraph). 

Om. < by the earl of Middleton ' and *■ the king ... so much.* 

/or ' something before them ... or to the cboreh' rtad 'some extraordiikary 

Om. tht similt qf tht harpits. 

Om. ' This was plainly • . . negative voice upon them ' (tht stn tt nct instrttd 
is mtrtfy rtpttitum). 

For * Nor did it escape censure ' rtad * Others made a more pleasant but 
malicious observation.' 

Om.from tnd of stnttnct to ' imposing upon conscience.' 

[/. II (0)] For * had never carried ... by this act' rtad * thought the clergy 
ought to have their share in the exercise of all ecdesiastical authority, and 
that therefore it ought not to have been vested singly in the bishop.' 

For * and submitting ' nad * the government as it was establi^ed by law, since 
that was an approving of the bishops having the aalc power of jurisdiction.' 

For ^All the bishops ... fit to assume ' rtad 'even when the bishops them- 
selves intended not to pretend to anything more than a negative vote.' 

[Scruples concerning the oath of allegiance^ 

Cf. Hiei, i. 144 (/rom * Soon after ' to < and supremacy ')• 
Om. * for their words • . . senses.' 

poxcaorr C 

i8 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1662 

[Conduct of the earl of Casst'ttisK] 

•In the former session of parliament the acknowledging 
the king's supremacy in ecclesiastical matters was added to 
the oath of allegiance, and not kept a distinct oath by itself 
as it is in England ; upon which the earl of Cassillis, when it 
was tendered to him, desired to have leave to offer an explana- 
tion of it, which should be no other than that which was 
established by law in England. Middleton was willing to 
let him say what he pleased, but would not suffer him to put 
it in writing. He said he could not swear it except he were 
suffered to make the one as lasting and as public as the other 
was, so he rose and left the parliament, and went and resigned 
his places to the king, ** but gave [him ?] positive assurances 
of his constant fidelity, and so got under his hand an order that 
no oaths should be put to him ; and he, perceiving the change 
that was like to be made in the church, got likewise licence to 
keep what chaplain he [/. 1 1 (6)] pleased for himself and his 
own family. 

[TAe act explanaiofy rejected^ 

Cf. Hist i. 145-6 ('The ministers to whom . . . denied allegiance to the 
)Lai%^ omitting end of paragraph), 

Ont, 'This was the first time that' 

Om, ' He said the land . . . taken.' 

For * and he thought . . . offenders for a word ' read * he thought that this 
nation, as they took the expressions from England, so ought to shew rather 
more tenderness on this occasion than had been shewed to papists in England.' 

Om, 'it ill became ... all his party ' ; and for * for they designed ' read ' for 
he designed.' 

Om, * So the ministers' . . . sense upon it ' 

j4fler * king* add * though they declared they were ready to swear that part 
of it which concerned their allegiance. ' 

Some passages relating to the lord Balmerinds trial, 

Cf. Hist. i. ai-5. 

Begin ' Upon this invidious mixing things of different natures together 
I will set down a long story, which I had from the duke of Lauderdale ^, who 

• C£ Hist, i. 144-5. *» Ibid, 227. 

* Cassillis, it will be remembered, ^ In the printed History ^ i. 25, the 

was the father of Burnet's first wife, story is said to be derived from Bur- 
Lady Margaret Kennedy. net's father (to whom the above saying 

i633l Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 11 (a)-i2 (a) 19 

assured me that there was not any one thing that had a greater influence on 
the disposing people's minds to the late wars than it had. When the late king 
was in Scotland in the year [i6]33 an act of parliament was brought in from 
[the lords of] the articles/ &'c 

Btfort ' the roj^al prerogative ' instrt * several branches of* ; owf. * as it had 
been . . . 1606,' and 'passed in the year 1609/ «'»'' * with their own consent.* 

AjUr ' thing to king James ' om. to * drawn into one * ; and nad ^ and was 
now declared to be perpetually inherent in. the crown, so all the puritan party 
resolved to oppose it* 

After * Rothes, who ' nad * spake first w hen it came to his turn to give his 
vote, and said he voted to the act in all its points, except the last, which he 
thought belonged to the church ; and so he desired it might be divided from 
the rest, and put in an act by itself, for otherwise it would be given out that 
those who voted against the act were enemies to the prerogative, though it was 
only upon the account of that single clause [/ la (a)] that they were against 
it ; but the king himself answered him that it was all but one act, and he must 
either give his consent to it or deny it as it stood ; so after some hot words had 
passed about it, he declared that though he voted against it, it was only upon 
the account of that addition.' 

ji/Ur ' Some few lords ' add * of that party. * 

For * Almost . . . negative * r*ad ^ So then all the puritans voted against it ; 
they were inferior in number till it came to the gentry and burgesses, but it 
was carried in the negative.* 

After * Rothes * add* who had also taken notes' ; and after * negative * add 
* and desired a second scrutiny. ' 

After * venture on that * add * for if upon a second calling of the roll any 
had retracted their votes, and given them otherwise than they had done before, 
then he was gone.' 

After * was published ' read * and it was given out that all the puritans had 
voted against the prerogative ' ; and om. * The king . . . opposition.' 

After * the lords ' add * and other jieads of the puritan party.' 

For ' if the clerk of register might declare ' read ' if it was in the clerk of 
register's power to make an act of parliament by declaring * ; and om, * and 
that no scrutiny was allowed.' 

For *■ a zealous . . . party ' re<Md * a great puritan.' 

For * setting forth . . . redress * retul ' representing to the king all the hard 
and illegal things that he had been put on [sf'r] against them, and all the patience 
and duty with which they had borne them ; and concluded with a prayer that he 
would rightly consider what their laws were, and not suffer himself to be 
wrought on by the ill advices of wicked men.' 

b ascribed) in consequence of his in- 
timacy with the father of Duke Lauder- 
dale ; Dr. Burnet having at the time 
when he rewrote his History no desire 
to lay stress on his own intercourse 
with the duke. It is also clear, from 
a comparison of the narrative as it 
appears in Harl. MSS. 6584, in the 
ordinary text of Burnet's History , and 

in the textual notes to Mr. Airy's 
edition respectively, that Burnet re- 
vised the whole on obtaining, after the 
second version had been written, the 
copy of the original record (^Hist. i. 
36). The g^eat difference in detail 
between the three versions and the 
greater vividness of the present nar- 
rative render it of interest. 

C % 

20 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1634 

Fhr from <he shewed this' #o 'from whom he had it' (p. 03) fwad 
tmfy 'he put it in the lord Balmerino*s hands, who gave it to the eari of 
Rothes, [/ I a (6)] and he shewed it to the king, hut after the king had read 
a few lines in it he flung it away. The party were resolved not to let it go so, 
and intended to get many hands to it, and so to send it after the king ; yet the 
thing cooled, and perhaps would have gone no further ; but the next winter, 
Balmerino being in his own house, a neighbour of his/ Sr'c., as in Mr, Aivy's 
idMon^ i. 34, nott h, with thtse wtrtathns : for ' kindly received by him ' 
rtad ' entertained without any witness of him ' ; om. * not suspecting . . . 
neighbour * ; for * The Petition . . . Act * rmd * A petition to the king ' ; for * and 
the other . . . fair ' rttul ' and made haste to be gone.' 

j4/$tr ' St. Andrews ' tuU ' who hated Balmerino ' ; mnd om. * who . . . 
alarmed at it, and ' ; also ' beginning . . . within this act' 

Om, * so it was thought . . . parliament.' 

A/Ur * In Scotland ' add * a peer is tried as a commoner ; only.' 

Om, 'At this time . . . the lord Balmerino*s trial.' 

Om, * The court was created . . . poor.' 

Afttr * jury' add ' there lie challenges in that kingdom against all, peers as 
well as commoners, but the prisoner must give the reason of every challenge, 
and must prove it instantly ; so a list was made of such peers as they thought 
would be very pliant, but because he might give reasons for his challenging 
some, the old earl of Lauderdale was a peer that they had in resenre to be one 
of the Jury, since ' ; and om, ' in which so great ... of that title ' ; ami afttr 
' yet ' add * after he had challenged some and got them cast' 

A/fir * exceptione major ' add * As for the seven gentlemen, they were so 
chosen that he had nothing in particular to object to them.* 

Om, * It was long considered . . . counsel.' 

For * So it was settled . . . insist only on this ' rtad * In his indictment it 
was set out.' 

For 'The court . . . was clear' rtad 'And the lord Balmerino was 
either the contriver, or assistant in the contrivance, or was the divulger, or was 
the concealer of it, and which of these soever were true he was guilty of 
death ; but [Haig's confession considered] there was no proof of the first 
of the branches of the crime ; upon which the king*s advocate fixed on 
the last.' 

Afltr * discover him ' add ' since he ought to have brought it to some privy 
councillor or magistrate ' ; ami for * He pleaded . . . court gave it in their 
fiivour ' rtad only * He answered he had delivered it to Rothes, who was by 
inheritance sheriff' of that county, and that he had shewed it to the king ; but 
this was not admitted, because it ought to have been brought to some legal 
magistrate. There was also great arguing upon the substance of the paper to 
prove that it did not fall within those statutes ; but all {/. 13 (a)] that was 
overruled by the court' 

For ' forty-three years before ' rtad ' in his youth ' ; for ' in the murder . . . 
Murray ' nod ' the marquis of Huntly in the burning of Dunnibrissel, where 
the earl of Mu-ray was killed.' 

For ' in being ' rtad ' that so mean a man should be.' 

For ' and they would feel . . . lived ' rtad ' and ^therefore he must tell them 
what the horror was that followed innocent blood.' 

1662] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 12 (ei)-i4 (a) 21 

Befort ' blood * ad!i ' innocent' 

For * but it cost . . . day and night ' read *yet the terror of that pursued him 

Afttr ' Traquair ' add * who was then treasurer and was one of the jury, 
though it was known that he had undertaken to get Balmerino condemned.' 

j4/hr * argument * read * vehemently ; [though ?] the proof was one single 
testimony of a base man that had found it on his table, and that the paper looked 
like his hand * ; and om. * and said . . . paper or not.' 

After * argument against him ' add * and though he had then a business of 
great consequence Ijring before the king, yet he resolved rather to put all to 
hazard than be wanting to his duty ' ; and om. ' and ui^ged . . . Upon those 

{/' 13 \*)] O*^- ' some undertaking . . . houses. 

^^*r* pardon* add 'after a while's imprisonment'; om. 'with which . . . 
ingratitude'; and for 'but he thought . . . account' read 'but he never 
considered the king's pardon as either mercy or kindness to him, but as done 
to preserve his own party ; for there were no guards then in Scotland, and the 
nobility was still powerful' 

For ' My &tber . . . curious matter ' read ' This is the true account of that 
natter as I had it» and I hope this is neither an impertinent nor unpleasant 

The act of indemnity, 

CC Hist. i. 146 ('The main business' to p. 147, end of paragraph). 

Begin ' But I now return to the parliament of Scotland. All that now remained 
was to pas9,' &c. 

For * or to other punishments . . . life ' read ' and so to clog the indemnity 
with it. Lauderdale understood the meaning of this well enough, that,' &c. 

For ' This matter was debated . . . argued against it They ' read * so he 
opposed it much in council, and one day, he being sick, the debate lay upon 
Crawford. It was.' 

For ' that had . . . suffered much for it ' read ' [that] had been beforehand with 
England in redeeming all past offences ; they had sent an army in [i6]48, for the 
ddtveringthe late king ; they had called home the present king, and had lost two 
armies for him at Dunbar and Worcester, and had been enslaved ten years ; 
they had all as one joined with Monk in hopes that he would declare for 
the king.' 

Om, ' since made lord Tarbot' 

For 'vivacity of parts' read 'quickness of apprehension and of extra- 
ordinaiy parts.* 

For ' who has bad the art . . . fifty years * read ' and set on raising himself by 
all [/ 14 («)] means possible. He has talked often to me as if.' 

For ' but they are only . . . at all times * read ' but whenever they are put to 
any trial it appears that interest is above all things with him. He was con- 
sidered by Middleton as the most extraordinary man of Scotland, and.' 

After ' cautious ' add 'and not being able to drink hard he could not preserve 
his interest * ; om. remainder ^paragraph and Jirtt sentence ^fnexU 

22 Burnet's Original Memoirs [i66a 

// was desired that some might be incapacitated, 

Mackenzie •proposed to Middleton to send up another 
draft of an act of indemnity, in which, besides the fining of 
many, a clause was put of incapacitating twelve from public 
trust ; ^ so two drafts were made ; the one, according 
to the king's instructions, containing exceptions only of 
persons to be fined; the other had the additional clause for 
incapacitating. They were both carried up by Mackenzie, 
and laid before the king as the drafts agreed to by the 
parliament ; and when Lauderdale objected the difference 
between them, Mackenzie said the parliament would be satis- 
fied with the one, which was all that Middleton had power to 
grant, but they desired the other, to which Middleton could 
not give way till he knew the king's pleasure in it. So 
Lauderdale, never imagining that it was designed against 
himself, neither objected against it nor proposed any restric- 
tions to it ; but in general drew an instruction allowing 
Middleton to consent to the incapacitating of twelve ^ Mac- 
kenzie told me afterwards that he was surprised to see Lau- 
derdale pass that so carelessly and without any limitations ; 
and said to the English chancellor (then present) that he 
wondered to see him consent to so large an instruction who 
had so much provoked the parliament of Scotland. But in 
this Middleton and Mackenzie committed a strange error; 
for there had been no such desire made by the parliament, 
which yet was so entirely in their hands that they could have 
procured it for a word. ® Middleton afterwards pretended that 
many members of parliament had made that desire to him in 
private ®, and yet when that came to be examined he could 
find but twelve that would own it. ^ Mackenzie was at that 
time much considered at court, for Lauderdale was much 
hated, and everybody looked on him as one that was come 
to accuse him, and indeed Lauderdale's interest then was so 

• Cf. Hisi. i. 147. y> Ibid, 148. ^ Ibid, supra, * Ibid, infra. 

1692] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 14 (a)~i5 {a) 23 

low, and he had so few friends, that nothing but the method 
Middleton took afterwards to ruin him could have preserved 

Om, from *So lord Tarbot ' to * reputation.' 

[Cond€9nnation of lord Lorn,] 

Hist. i. 148-9 (Jo *■ though he had no instruction for it '). 

For ' One instance of unusual severity was . . . parliament, and complained of 
as * nad ' While Middleton was gone from the court, Lorn thought it was now 
a fit time to reckon his own pretensions, so he took care to find out by what 
means he could get chancellor Hyde to be his friend, or at least not to be his 
enemy. The earl of Berkshire, who was poor and made great court to the 
chancellor, [/ 14 (6)] undertook to soften him ; for which he was to have 
a thousand pound. Upon this Lorn, being pressed by some of his friends in 
Scotland to let them know the state of his affairs, writ a very indiscreet 
letter, full of reflections on his enemies, and said he had already convinced the 
king of many of their lies, and hoped to do it more effectually now that he 
had gained him upon whom the chief of them depended. This letter was 
intercepted and complained of in parliament as,' &c, 

Om, 'since ... to the king.* 

Afttr 'tried upon it' read 'and sent up the copy of his letter to court. 
When Mackenzie brought it to the king.' 

After ' parole ' add ' (and, as I remember, Lauderdale was bound for him).' 

For ' the execution • . . against him ' rtad ' execution, as he would be answer- 
able for it.' 

For ' upon his appearance . . . prisoner ' read ' came to Edinburgh, some 
dajrs within the time assigned him, and entered [? rendered] himself a 

^yZrr ' leasing-making ' a</(t/ ' and his letters (I think that were intercepted) 
were brought for evidence.' 

After ' speech ' add ' which he showed me.' 

After 'provocation' add 'and much afiliction.* 

Before ' printed ' add ' writ and some.' 

Om, ' some of these . . • the king*s own hands. ' 

Om, 'passed on him . . . tragical conclusion^.' 

For • in this age ' read ' that ever was.' Om. 'or rather of the mockery ' ; and 
after 'justice ' add * I never spoke with any of those that judged him, but 
such as abhorred it' For ' All that was said . . . proceeding ' read * That with 
which they covered themselves.' 

[/ 15 («)] After ' news ' add * if the particulars in it proved not to be true. 
Lauderdale took advantages against Middleton for suffering the day of execution 
to be left to him ; whereas it ought to have been left to the king. Yet in this 

* Argyll, be it remembered, at the date when Burnet first wrote was alive, 
though an exile. 

24 Burnet's Original Memoirs [i66» 

be aggravated the matter too much, for the leaving it to him, as the king^s 
commissioner, was upon this matter the leaving it to the king.' 

^y?^ ' attainted ' for *by parliament . . . unheard-of* nad^Ms gave Lauder- 
dale another advantage against Middleton, since it was the laying* ; and om, 
* This the earl . . . extend to life.* 

[Further proceedings concerning the indemnity l\ 

Cf. Hist, i. 149 {from 'A committee ' to end of p, 150, * in this form*). 

For ' A committee . . . fines * read * The act of indemnity came in the last 
place to be finishedi in which there was an exception put both for the persons 
that were to be fined, and for those that were to be incapadtated, which was 
to pass in two diflerent act9. For the former.* 

For ' had been abroad ' read * were men of known loyalty.' 

OfH. < for the meanin^^ . , . paid the fiiiG* and* which [or that] was . . . hurry.' 

For * carried further . . . designed it ' read * tenderer ' ; and then insert (jcL p. 
148) ' The duke of Richmond and the earl of Newburgh came down during that 
sessiont and never was there seen a time of more ei(travagant madness and 
drinking; every night produced spme new disorder or other; but the turn 
that was to be served by them was the possessing of alj people with an opinion 
that the king was weary/ &*c.f as on p. 150. 

For ' falling upon a minister * read * tearing a minister from him without a 
trial or any sort of form.* 

A/Ur ^expedients* add 'and indeed his strength lies in the finding out 
dexterous methods.' 

For * by ballot ' read 'in a billet.' 

[/ '5 W] Aft^^ y^ A paper ; and that ' add ' all those being gathered in a box ' ; 
and for ' three ' read *■ two ^ ' ; and for ' and that they, without making . . . 
indemnity ' read only ' and to draw out of them the names of those upon whom 
mo9t votes should fall.' 

After ' any one had voted * add * I was told some of the billets were not 
unpleasant ; no man was required to ^gn his billet, por to show it ; so some 
put in white paper, others disguising their hands excepted twelve of the 
bishops, others were for incapacitating Middleton and twelve of his qhief 

Om, * By this means . • . list, that so ' ; also * might be three . . . majority 

For * The earl of Middleton . . . form * read * and with [the above proviso] 
Middleton thought he would be in no danger by giving the royal assent to it, and it 
was done, and upon that the parliament was adjourned for some ftionths.' TJien 
add{ct Hist, i. 146, paragraph on the subject) * Another act passed for a test or 
declaration (to be signed by all that were in any public trust) for renouncing both 
the national covenant and the league and covenant, and the doctrine ' of the 
lawfulness of resistance. This was particularly levelled against Crawford for 
the turning him out of the treasury, in case the act for incapacitating should 

^ ' TwQ ' is the reading also of Mr. Airy's edition. 
' See im/Vv, p. 3a, note a. 

1662] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 15 (a)-i6 {b) 25 

Th£ king was displeased with the incapacitating act. 

Cf. Hisi, I. from begmmMg o/p, i^i top, 15a ('of all [that] he had done*). 
For * for they reckoned ... or his party. So they * read only * so that Lau- 
derdale's friends could not give him notice of it so early as was to be wished. 
And Middleton.' 

For * sent one . . . Durham ' rtad only ' got one to provide himself of a very 
good horse, that held out with bim till be got into Yorkshire, and then he took 
post ' ; and om, * three days.' 

After * court ' add ' to give the king an account of the business and to put the 
act of incapacity in his hands. [/ x6 (a)] They carried up likewise a letter 
signed by ten of the bishops' (fr# p. 151, iV^n ; only for <and his care of them 
all ' read * both in what he bad already done, and in what he was then going 
about to do ' ; and after * minister ' add ' for Middleton saw the step he made 
was so bold that it must either ndn Lauderdale, or turn upon himself and be 
his own ruin ' ; iMen return supra to when the narrative broke off at ' got to 
court '). 

For * He carried it presently to the king, who ' read * As soon as Lauderdale 
got the news he was surprised, and the king having gone that day to dine at a 
bouae of the eari of St. Alban9 some miles from London, he took sir Robert 
Moray with him and went to find him out, and taking bim aside after dinner, 
he gave him an account of what had passed in Scotland. The king at first.' 

After * Middleton ' add ' for Lauderdale, reckoning himself safe, saw this was 
the best opportunity he could ever expect of ruining his enemy, and in that he 
was never cold nor slack.' 

For 'From him, by his orders, he* read *In conclusion the king ordered 
him to give an account of it to the chancellor, and to bring him bis sense of it ; 
so Lauderdale returned in a much easier temper than he was in when he went 
out Chancellor Hyde was then out of town, and came not in for two daya. As 
soon as he came Lauderdale.' 

For * was amased . . . and said ' read * at first said it was not possible ; then 
be said pleasantly.' 

For ' be was sure ' read * he hoped ' ; and for * otherwise no man could serve 
him * read * and all his ministers must agree in it ' ; and after < suffer him ' add 
[/ 16 (A)] ' So far had Lauderdale engaged Hyde. That very night the duke 
of Richmond and Mackenzie came to London, As soon as Hyde saw them 
be asked them if they were mad, and plainly told them that they had changed 
the scene now, aud that instead of attacking Lauderdale they must now betake 
themselves to a defensive : for all that could now be done was to set out 
Middleton's zeal and services so advantageously as to obtain a pardon for this 
last error ; but they had now established Lauderdale ; so with this melancholy 
prospect of ill success they came to wait on the king. He received them,' 
^fc^ a$ in eoneluding s en Un cee of p. 151, whence continue. 
After * incMptxity ' add * sealed ' ; and after * he ' add * laid it down, and.' 
Om, * both,' also * safety and his,' and * the incapacity act . • . judgement ' ; and 
read a/ter * honour' ' The king's way is not to speak much upon such occasions ; 
[so because],' and onL ' and, without . . . dismissed them ' ; andfttr ' they hoped ' 
feed 'Mackeiuie thought'} and after *mQllified bim' add <but be quickly 
ibund that he was mistaken.' 

26 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1662 

Om, * the earl of Middleton and.' 

For * even the Athenians- were ashamed of it ' read * and it appeared what 
a way of proceeding it was' ; and om. 'and they . . . after/ 
For * studied ' read * took another way/ 
Before 'The change * read ' He laid before the king [that]/ 

[Primrose advises Middleton^ 

[/. 17 {ci)\ Primrose told me that he advised Middleton to go 
up immediately and to attack Lauderdale with courage and 
force, and he drew up for him an accusation, of which he told 
me the heads. The preamble was reflecting on his family, par- 
ticularly his uncle, secretary Maitland ; who was not only 
attainted, but the very name Maitland was condemned in an 
unprinted act of parliament that passed during the minority 
of king James. Then followed an enumeration of all the 
violences he had been guilty of during the rebellion ^, with 
this conclusion, that his turning to the king was not an effect 
of loyalty, but of resentment for an affront put on him by 
some independents in the army. From that it went to shew 
his enmity to all the king's friends, and his protecting his 
enemies ever since his restoration. But when Mackenzie 
came down they were forced to lay all these thoughts aside ; 
and Middleton was advised to stay in Scotland as long as he 
could ; and though Lauderdale got • the king to write to 
him to come up, and give an account of affairs there, yet he 
found new excuses still for delaying his journey ; and it was 
hoped that a little time would serve to weather this storm •. 
So he continued in Scotland some months ; but at last he 
went up about Christmas. 

A general character of the Presbyterian ministers and an 
account of their ruin in Scotland^. 

Cf. Hist I 159 {from * One act ' to near end of p, 155, ' and in good repair *)• 

Begin * I am next to tell what all this service was for the church in which 

he was now so much employed ; for opening which I must let the reader know 

that the presbyterians were great enemies to all lay patronages, but the 

• Cf. Hist i. 15a. 

^ See Lauderdale Papers^ L las, ' The marginal heading in the //15/ory 
197 ; also Hist^ Mr. Airy*s edition, runs : ' The presbyterian ministers 
i- 359f note a. silenced/ 

1662] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. i6 (^)-i8 {b) 27 

nobility and gentry were so much concerned in them that, till the parliament 
in the year [i6]49 came, they could not obtain their desire of having them 
put down, and then was the election of ministers put/ d^c 

Om, * only it . . . past,* and * who was obliged . . . demanded.' 

For * One clause . . . declared ' read * In this last sessions of Parliament an act 
passed declaring.' 

[/ '7 (^)] Om. ' This took . . . hot men : so/ and 'had many ... in which 

Ont, ' whereas . . . part were * ; and om, * main body of the.* 

For 'and to look on, and* read 'and all men were in expectation to/ 

For * and that was heightened . . . law ' read * and it was the great argument 
now used for his preservation at court, that he was carrying on the service of 
the church with such zeal (^for that is always the name that every party 
bestows on the violence of those that support it) ; this it is likely sharpened 
him more at that time.' 

Om, * and all about him,' and put rest of sentence in singular. 

For * the heads of the presbyterians ' read ' Dougjas, and the other heads 
of the party at Edinburgh.' 

Om, * if there were such . . . service in it.' 

Om, * all the wiser of.' 

For ' was, that the bishops . . . room ' read * as the more dangerous method, 
was that some few eminent men would be silenced, and that the state would 
go on by degrees still singling out a few.* 

Retain the reading ' insensible,* and add *■ [and] which would have been the 
surer way/ omitting rest of sentence, 

Om, * and do their duty . . . connived at.' 

For * and according . . . received ' read ' and the nobility and gentry that were 
well affected to them gathered such companies as they could bring together 
about them, to give them public receptions, of which they were generally very 

Om, * before Michaelmas' ; after ' privy council' add 'at Glasgow.' 

Om, * or serving . . . immediately.' 

For ' This was opposed . . . William Lockhart ' read * Duke Hamilton and 
sir James Lockhart, father to the famous sir William Lockhart, who was a 
judge and a privy councillor, and had, especially in his old age, [/ 18 {a)'] great 
inclinations to that party, opposed this much.' 

For ' had come . • . [i6]49 * read ' fell within the act.' 

For ' but the immediate . . . law ' read ' but the law, and the meritoriousness 
of a zealous execution of it' 

For * So the proclamation . . . out ' read ' So it was carried, and next day it 
was printed.* 

jifter ' turned out ' add ' on another act.' 

Om. * considering the consequence of it, or.' 

jIfUr ' Sharp said ' add < often.' 

jl/ler * print ' add ' and said he was struck with it ; and he used always to 
lay the load of all the disorders that followed afterwards upon that rash act ; 
but I ever thought that was only because.* 

Om, 'and all that sort of people.' 

j4fter ' honour * add ' So that I could never see why that law might not have 

28 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1662 

been executed as well as others ; and I make no doubt, but if he had been 
present that council day, he had not only concurred in this act, but had set it on ' ; 
and for * The earl . . . submission of the presb3rterians * nod < The obedience 
given to this act put Middleton to new measures.* 

Om. ' and that some . • . preserve the church/ 

Aftfr ' shewed ' add ' about a month before/ 

Afltr ' executed ' add * but that he undertook to fill the churches of London 
better than ever * (cf. Hist. L 199). 

For 'From thence ... at nothing' read 'So they resolved to follow that 

Om. (Jorthi momiuf) 'and among others . . . protection.' 

For ' well endowed ' rwad ' of the value of ;f6o a year/ 

{Personal fortunes of Burnet^ 1662-3.] 

•At that time Glencairn sent for me> and obliged me to be 
oft with him ; he also made me acquainted with Mackenzie • 
(known best in Scotland by the title of lord Tarbot, for he 
was a judge, or, as we call them, a lord of the session). He 
was a man of fine notions, and had the beginnings of very 
valuable parts of learning ; so I delighted much in his com- 
pany ; but I soon grew weary of Glencairn, **for he was dull 
and haughty. ° They both pressed me much to have accepted 
[/. 18 (*)] a benefice in the west * ; but I thank God that pre- 
served me from it, the reasons of which will appear afterwards. 

Now I began to be known to gfreat men, and have ever since 
been much in their company, which has brought much envy 
and censure on me from other clergymen, who fancied that I 
used odd arts to compass it. But I can give no other account 
of that matter but this ; I never sought the acquaintance of 
a great man in my whole life, but have often declined it ; 
many loved me for my father s sake ; and I had a facetiousness 
and easiness in conversation that was entertaining; I had 
read a variety of things, and could dress them in easy words, 
so that many liked my company. I never imposed it on any : 
but I do not deny that I had great vanity in finding my com- 
pany so much desired ; I talked much, and was in many things 
very foolish and very faulty ; yet I b^an early to set myself 
to serve all people that were low or in affliction. I waited often 

• Cf. Hisi, L X5S. k See ibid. 58. « Ibid, 155. 

i66a-3] HarL MSS. 6584, j^. 18 (a)-i8 (b) 29 

on Lorn ^ this winter [1662-3] in the castle of Edinburgh, 
and conversed much both with him and Swinton ^ ; that which 
carried me into Lorn's acquaintance was a friendship into 
which the countess of Balcarres received me, who was then 
a widow ' ; both her lord and she had a great value for my 
father ; and she, having heard no ill things of me, sent for me, 
and we grew soon acquainted. I found her a woman of 
great piety and worth * ; she was not bigoted to presbytery, 
though she liked it better than episcopacy ; she has a fine 
understanding, a pleasant temper, and having lived almost ten 
year in the court ^, she could talk of many things that were 
quite new to me. In short, though I have found since that 
she was mistaken in many things, yet the great conversation 
I had with her this winter was a very good preparation for my 
journey to London next year. From an acquaintance we en- 
tered into a very great friendship (if this is not too proud and 
too levelling a word) ; and it continues to this day very great, 
though she has thought fit sometimes to let it fall ; yet when- 
ever we meet it is the same it was ; and it would be greater 
now than ever it was, both because she is now in affliction ®, 
and in her last troubles by the attainder of the earl of Argyll 

^ Lord Lorn (condemned to death 
Aug. fl6, 1669) was not released from 
prison till June 4, 1663. In October, 
1663, he was restored to the family 
title as ninth Eari of Argyll. 

' See LauderJalt Papers^ i. 64 ; and 
Mr. Airy's notes to i. 194, 229 of the 
Hist, in his edition. 

* Anna Mackenzie, daughter of Colin 
Earl of Seaforth, married first Alex- 
ander second Lord Lin'dsay, afterwards 
first Earl of Balcarres ; and secondly, 
in 1670, two years after the death of 
his first wife, that Earl of Argyll to 
whom, as Lord Lorn, she had intro- 
duced Burnet. At the time we are 
now considering, she had just settled 
as a widow of a little over forty at 
Balcarres ; her first husband, a mode- 
rate Presbyterian, or ^ Resolutioner ' 
loyalist, having died in 1659 in exile. 
She was related by birth or marriage 
to the leading Scottish nobility of 
the di^ ; being very intimate with Sir 

Robert Moray (who had married her 
husband's sister), as well as with 
Baxter, Cowley, &c How well she 
deserved the esteem accorded to her 
by these distinguished men is shown 
in Lord Lindsay's charming Mtmoir of 
Lady Attna Mackfnsit. See also Lau'* 
ditMt Paptrs, i. aS, Mr. Airy's note ; 
Hist.y Mr. Airy's edition, i. 104, note. 

* Baxter says 'her great wisdom, 
modesty, piety, and sincerity made her 
accounted the saint at the Court * (quoted 
in Lord Lindsay's Memoir^ pp. s^^s"^- 

' From 1653, when, with her husband, 
she joined the exiled Court, to i66a, 
when she left London .whither she had 
returned on the Restoration pp. 39, 59 

* The second attainder of Argyll, 
in 168 1, reduced her and her children 
almost to starvation ; and in Dec 1663 
she was questioned before the Privy 
Council for corresponding with her 
husband (tiM. p. 104). 

30 Burnefs Original Memoirs [1662 

(whose wife she is now) I interposed to serve her with much 
zeal, though not with equal success *. Her friendship not only 
led me into Lom's acquaintance, but likewise opened a way 
for me to some very useful friendships when I went to Eng- 
land. • But that which of all my other friendships has proved 
the greatest blessing of my life, was begun this summer 
with bishop Leighton*. I had heard him preach and was 
ravished with him ; it was beyond all that I had ever heard, so 
I found a way to be admitted into his [/. 19 (a)] acquaintance, 
and I can truly say it, I never was with him but **! felt 
within me a commentary on these words, * Did not our hearts 
burn within us, while he talked with us ? ^ ' He led me into 
higher thoughts than I had formerly known, both of a more 
total deadness to the world, and of a more entire dedication 
of my whole life to the service of God and to the good of 
souls ; he quite emancipated me from the servility I was yet 
somewhat in to systems and received opinions, and spoke 
always of religion as a thing above opinions and parties, and 
that these things were of no great consequence. He also 
spake much to me of humility, of abasement, of being nothing 
in one's eyes, and of being willing to be nothing in the eyes 
of all the world ; these discourses of his, and the sad scene 
that the country presented by the revolutions of affairs in it, 
filled me with many serious thoughts. I had some uneasiness 
at home, for my mother and all our family (being highly and 
indiscreetly presbyterian) were much troubled to see me 
episcopal, though I did not make haste to declare myself; 
all these things cast me into a deep melancholy. I spent 
whole days in silence and devotion, and the nights were 
tedious to me. I set myself to study mathematics that 
winter, and made a considerable progress with the help of 
George Keith * that is now a quaker ; he is a great mathema* 

• Cf. Hist, i. 138. ^ Ibid. 135. 

* Hist I 590- T. matical and oriental learning* De- 

' Keith, who had been a class- signed for the Presb3rterian ministry, 

fellow of Burnet's at Aberdeen between he became a Quaker between 1662 and 

1653 and 1657, had distinguished him- 1664, but in 1700 finally seceded to 

self there by his attainments in mathe- Anglicanism, and, becoming a mis- 

x662] HarL MSS. 6584, ff. 18 (*)-i9 (*) 31 

tician, and a very extraordinary man, only too fanciful and 
enthusiastical. He was then a presbyterian, and I took him 
off from that, but he never settled to anything till he turned 
quaker, yet in many things he differs from them. 

\The Presbyterian ministers described^ 

But now I return to the public. ' The presbyterian ministers 
were now turned out; they^ were generally a grave and sober 
sort of men ; ^ they had little learning among them ® but that 
of systems, commentaries °, and the Aristotelian philosophy ; 
the reformers were the ancientest authors they read. **They 
had much of the Scripture by heart ^ ; and their sermons were 
full of quotations out of them, though they were seldom 
critical in the application of them ; their • way of preaching 
was plain and intelligible, but very dull ; it went generally 
on [?] doctrine, reason and use, only those of a more exalted 
form ran out much into subtilties, about scruples which they 
called cases of conscience •. They prayed long and with much 
fervour ; they preached twice on Sunday, and for most part 
once on a week-day ; they catechised all their people at least 
once a year before their communions, 'and they used to visit the 
families in their parishes oft, and to pray to them, and exhort 
them in secret. They had also frequent private meetings 
where those that were of a higher dispensation than the rest 
[/. 19 (^)] met, sometimes without the minister and sometimes 
with him, and used to propose their cases and discourse about 
them, and pray concerning them; and by these means the 
people (especially in the west where those practices were 
frequenter) grew to that readiness both in discoursing about 
sacred things and in praying that it has astonished me oft to 

• Cf. Hist, i. 156. * Hid. 157. • Ibid, 34. « Ibid, 156. • Ibid. 

156 and 34. ' Ibid 156. 

sionary of the S. P. G., died in 17 16, but able work, A modest and frit 

almost his latest published work bear- Confertnct betwixt a Conformist and 

ing upon mathematical subjects (Rev. a Noncon/brmist about the present 

AL Gordon in Did. Nat. Biog, xxx. distempers of Scotland, published by 

318-91 ; Hist. ii. 348-9). him anonymously in 1669 at the age 

^ With this passage should be com- of twenty-six. This early estimate is 

pared pp. 19-39 ^^ Burnet's youthful of course far less judicial in tone. 

32 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1662 

overhear them at these exercises; not but that they had 
many impertinences among them, yet it was a wonderful thing 
to me, and perhaps not to be paralleled anywhere, that the 
generality of the commons should have been able to pray 
extempore sometimes for a whole hour together. •Besides 
this there was great severity in punishing some sins, such as 
whoredoms, drunkenness, swearing, and breach of sabbath ; 
and the church session and the pillar of repentance were 
great terrors. For fornication one was to make public pro* 
fession of repentance for three several Lord's days •, and this 
was executed on all without respect of persons ; the present 
duke Hamilton submitted to it before his marriage. *They 
were held in great esteem with the people ; they were likewise 
for [the] most part men either of birth themselves, or had 
married with gentlemen's families; and they lived very 
decently in the country. By all these things they had so 
g^eat an interest both with the gentry and commonalty, • that 
it was no wonder if the turning out so many all at once made 
great impressions on them. * Their faults and defects were 
not so conspicuous ; they were generally little men that had 
narrow souls and low notions ; many of them were fawning 
and servile, especially to the ladies that were much esteemed 
for piety M they were affected in their behaviour, and ex- 
tremely apt to censure all that differed from them, and to 
believe and report everything they heard to their prejudice, 
and were a sour and supercilious sort of people. 

Tktir npinums concerning civil govemnunts '. 

•The greatest part of them had very ill principles as to 
civil government •, of which there were two classes. The one 
was of those that thought the people had an unalienable right 
to them to assert their liberty and religion, in opposition 

• cc Hisi. i 157. * Ibid. 156. « nu, 158. * md. 157. • Ibid 

* Thb cUuse was omitted in the A note on this subject, too long to be 
final revision only ; see Mr. Airy's inserted here, will be found among 
edition, i. 973, note a. the Appendices to this volume. 

* Burnet's views on non-resistance. 

1662] HarL MSS. 6584, ff. 19 (*)-2o (a) 33 

both to king and parliament, and to all the laws that could 
be made ; and ever after the rising of the western counties in 
the year [i6]48 against the parliament and their committee all 
the high men amongst them have been forced, in order to the 
justifying of that, [/. ao (a)] to assert this principle, which 
seemed ever to me the most destructive to the peace of man- 
kind that could be. For if such a number of people as 
find themselves in a capacity to resist the government may 
lawfully do it then all governments are left to an eternal 
danger ; since it is not possible to govern so, but very many 
will be dissatisfied ; and these will think the ends of govern- 
ment are broken by every ill administration. And as for 
religion (that is of a spiritual nature, in which we are to ex- 
pect only such rewards as are in this life internal and spiritual 
and that will be eternal hereafter), it is certain we are to cast 
that care on Him whose providence governs all human affairs, 
and are to think it enough if we are truly religious ourselves, 
and diffuse it among such as are about us ; but there being 
such a vast difference of opinion concerning religion it is 
certainly inconsistent with the peace of mankind (the pre- 
serving which must be a great part of religion) that men 
should raise commotions on that account. And this is yet 
much clearer in the Christian religion ; in which, as we have 
the declaration of our Saviour that his kingdom was not of 
this world (for otherwise his servants would have fought for 
him), and his practice likewise in reproving St. Peter when 
he drew his sword in his defence, so it is also plain (both from 
St Paul's Epistle to the Romans and St Peter's first Epistle) 
that the Apostles condemned all resistance ; for indeed words 
can scarce be found out that are more express and plain than 
theirs are upon the subject The nature of the Christian 
religion proves this yet more fully than any particular text 
can do ; it is a doctrine of faith, patience, humility, self-denial, 
contempt of the world, and resignation to the will of God ; 
we are called in it to bear crosses, to suffer persecution, and 
to be ready to offer up our lives with joy for it ; so that I 
much less wonder to find men that are very serious Christians 

FoxcBorr D 

34 Burnet's Original Memoirs [i66a 

to be against all wars whatsoever than to see them led into 
opinions about the lawfulness of resistance on that account 

It is also clear from the practice of all nations and from 
what is set down both in the Old and New Testaments that 
a state of slavery is neither contrary to laws of nature, nor re- 
ligion, nor to the Christian doctrine ; for in the New Testament 
masters are nowhere charged to [manumit]^ their servants 
but only to use them well, and St. Paul thought himself 
obliged to send Onesimus back to Philemon, for a servant 
having by a fair bargain given up his liberty was ever there- 
after subject to his master; and by a greater congruity of 
reason, if a nation had chosen, representatives who had con- 
sented to laws that gave away their liberty in the matter of 
resistance [/. ao {b)\ the thing is done, and can never be 
reversed but by the same authority that established it. So 
far I have given my sense of this very dangerous opinion that 
many of them hold. 

'^yi t :c . U >' ■' ^ <, . A dif^ession concerning government. 

The second opinion was that the king- and the -law were 
never to be resisted — that is, the king [and] * parliament, or 
the king governing according to law — but that laws were the 
measures of subjects' submission as well as of their obedience, 
and that the king was as much bound to his people by his 
coronation oath, as they were bound to him by the oath of 
allegiance ; and therefore when he brake the one they were 
absolved from the other and might defend themselves, par- 
ticularly if there were any provisos in the law that seemed to 
reserve this right to them. This becomes a question of law : 
Whether the king is the head of the government or is only 
trusted with it as the chief minister in it. In our case this 
seemed to me to be out of doubt ; for a king among us has 
his full power before he is crowned, so that, whatever coro- 
nations might have been anciently, they are now only the 

* *• Emancipate ' is the original reading ; corrected by Burnet to ' manumit' 

* This seems preferable to the * or' of the MS. 

i66a] HarL MSS. 6584, ff. 20 (a)~2i {a) 35 

pompous declarations of his power and not the investitures 
by which he receives it ; and therefore his oath is only an 
obh'gation on himself to God. And since by plain and express 
laws all the power of the militia is vested singly in the king 
(with as positive exclusions of the subjects using force against 
him as can be contrived in words) all this falls to the ground ; 
and whatever power of self-preservation may be supposed to be 
in men before such laws were made, yet, these being once made, 
all that ceases and the liberty of the subject is in so far given 
up. This has been always my opinion in this matter ; yet I do 
not deny, but the thing will bear a great debate from the 
nature and ends of government, in cases where they are visibly 
violated by high degrees of rage and cruelty. But all I can 
say in that case is, that it is certain a madman ceases to be 
a man and naturally falls under guardians and tutors, and 
every man has a right to stop him, if he runs about to do 
mischief ; so the rage of a monstrous tyrant may be presumed 
to be really phrensy, and in that case he may be restrained 
and the next heir is guardian ; not so much because his 
people cease to be subjects as because he ceases to be a man. 
But this falls out so seldom that it signifies nothing to the 
debate as it is stated amongst us. I will go a little further 
on this head because I studied it, much with Mr. Nair[n ?] 
[/. %\ (a)] at this time and have since that time applied my 
thoughts so much to it that if I am able to search any one 
thing to the bottom, I have done it in this matter ; and indeed 
my aversion to the ill conduct of aflfairs, and somewhat of 
natural heat and carelessness in my temper, has given me the 
bias rather in favour of resistance than against it ; so that 
nothing but the force of reason and conscience has determined 
me against it. I confess I could never understand what they 
meant who settled monarchy or the power of princes upon 
a divine right Indeed, under the Mosaical dispensation (in 
which the Jews had the land of Canaan by an immediate 
grant from Heaven) God did reserve the supreme civil 
government to himself, and by prophets (solemnly authorized) 
he declared on whom he would have it fall. So it was done 

D 2 

36 Burnet's Original Memoirs [i66a 

in the cases of Saul, David, Jeroboam, and Jehu ; therefore 
all that is in the Old Testament concerning civil government 
belonged only to the policy of the Jews and signifies nothing 
to the present matter. But in the New Testament there are 
no particular forms of government prescribed, only general 
rules both for governors and subjects are given. The Roman 
government was then in one person, not only by conquest, 
but by the surrender the senate had made to Augustus, which 
gave him and his family a good title. I was for sometimes 
\sic] pleased with Dr. Hammond's notion^, that the power of 
the sword must be from God since the people could never 
devolve it, for no man can give that which he has not ; since 
then no man has a right either to kill himself, or to kill 
another, the right of killing can only come from God. This 
looked fine and plausible, but I thought it too fine and at 
last found the flaw in it. In order to the opening this, I shall 
give the best account I can of the beginning and nature of 
government. Certainly every father had an absolute power 
over his children, but upon his death they were all free ; for 
primogeniture cannot be supposed by the law of nature to 
give the elder brother any sort of authority over his younger 
brethren. So upon the multiplication of mankind (their first 
seats growing too narrow for them) we cannot but suppose 
that they hived \sic\ out to the next fields, and countries ; 
and the first possession gave a man as much right to any 
fields as he that came first could employ or manage ; and he 
that came next had a right to sit down at a competent dis- 
tance from him. Now self-preservation being a part of the 
law of nature, every man has it entire that is a free man ; and 
such were all men upon the death of their father. There are 
two branches in self-preservation ; the one is a right [/. 21 {b)'\ 
to beat off a violent and unjust aggressor; the other is a 
right to take reparation of any sudden or violent invasion ; 
and without the second the first cannot effect its end (which 

* The allusion is probably to the tract by Hammond, Of rtsisiing thg 
famous Practical Cattchism, Book II, lawful magistrate under colour cf reU- 
sect. V. There is, however, also a gion^ published at Oxford in 1644. 

1662] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 21 (a)-2i (h) 37 

is self-preservation); and a man's whole property comes 
under the general notion of himself. Every man likewise 
owes his neighbour assistance in the case of invasion, both as 
it is an act of humanity to another and as it is a mean to 
cover himself; for he cannot expect that another should assist 
him but as he is ready likewise to give him assistance when 
he needs it. Now, government or civil society is nothing, 
but a compromise for the use of this second branch of self- 
preservation (that is the taking just revenge, or reparation) 
in -which men reserve the first part entire still of covering 
themselves from an unjust aggressor (for that will not admit 
of delays nor stay for forms) ; but they resign up* the othev. 
Therefore I think, with reverence to Dr. Hammond (whose 
memory I highly honour ^), that every man had a right to the 
sword against his neighbour that invaded him, both for self-* 
defence and for just revenge ; and that government is the 
resigning up the second of these to be managed in such a 
method as shall be agreed on. Now the first occasion of 
these compacts seems to have risen from the loose companies 
of robbers who lived on spoil and entered into combinations 
for the managing their designs and dividing the spoil ; and as 
they prevailed over the weaker and more industrious part of 
mankind, that gave themselves to* agriculture, so conquest and 
absolute monarchies did grow and spread itself \sic\ by those 
troops of successful robbers ; and the combination [s] of the more' 
industrious seem to have given the beginnings to common- 
wealths which [oft times or at times ^] were eaten up by con- 
querors. Another beginning of governments seems to have risen 
out of the industry and success of some and the laziness and 
unsuccessfulness of others, who were thereby reduced to such 
extremities, as to sell themselves to the others ; and by this 
means a rich man like Abraham came to have a great family, 
and with his 318 males he must have grown up quickly to a 
vast empire, since we see to what a number seventy-two souls 

» For Burnet's high sense of Ham- ed by Burnet, in correction of the 
mond*s virtues see Hisi, i 177. words * at time * written by the tran- 

' The phrmse in brackets is insert- scriber. 

33 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1662 

increased in Egypt in 400 years' time. So it is probable that 
those masters of numerous families took large countries and 
gave their servants a great deal of their liberty again ; but 
retained still a dominion over their properties or lives though 
they did not always^ use it ; and out of this the more r^fular 
and lasting monarchies seem to have risen. [/. 22 (a)] But 
upon the whole matter, since property and liberty are things 
alienable, we are not now to examine what were the first 
fountains or beginnings of this power, but must take things as 
we now find them. Those who assert a divine right had best 
shew where God has declared it, how it has come into such 
a family, how it comes to go in some governments to the 
heir general, and in others only to the heir male, besides 
many other vast diversities that are in government ; and how 
to derive all these from God, is that which I could never con- 
ceive. But on the other hand, though I do not derive my 
property to my goods from the law of God but hold it only 
by the law of the land where I live, yet having this property 
once vested in me, the law of God sets a fence about it and 
binds up all men s consciences, so that they cannot break in 
upon this property without sinning against God. So likewise 
though I can see no divine right on which the king Can found 
his title (there being no declaration made by God— unless it 
be in his supernatural curing the king's evil on which I 
'believe he would not willingly ground his title — ) yet he has 
otherwise a very good right First, a long and immemorial 
possession which is the first title to any property ; this has 
been often confirmed in his ancestors and in himself by plain 
and express laws, and is more particularly bound upon the 
consciences of his people by the oath of allegiance, all which 
are indeed human titles, but they vest in him the same right 
to the crown, and to all the prerogatives of it, and in particular 
to that of the militia, that any other man has in his property ; 
and as the law of God secures every man in his property 
so that it is theft or robbery for another to invade it, so the 
same rule secures the king in his, so that it is usurpation and 
rebellion to invade any part of it. And thus I have taken 

1662-3] Harl MSS. 6584, ^ 21 (*)~22 (b) 39 

occasion to give this full and plain account of my opinion as 
to civil government and all rebellion against it; which I 
have so openly and frequently declared both in books, in 
sermons, and in familiar discourses, that if I had not seen too 
much of the injustice and baseness of the world to wonder at 
anything I should wonder much to find myself aspersed as 
a favourer of rebellion ; whereas I think there is no man 
living whose principles determine him more steadily against 
it. But I leave this digression and return to the change 
now made in Scotland. 

[Prejudices in/used against episcopacy.] 

Cf. Hist. i. 158 (* The people were much troubled . . . before he died *). 

For * infusing . . . both in public and private ' rtad * preaching to the people.* 

For * was to destroy . . . vice ' nod * flowed from an enmity to Christ and to 
the power of religion.' 

[/ 23 (6)] For * aimed . . . immoral * read ' were to be raised above their 
brethren ; and so they made their hearers believe that all zeal and strictness 
in religion was [sic] to be borne down among them.' 

jifter 'northern parts' add 'such as had only taught schools there, and 
many of them could not get so high.' 

Om, 'the most concerned' ; and from ' I have thus opened ' to ntd of para* 

[Bumefs own conduct {winter of 1662-3).] 

I was all this winter at Edinbui^h, and went very little 
abroad ; I read besides mathematics ^ several of the fathers, 
and went through the tomes of the Councils in a series, till 
I came down to the second Nicene Council ; and out of the 
canons that I found there I formed an idea of church 
government that quite spoiled me as to all preferment. 
I made a large abstract of what I liked best in all those 
ages, and I took up then such notions as I could never since 
that time lay down. I grew to hate all opinions that tended 
to raise the wealth and the secular power of the clergy, and 
insensibly came to love a monastic state of life. I hated our 
contentions at home, and my melancholy prevailed so upon 
me, that nothing but clear and strong principles could have 
preserved me from going over to the church of Rome, and 

^ See anttf p. 30. 


Burnetts Original Memoirs [1662-3 

entering into a religious order. I writ an unsubscribed' 
letter to Sharp, setting before him the miserable state [/. 23 {a)] 
in which we were falling, and begged him to think on some- 
what to heal our breaches, and to settle us again. I sent it 
by my man, who did not come away so quick but he was 
examined and owned that he came from me. Sharp bid him 
tell me that he would be glad to speak with me, so two days 
after I went to him. I had never seen him before ; I kneeled 
for his blessing, so by that he saw I was episcopal. He 
treated me roughly, and asked me what I had to propose for 
the settlement of the government or church. I told him 
remedies could be easily found out, if there were once 
a disposition to seek for them ; but being pressed by him 
to offer somewhat, I proposed the suffering all the presby- 
terians to return to such churches as were not yet planted, 
and then seeking expedients for keeping matters in some 
unity till they should die out, and in the meanwhile to be 
taking care of a good breed ^. He grew a little calm at last, 
and told me that young men understood not government and 
ought not to meddle in it ; he believed I had good intentions, 
but charged me not to talk of that that passed between us to 
any person ^ and so dismissed me with some civilities. I con- 
fess a disease had now got into my mind which held me above 
ten years. It was an opinion that I had that mankind was 
capable of amendment, and that churches and churchmen 
could be reformed, and that abuses might be so laid open that 
they should grow generally odious to all the world. With 
these things I pleased as well as I vexed myself very long, 
and I made it my chief business in the study of antiquity 
to pick up everything that might fortify these notions ; and 
I have had many discourses with bishop Leighton concerning 

* This * letter * which was * unsub- 
scribed' and written before Burnet's 
introduction to Sharp (see f. 23 (a) infra) 
must not be confounded with the 
signed ^Memorial' sent by Burnet in 
1666 to all the bishops of Bumet*s ac- 
quaintance (see Hist i. 217, and Mr. 
Airy's note in loco, i. c. vol. i. p. 387 
of his edition). A copy of the latter, 

which was not known to exist, has 
been found among the Burnet MSS. 
in the Bodleian (Add. MSS. D. 23, ff. 
103-10), and will be published by the 
Scottish Historical Society in their 
next Misceilafiy. 

■ This was Leighton's scheme ; see 
supra, p. 16 ; and Hist i. 274-6. 

1662-3] Had. MSS. 6584, ff. 22 (*)-23 {b) 41 

them, who had heat enough that way. • Mr. Charteris had 
always the true notion of this matter, that it was a vain thing 
to dream of mending the world • (and chiefly that which is 
generally the worst part of it, I mean churchmen) ; so that 
all that a wise or good man ought to do was to possess his 
own mind with good notions and to infuse them in some few 
individuals that were prepared for them, or were capable of 
them ; and that it was a fruitless labour to hope to propagate 
them to the world, or to do any good on great numbers. But 
these things did not cool me ; time and experience have at 
last done it; for I have now for many years laid down all 
these thoughts upon which I had formerly raised many 
schemes and formed many models. 

In the beginning of the next year 1663 ^a plot was dis- 
covered in London, and one that was taken for it said to 
the king that if he would save his life he would tell him 
where the lord Warriston was; upon which it being found 
that he was at Rouen, one was sent to the court of France for 
a warrant to seize him ; and that being granted, he was taken 
and brought over to [/. 23 {b)] the Tower of London ^ When 
the news of this came to Scotland my mother (who loved her 
brother to a very high degree) desired me to go to London to 
be assistant to his lady, hoping that I might have easy access 
to Lauderdale ; so I went thither. It fell in an ill time ; for 
Lauderdale, being then in his struggle for mastery with 
Middleton, would not meddle in any sort to do us any service. 
We solicited all the hungry courtiers ; many that had a great 
mind to our money tried what could be done ; but they all 
found it was a thing too big for them to meddle with ; so after 
five months' fruitless attendance ^ he was sent down to Scot- 
land, but the end of his business shall be told in its proper 

Middleton disgraced, 

Cf. Hist. i. 300 {from *• But now I return * to p. aos, ' for all his high character '). 

Far * But now I return . . . received by the king * read ' At this time several 
papers passed between Lauderdale and Middleton, for as soon asthelatter came up. ' 

For ' The lord Clarendon . . . fortnight * rettd only ^ which was done about 
a fortnight after.* 

• Cf. Hist, i. 248. ^ Ibid. X98. • Ibid. 

42 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1662-3 

Aftgr ^ writing * aM ' that so he might prepare an answer for them. Lauder- 
dale sent his paper to him within two days.* 

For ^ all on design . . . they had done ' read ' Clarendon advised his delaying 
it as long as could be.' 

For * Sheldon . . . errors ' read * both Sheldon, who was then in high favour, 
and Monk were set on the king, to mitigate his displeasure against Middleton/ 

For ^ who knew Scotland . . . service * read * said it would discontent all the 
cavalier interest.' 

Om. (fir the time) *' And to support all this ... go up ' ; reading only ^ During 
this contest, Sharp came up.' 

Om, ' and that he would lay . . . advice sent to him.' 

For ^ When he reproached . . . denied all * read ^ He protested to him he had 
opposed the billeting^, and had put in a billet of white paper.' 

After *• shewed it to Sharp ' add ' written all with his own hand, and signed 
by him and nine other bishops.' 

For * in a most abject manner' read < like a child that was to be whipped.' 

After * power ' add ^ and they that were not yet well settled and knew they 
had so many enemies durst not provoke him and his friends, which was all 
the party they had.* 

Om» * would forgive . . . past, and * ; also ' So Sharp . . . wholly his.* 

[/ 34 (a)] After * the next day * insert * for he grew very soon to put some 
confidence in me, and to speak to me of public affairs.' 

For ^ Sharp . . . well ' read * So that Sharp began to think it might be more 
for their interest to have Middleton changed than continued ; he found.' 

Om. ' which he was uneasy . . . resist it ' ; and * for the lord Lauderdale . . • 
readily do.' 

Om, * desiring him . . . kept down.* 

After * king's hand * add ' and signet' 

After ' mind in the matter ' add * Lauderdale represented this to the king as 
a strange piece of insolence.' 

Om, ^ when his head . . . mind it ; * and ftir ' bid him . . . master of him- 
self* read 'said somewhat, which he fancied amounted to a warrant to recall 
bis letter.* 

Om, ' The queen-mother . . . end of May ' and substitute * Middleton gave 
in his answer [cf. Hist, i. aoo] in which he laid all upon the parliament, and 
said he thought he had taken the safest way, by which, as he gratified so loyal 
a parliament, so he kept the thing entire to the king to do with it what he 
pleased. Within two or three days after he had given in his answer [/ 34 (6)] 
Lauderdale had a reply ready, which was soon put in his hands ; and he took 
as much time to answer that, as he did for the former. In the meantime 
many letters came from Scotland [cf. iind, infra] of the insolencies of the 
presbjrterian party, and that the churchmen who built all their expectations 
on Middleton's zeal and steadiness were quite discouraged ; all the cavaliers 
and the clergy about the court had this in their mouths perpetually, and Lauder- 
dale expostulated with Sharp, as giving the credit, if not the being, to these 
discourses ; and he knew him too well to believe his protestations to the 
contrary for his own vindication. At last, in the beginning of May, Middleton 

' Cf. Lauderdale PaperSf i. 1x2 3. 

1663] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 23 (*)-25 (a) 43 

gave in hia second paper of answers, and so they both left the matter before 
the king, and on the 92nd of May.* 

After * trust * add * in which Monk spake the most.' 

Om, ' Yet he promised . . . honest man.' 

After < after that * add ' on the a9th of May.' 

For ' after a sort . . . injustice ' read * [his] greatness overset him.' 

Om, ' He and his company . . . anything like it, so.' 

For ' great magnificence . . . many ' read * the highest magnificence of any 
commissioner I ever saw in Scotland.' 

Onu ' and he was a firm . . . enemy.' 

For < trust him ' read * trust him too much ; * and for ' and kept . . . high 
character' read 'for holding another session of parliament Crawford also 
resigned up the treasury, and Rothes was made treasurer. Sir Robert Moray 
was appointed to officiate as secretary in Lauderdale's absence \* 

\Bumet in England^ 1663 •.] 
But now I shall give some account of myself during my 
stay at London. I contracted two friendships that proved 
of great use to me ; ■ one was with sir Robert Moray • and 
the other with Mr. Drummond, and they were both of that 
importance that in the daily enumeration I make in my 
thanksgivings to God for the signal blessings of my life I 
never forgot \sic\ them. Sir Robert Moray ^ was a wonderful 
composition [/. 25 {a)\ of a man ; there was nothing of art or 
form in him, all was simple and natural. ^ He had a great 
strength of apprehension and vivacity of mind ** in pursuing 
lively notions ; he knew mankind well, and though he never 
spake hardly of any man, yet when he gave characters of 
men to a friend, it appeared he did it with great judgement. 
He was not imposed upon by vulgar opinions or prejudices, 
but had a most unclouded clearness of mind. ®He had 
studied Epictetus much and had wrought up his mind to 
all his maxims, so that things without him seemed to make 
no impressions on him, and he was ever the same, so well 
poised that I never saw him in different tempers ^ He could 
pass from business to learning, from that to pious discourses, 

• C£ Life {fiist. ii), p. 676. »» Cf. Hist L 59. « Ibid, supra. 

^ See Mr. Aiiy's notes, //its/, m lorn, * The reader should compare the 

' Fortbisepisodeseeaif/#,p. 41; Au- characters of Moray given in HisL i. 

tobiograpl^ infira^ ff. 199, aoo ; the Life 59 ; Life {Hist ii), p. 676 ; Auto, infra, 

byThomasBurnet(appendedto//f5/.ii), f. 200 ; and Scottish Review, Jan., 1885 

p. 676 ; Hisi. L aoo, and Routh*s note. (Mr. Airy). 


Burnetts Original Memoirs 


and then go into familiar prating, and go round again, with 
that easiness that it was visible nothing went deeper into his 
thoughts than as he had a mind it should go. * He had noble 
and generous thoughts of God and religion* The chief 
exercise of his devotion was every night to review what he 
had seen that day, with acts of adoration, celebrating such 
of the divine attributes as appeared to him in the new 
occurrences of providence ; and this he did commonly in an 
audible discourse which he said heated his fancy and fixed 
his thoughts. He had some favourable characters written to 
him of me by the countess of Balcarres *, and after a whiles 
general conversation, he took me into his bosom, and carried 
me always about with him ; so that I spent the half of the 
day in his company; and he gave me more good rules for 
human life than I had ever heard before. One thing in him 
was quite new to me, which was the receiving all that came to 
him with an open and cheerful visage as if he had known 
them long, and his talking of indifferent things frankly to 
them ; this was very obliging, and took off that restraint 
of bashfulncss that is on modest men. *His greatest act 
of kindness was to me in reproving what he saw amiss in 
me ^ ; which was, too much talk, and a bold way of speaking ; 
a readiness to censure others, and to set a value on myself, 
and to affect to talk eloquently ^ ; of this last he cured me 
quite, and shewed me how far plain simple reason was 
beyond all laboured stuff; but my other faults were too 
deeply rooted to be soon cured. My other friend was 
Mr. Drummond ^, who had lived above ten year in London, 
and had done great services to many of his countrymen 

• Cf. Hist. i. 59. ^ Ibid, and Life 'Jiisi. ii), p. 676. 

^ See ante^ p. 29, note 3. 

' Cf. with this frank self-condemna- 
tion the very amusing and garrulous 
reminiscences of Cockburn, who had 
known Burnet in early youth, and 
speaks much of his self-conceit {A 
spKint9H o/sofHt free and intpartial re^ 
marks . . . occasioned by Dr. Bumefs 
^ffistofy,* Remark II, pp. 27-30). 

' i.e. Mr. Patrick Drummond, the 

correspondent of Sharp (see Lauder- 
dale Papers^ i. 3, 36, 41-56, 60, 64-90, 
93, 94\ A Presbyterian minister 
living in London, he had acted as a 
channel between Sharp, before his de- 
fection, and the English Presbyterians ; 
and also served occasionally as the inter- 
mediary between Sharp in Scotland 
and Lauderdale in England {ibid, 79, 
88, 90, and Bee Auto, infra, f. 200). 

i6^] Harl MSS. 6534, ff, 25 (a)-a5 {U) 45 

(especially to Lauderdale and Crawford in their imprison- 
ment) and had been Sharp's particular friend and confidant. 
He lived then in sir Thomas Viner's house ^ as his friend, 
and was very low in a consumption ; it was believed he had 
an ulcer in his lungs, and it was not thought he could have 
lived a month to an end ; but [/. 25 {b)\ a chemical medicine 
had a wonderful effect on him, for it recovered him so that he 
lived ten years after, but he had never perfect health. He 
was a generous and worthy man, and set himself much to 
do good ; his heart was full of religion ; he was free of all 
superstition and bigotry, and saw through the errors and 
follies of all parties. He was a man of great understanding 
and of a true judgement. He likewise took me to task, for he 
was morose and used to chide me for my faults a little too 
much ; but between him and sir Robert Moray I had many 
a severe chiding ; and though I mended but slowly upon it, 
yet they found I took all in such good part that they were 
much encouraged to go on with me ; and indeed they both 
took as much pains on me to form me right as if I had been 
their brother, which was an invaluable blessing to me. For 
now I was all in a fermentation ; my devotion was much 
rubbed off, and I was swelled up with pride and vanity ; so 
mercifully did God deal with me in providing me with two 
such faithful friends and prudent monitors. I made at this 
time great acquaintance among all sorts of people. I resolved 
to know some of the more select of all parties, as Thurscrosse^ 
and Thomdike * among the high episcopal men ; • Wilkins *, 

• Cf. Life {Hist a;, p. 676. 

^ One of Sharp's letters is addressed 
to him 'at Mr. Thomas Viner, his 
shop in Lombard Street, London.* 

* Dr.TimothyThurscrosse (orThirst- 
crosse), a fellow of Magdalen College, 
is mentioned in the L^e of Barwick as 
a person of great, piety, who in 1660 
was living in Westminster. He sub- 
sequently (?) became Prebendary of 
Yoric, and is said to have had some con- 
nexion with the Charterhouse ; in 
1670 be was a fellow of Eton (note 
communicated by Mr. Doble, from 
FtuH OxofiieHseSj ed. Bliss, col. 408, 

note ; see also Auto, m/m, f. 199). 

' Herbert Thomdike (1598-1672), 
the distinguished scholar and divine 
(whose works have been republished in 
the Library of An glo-Catholic Th eology, 
and whose views on the Eucharist 
were regarded by Newman, after his 
secession, as essentially orthodox), was 
a fellow of Trinity, Cambridge, and 
spent the years 1662-6 in the Uni- 
versity (see Did. Nat. Biog, and 
Auto, infira^ f. 199). 

* John Wilkins (1614-72), who 
under the Commonwealth had been 


Burnet's Original Memoirs 


Whitchcot \ Tillotson \ and Stillingffleet • among the moderate 
episcopal men, * who were then called Latitudinarians ' ; and 
Baxter ^ and Manton ^ among the presby terians ; ^ and I went 
to both universities. At Cambridge I conversed most with 
Dr. More \ whose candour and philosophic temper charmed 
me much ^ ; I went also to Dr. Gunning ^, but could not bear 
with his disputations and scholastical way. The new philo* 
sophy was then much in all people's discourse and the Royal 
Society was much talked of» and I knew enough of those 
matters to make some appearance ^ ; and indeed 1 concealed 
nothing I knew. ® At Oxford I found ecclesiastical learning 

• Cf. HisL i. 188. ^ Cf. Life {Hist, ii), p. 676. • Cfl iM, 

successively Warden of Wadham and 
Master of Trinity, Cambridge, had 
been deprived of the latter office at 
the Restoration ; and was at this 
time Secretary of the Royal Society 
(incorporated, principally at his in- 
stance, a few months earlier). Al)out 
four years after this date he became 
Vicar of St Lawrence, Jewry, and 
shortly after was raised to the See 
of Chester (Diet, Nat. Biog. ; Hist. i. 
x86~7, and M r. Airy *s note ; Auto, infru^ 
t 199). 

* Benjamin Whichcote (1609-83), 
distinguished under the Common- 
wealth (as Vice-chancellor of Cam- 
bridge and Provost of King's) for his 
moderate conduct and ' Rational ' 
theology, had been ejected on the 
Restoration ; but on complying with 
the Act of Uniformity he had been 
appointed, a few months before this 
date, to the cure of St Anne's, Black- 
friars {Diet Nat. Biog. ; Hist. i. 186-7, 
and Mr. Airy's note ; and Auto. i»/ra, 
{. 199). 

' John Tillotson (1630-94), sub- 
sequently Archbishop of Canterbury, 
bad been ejected in 1660 (in favour of 
Gunning, who is said to have been 
himself previously ejected) from a 
fellowship at Clare Hall, Cambridge. 
He then took orders, and conformed, 
and was at this date Rector of Ke- 
dington. Suffolk {Diet, Nat. Biog. ; 
Hist. i. 189, and Mr. Airy*s note ; Auto. 
infra f t 199). 

* Edward Stillingfleet (1635-99), 
at this time Rector of Sutton 

and subsequently Bishop of Wor- 
cester, was already, despite his 
youth, known on account of his Inrn- 
cutH (1659) and Origims (1669) as 
a man of learning and original ability 
{Did. Nat. Biog, ; Hist. i. 189, and Mr. 
Airy*s note ; Auto, infra^ f. 199). 

* Richard Baxter v having been driven 
from the Church by the Act of Uni- 
formity) was at this time living in 
retirement at Acton, Middlesex {Diet. 
Nat. Biog.f and Auto, in/m, f. 199). 

^ Thomas Manton (1600-77), the 
* Prelate of the Presbyterians,* had 
left the living of St. P&ul's, Coven t 
Garden, rather than conform ; and had 
apparently by this time opened a con- 
venticle {Dtet Nat. Biog. ; Hist, i. 
259, 308 ; Auto, infra, f. 199). 

* Henry More, the famous ' Christian 
Platonist ' (1614-87), was a fellow of 
Christ's, Cambridge (Diet. Nat. Biog. ; 
Hist. i. 187-8, and Mr. Airy*s note ; 
Auto, infra, {. 199). 

^ For Peter Gunning (1614-84), 
afterwards Bishop of Ely, see HisL 
t. 181, 436 (and Mr. Airy*8 notes in 
iocis)t 590. He was at this time head 
of St. John's, Cambridge, and Regius 
Professor of Divinity. His high 
Royalist and Anglican views, and his 
opposition to Baxter at the Savoy 
conference, are well known {Diet. 
Nat. Biog.', Auta infra, f. 199). 

* CL A Discourse on the Memory 
of ... Sir Robert Fleteker of Saltoun 
. . . 1665, p. 65 : Hist. i. 500 ; Life 
by Thomas Burnet, appended to Hist. 
it 690, and the Auto, infra, f. 309* 

ittj] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 25 (A)-26 (a) 47 

more in request ; and there my study of antiquity (I being 
then so young) did me some service ^ or rather it advanced 
my vanity. I was much delighted with the spirit I saw in 
Dr. Fell * and Dr. AUestry *, who were two of the devoutest 
men I saw in England; they were much mortified to the 
world and fasted and prayed much ; only they were too 
hot as I thought in some little matters. My declaring for 
Lauderdale and ^my being much with Dr. Wallis^ (to whom 
sir Robert Moray recommended me) made me pass for 
a presbyterian ^ with them ; so they were reserved to me 
[y. 26 (a)] ; or perhaps they looked on me as a vain confident 
boy, who had a little knowledge and a vast deal of pride. 
* From the universities I returned to London % where I needed 
some of the mortifications that my two friends there gave me. 
^But now I came to understand a little the state of the court 
and church of England, and I shall give a true account of it 
all, * in which the reader is not to expect things so punctual 
as he found concerning Scotland *. 

I b^in with a character of the king and the duke, but 
I must give these at present very imperfect, otherwise 
what I write may happen to be seized on, and I know not 
what may be made of that^; but I will venture on a good 
deal now, and if ever I outlive them I will say the rest then 
when it will be more safe. 

• a. Life (//«/. ii), p. 6761 ^ Cf. ibid. • Cf. ibid. 
• Ibid, 91. 

* Cf. Hist, i. 159, 

^ John Fell (1695-86% expelled as 
a student from Oxford for his fervent 
roymlism, had taken orders in 1647 and 
with Dolben, Allestree, &c kept up the 
Anglican tradition at Oxford. At the 
Restoration he became Canon and 
Dean of Christ Church and chaplain 
to the king; and was Bishop of 
Oxford 1675^86 {Diet, Nat, Biog.\ 
Hist. i. 6Qr, 694-5 ; Auto, infra^ f. 199). 

* The learned Richard Allestree 
(1619-81), a friend and associate of 
FelTs, htcMmt. on the Restoration Canon 
of Clurist Church and Regius Professor. 
He was subsequently Provost of Eton ; 
and has been now identified with the 
anoBjriBoua author of the IVhoU 

Duty of Man (see Diet. Nat, Biog., 
and Mr. Doble in Academy for Nov. 
1884 ; //f5/. ii.644; Auto, infra^i. 199"^. 

* John Wallis (1616-1703), the 
celebrated mathematician, Savilian 
Professor of Geometry at Oxford from 
1649, and a founder of the Royal 
Society, had been ordained in 7640, 
had held livings under the Common- 
wealth, had acted as secretaxy to the 
Westminster Assembly, and bore the 
title of D.D. {Diet. Nat, Btog,, and 
Auto, in/m, f. i99\ 

* He evidently alludes to the pos- 
sibility of his own arrest, in conse- 
quence of his connexion with Russell 
some weeks before ; there can be no 

48 Burnetts Original Memoirs [i6^ 

The kings character \ 

• The king is certainly the best bred man in the world ■ ; for 
the queen-mother observed often the great defects of the late 
king's breeding and the stiff roughness that was in him, by 
which he disobliged very many and did often prejudice his 
affairs very much ; so she gave strict orders that the young 
princes should be bred to a wonderful civility. ^ The king is 
civil rather to an excess and has a softness and gentleness 
with him, both in his air and expressions, that has a charm 
in it. ® The duke would also pass for an extraordinary civil 
and sweet tempered man if the king were not much above 
him in it ", who is more naturally and universally civil than the 
duke. The king has a vast deal of wit (indeed no man has 
more), and a great deal of judgement when he thinks fit to 
employ it ; he has strange command of himself, he can pass 
from business to pleasure and from pleasure to business in 
80 easy a manner that all things seem alike to him ; he has 
the greatest art of concealing himself of any man alive, so 
that those about him cannot tell when he is ill or well pleased, 
and in private discourse he will hear all sorts of things in such 
a manner that a man cannot know whether he hears them or 
not, or whether he is well or ill pleased at them. * He is very 
afl'ablc not only in public but in private, only •he talks too 
much and runs out too long and too far. He has a very ill 
opinion both of men and women, and so is infinitely distrust- 
ful ; he thinks the world is governed wholly by interest*, and 
indeed he has known so much of the baseness of mankind that 
no wonder if he has hard thoughts of them ; but when he is 
satisfied that his interests are likewise become the interests of 

• Cr. //lis/, i. 6xa ; ii. 66z. ^ /M. and i. 93. • Cf. ibid. u. 66x. 

^ Ibid. i. 93. * Ibid. 94 and 618-3. 

specific reference to the i>apers of vol vii. Appendix II, p. 189. The 

Algernon Sidney, unless this passage reader should compare, not only the 

was added at\er his trial in Nov., portraits mentioned by Mr. Airy in 

1683. his note to Hist. \. p. 166 of his edi- 

* Printed previously by Von Ranke. tion, but the admirable character of 

£n^/i5cA# 64sck$ckU, ed. Leipzig, 1808, Charles II by the Marquis of Halifax. 

1683] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 26 (a)-26 {b) 49 

. his ministers then he delivers [/. 26 (^)] himself up to them in 
all their humours and revenges : for excusing this he has often 
said, that he must oblige his ministers and support their credit 
as necessary for his service ; yet he has often kept up differences 
aniongst his ministers and has balanced his favours pretty 
equally among them, which (considering his temper) must be 
uneasy to him, except it be that there is art necessary and he 
naturally inclines to refinings and loves an intrigue. * His love 
of pleasure and his vast expense with his women*, together with 
the great influence they have had in all his affairs both at home 
and abroad, is the chief load that will lay on him ; for not only 
the women themselves have great power, but his court is full 
of pimps and bawds, and all matters in which one diesires to 
succeed must be put in their hands. ^ He has very merciful 
inclinations^ when one submits wholly to him, but is severe 
enough on those that oppose him, and speaks of all people 
with a sharpness that is not suitable to the greatness of 
a prince. He is apt to believe what is told him, so that the 
first impression goes deepest, for he thinks all apologies are 
lies, ® He has knowledge in many things, chiefly in all naval 
affairs ; even in the architecture of ships he judges as critically 
as any of the trade can do, and knows the smallest things 
belonging to it ; he understands much natural philosophy and 
is a good chymist ; he knows many mechanical things and 
the inferior parts of the mathematics, but not the demonstra- 
tive ; ^he is very little conversant in books, and, young and old, 
he could never apply himself to literature^. He is very kind 
to those he loves, but never thinks of doing anything for 
them, so that if they can find things for themselves he will 
easily enough grant them, but he never sets himself to find out 
anything for them ; and I never heard of above three or four 
instances of any places that he gave of his own motion, so 
that those who have received most of his bounty think they 
owe the thanks more to their instruments than to himself. 
*He never enters upon business with any himself, but if his 

• Cf. //Stf/. L 94. »» Ibid. 6ia contradicts this. / IM. 94. * Cf. 

ibid, and 6zx. * Cf. ibid 94, 

roxcRorr £ 

50 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1683 

ministers can once draw him into business, they may hold him 
at it as long as they will. ' He loves his ease so much, that 
the great secret of all his ministers is to find out his temper 
exactly and to be easy to him. ^ He has many odd opinions 
about religion and morality ; he thinks an implicitness in 
religion is necessary for the safety of government, and he 
looks [/. 27 {a)] upon all inquisitiveness into those things as 
mischievous to the state; ®he thinks all appetites are free 
and that God will never damn a man for allowing himself 
a little pleasure ^, and on this he has so fixed his thoughts that 
no disorders of any kind have ever been seen to give him any 
trouble when they were over, and in sickness (except in his 
ague in [i6]79^) he seemed to have no concern on his mind. 
^And yet I believe he is no atheist ^ but that rather he has 
formed an odd idea of the goodness of God in his mind ; * he 
thinks, to be wicked and to design mischief, is the only thing 
that God hates, and has said to me often, that he was sure he 
was not guilty of that *. I think I have gone pretty far, and 
scarce know how I should scape under the present chief 
justice ^, if this should happen to be seized on. 

The duke*s character^, 

I go next to the duke ; he has not the king's wit nor quick- 
ness, but that is made up by great application and industry, 
' insomuch that he keeps a journal of all that passes, of which 
he shewed me once a great deal, and he had employed the late 
duchess to write it out in the style of a history, for she writ 
very correctly, and he intended to have made me prosecute 
what she had begun, which he shewed me. « He has naturally 
a candour and a justice in his temper very great, and is a firm 

• Cf. Hist. i. 93. »» Ibid, • Ibid. * Ibid. • Ibid. 438. 

' Ibid. x68, 170. > Ibid. 168-9 <"><) ^. 99^-3. 

^ See Hist. i. 474. vacant from June 19, 1683, till Jeffreys* 

' Qu. Pemberton, C.J. Common appointment, Sept. 99, 1683. 

Pleas, who had sentenced Russell, or ' Printed by Von Ranke, vii, Ap- 

Jeffreys f The King's Bench was pendiz II. p. 191. 

1693] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 26 (A-27 {b) 51 

friend, but a heavy enemy, and will keep things long in his 
mind and wait for a fit opportunity. •He has a strange 
notion of government, that everything is to be carried on in 
a high way and that no regard is to be had to the pleasing the 
people ; and he has an ill opinion of any that proposes soft 
methods, and thinks that is popularity • ; but at the same time 
he always talks of law and justice. He is apt enough to re- 
ceive an enemy upon an absolute submission, but ^ he will strain 
hard to ruin an enemy that stands out, and when I knew him 
he scorned to use arts to take them off (as the phrase at court 
was of bringing over leading men in the house of commons to 
their party **), nor will he receive any upon half submissions, 
and ^ he thinks that all who oppose the king in parliament are 
rebels®. He understands business better than is generally be- 
lieved, for * though he is not a man of wit nor fancy, yet he 
generally judges well when things are laid before him, except 
when the violence of his spirit gives him a bias, which it does 
too often. • He is a prince of great courage • and very serene 


in action, and naturally hates a coward, unless it be to make use 
of him in the conduct of his amours ; he abhors drunkenness, 
he never swears nor talks [/. ^^ {b)"] irreligiously ; ' he has pur- 
sued many secret pleasures, but never with an open avowing 
them, and he does condemn himself for it, but yet he is ever 
going on from one intrigue to another, ^ though it is generally 
thought that these have been very fatal to him and that the 
death of so many of his children is owing to that. ^ He is 
a zealous and hearty papist, of which he gave me this account : 
when he was in Flanders, being in a nunnery, a nun pressed 
him much about religion, and begged him to use this prayer 
every day to God, that if he was not in the right way he would 
bring him to it ; which he said sunk deep in his mind and 
raised scruples in himK I asked him, if he was in love with 
the nun, but he assured me, she was no tempting object. He 
was reconciled to the church of Rome * while he was in 

• Cf. Hist. i. 169, 36a ^ Ibid, 169. • Ibid, 360. * Cf. Hisi. ii. apa. 
• Cf. iM: L x68 ; U. 993. ' Ibid. ii. 993 ; i. 169, 998. t Ibi^. i. a9a 

k Ibid. 169. < This conflicts with Hist. L 169. 

£ % 

52 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1683 

Flanders, • but he dissembled the matter long after that. ^ The 
truth was, he had some tinctures in his education that disposed 
him the more to this ; he was bred to believe a mysterious 
sort of real presence in the sacrament, so that he thought he 
made no great step, when he believed transubstantiation, and 
there was infused in him very early a great reverence for the 
church and a great submission to it ^ ; this was done on design 
to possess him with prejudices against presbytery (for that was 
the thing of which the clergy was then most afraid), but it had 
this ill effect, that ® he came to think, if a church was to be sub- 
mitted to, it was more reasonable that it should be the church 
of Rome than the church of England. He is very firm in his 
persuasion, but he has not inquired much into it and is very 
much devoted to his priests, ^ yet when I knew him he seemed 
very positive in his opinion against all persecution for con- 
science sake, but I looked on that only as a thing put in his 
mouth by his priests, for certainly he must be of another 
mind, if he comes to have power in his hands * ; yet I have 
wondered much at one thing, that being so firm as he is in his 
religion, he left his daughters so entirely in the hands of the 
divines of the church of England that he never made any 
attempt on them to persuade them to change, of which the 
princess of Orange assured Dr. Lloyd when he waited on her 
over into Holland. It is very hard to reconcile this with so 
much zeal as he has expressed for that religion. * He had 
indeed an answer ready to another thing, which I took the 
freedom to object to him, which was, that the rest of his life 
was not so exact that so high a zeal as he has shewed in 
his religion could be believed to flow from an inward sense 
of his duty to God, otherwise that would appear in [/. 28 (^i)] 
other things. His answer was, that a man might have a per- 
suasion of his duty to God so as to restrain him from dis- 
sembling with God and man in professing himself to be of 
another religion than that which he believed was true, though 
it did not yet restrain all his appetites. He was so far from 

• Cf. Hist, i. 170. »» Ibid. 169. « Ibid, * Ibid, 179, 359. 

• Cf. ibid, 360. 

i683] Harl MSS. 6584^ ^ 27 (*)-28 (a) 53 

being displeased with me for the freedom of speaking to him 
upon so tender a point, that he not only seemed to take it 
well from me but he has spoken very kindly of me to many 
others upon that very account. 

Afonk's character ^^ 

• As for Monk he deserves not a character so much for his 
own merit, as for the luck he had, to be so great an instrument 
in the bringing home the king •. He was a good officer, had 
much desperate courage, but was an illiterate and injudicious 
man, and was neither a man of religion nor strict virtue ; ^ he 
was by force put on a glorious action after he saw there was 
nothing else to be done, for the stream run so strong for bring- 
ing home the king, that it could not be resisted ^ so sir Tho. 
Clarges and his wife^ put him on to that noble resolution 
® which brought so much wealth and honour on him while 
alive, and has left so much fame on his name. The king car- 
ried himself always with great respect to him, but he had no 
value for him in his heart. 

The earl of Clarendon* s character \ 

*The great man with the king was chancellor Hyde, after- 
wards made earl of Clarendon ^. He had been in the beginning 
of the long parliament very high against the judges upon the 
account of the ship-money and became then a considerable 
man ; he spake well, his style had no flaw in it, but had a just 
mixture of wit and sense, only he spoke too copiously ; he 
had a great pleasantness in his spirit^ which carried him some- 
times too far into raillery, in which • he sometimes shewed more 
wit than discretion. ' He went over to the court party when 
the war was like to break out, and was much in the late king's 
councils and confidence during the war ^, though he was always 

• Cf. Hist, i. 89. »» Ibid. « Ibid, 98. ^ Ibid 94. • Ibid. 95. nbid. 94. 

* Printed by Von Ranke, vii, App.II. in the interval between the date when 
p. 193. Buraet first composed, this character 

' But see Hist. i. 99, where this (1683) and that at which he revised it 

advice is ascribed to Morrice. (1705) Clarendon's own History had 

* Printed by Von Ranke, vii, App. II. appeared (1702;. 
p. 193. It should be remembered that 

54 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1683 

of the party that pressed the king to treat, and so was not in 
good terms with the queen. The late king recommended 
him to this king as the person on whose advices he wished 
him to rely most, and •he was about the king all the while 
that he was beyond sea ■, except a little that he was ambassador 


in Spain ; he managed all the king's correspondences in Eng- 
land, both in the little designs that the cavaliers were some- 
times engaged in, and chiefly in procuring money for the king's 
subsistence, in which Dr. Sheldon was very active ; he had 
nothing so much before his eyes as the king's service and 
doated on him beyond expression: he had been a sort of 
governor to him and had given him many lectures on the 
poHtics ** and was thought to assume and dictate too much **. 
He was in ill terms with the duke in Flanders [/. a8 {b)\ but 
the duke's marrying his daughter took all that away ; ^ he- 
seemed to be wholly a stranger to all that affair, when it broke 
out ®, though that was not generally believed ; but after that was 
done it was a great error in him to have any meddling in the 
matter of the king's marriage, and it being easy to persuade 
the world that men do those things on design that turn to be 
much for their interest, ^ it was generally cast on him that he 
made the king's match upon some informations he had that 
the queen was not like to bring any children, yet that must 
be false *, for Dr. Willis said to a friend of mine that the queen 
had no visible cause of barrenness about her, and that all the 
stories that were spread of her person were false ; ® he also told 
Dr. Lloyd that the queen once miscarried of a child that was 
so far formed that if it had been carefully handled the sex 
might have been distinguished, ^ and I saw a letter that the 
king writ the day after their marriage to Clarendon, in which 
he seemed wonderfully well pleased with her and by which it 
appeared that the marriage was consummated ^. But to pursue 
Clarendon's character: he was a man that knew England 
well, and was » lawyer good enough to be an able chancellor, 
and was certainly a very incorrupt man. In all the king's 

• CtHist. \, 94. «» Ibid. « Ibid, i6a * Ibid. 351. • Ibid. 174, 

' Ibid, supra. f Ibidg^. 

1683] Hari MSS. 6584, ff. 28 (a)-29 (a) 55 

foreign negotiations he meddled too much, for I have been 
told that he had not a right notion of foreign matters, * but he 
could not be gained to serve the interests of other princes *• 
Mr. Fouquet sent him over a present of 10,000 pounds after 
the king's restoration and assured him he would renew that 
every year, but though both the king and the duke advised him 
to take it he very worthily refused it ■. He took too much upon 
him and meddled in everything, which was his greatest error. 
** He fell under the hatred of most of the cavaliers upon two 
accounts. The one was the act of indemnity which cut off all 
their hopes of repairing themselves of the estates of those that 
had been in the rebellion, but he said it was the offer of the 
indemnity that brought in the king and it was the observing 
of it that must keep him in, so he would never let that be 
touched, ^ and many that had been deeply engaged in the late 
times having expiated it by their zeal of- bringing home the 
king were promoted by his means, such as Manchester, 
Anglesey, Orrery, Ashley, Holies, and several others. ^ The 
other thing was that, there being an infinite number of pre- 
tenders to employments and rewards for their services and 
sufferings, so that the king could only satisfy some few of 
them, ® he upon that, to stand between the king and the dis- 
pleasure which those disappointments had given, spoke slightly 
of many of them * and took it upon him that their petitions 
[/. 29 (^i)] were not granted ; and some of them having procured 
several warrants from the secretaries for the same thing (the 
secretaries considering nothing but their fees), he who knew 
on whom the king intended that the grant should fall, took all 
upon him, so that those who were disappointed laid the blame 

• Cf. Hisi. I 167. »» Ibid. 165. Ibid, 98. * Ibid, 164. 
* Ibid, 165 and 95. 

* ' The description given in the levity in his wit, and did not always 
printed text is nothing but an ill- observe the decorum of his post." I 
natured excerpt from this; it runs thus : think the original is much better in this 
" he never seemed to understand case also. The really instructive part 
foreign affairs weULandyet he meddled is dropped in the later form* (note 
too much in them^ (The *• meddled " of translated from Von Ranke,vii, App. II. 
the original refers to his interference in p. 194). 

personal matters.) '* He had too much 

56 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1683 

chiefly if not wholly upon him. • He was apt to talk very 
imperiously and unmercifully, so that his manner of dealing 
with people was as provoking as the hard things themselves 
were • ; but upon the whole matter he was a true Englishman 
and a sincere protestant, and what has passed at court since 
his disgrace has sufficiently vindicated him from all ill designs. 
In one thing it appeared that he had changed his mind much ; 
he penned the declaration at Breda, in which the king 
promised indulgence and ease to tender consciences, and pur- 
suant to that ^he penned a long declaration concerning eccle- 
siastical affairs after the king was restored, which was drawn 
up with that prudence and temper, that by all appearance, if 
the king had stuck to it, both church and state had been 
very quickly happy ; but it was observed that immediately 
after the duke's marriage broke out Clarendon changed his 
measures, and set on his own creatures to arraign that declara- 
tion in the house of commons, of which this account was 
given me : the bishops had stuck to him in the matter of 
that marriage, by letting the king know, that it could not be 
broken neither by the laws of God nor man, that he there- 
upon delivered himself up to their counsels in the affairs of 
the church and so did whatever they had ^ mind to do. This 
gave his friend the earl of Southampton much trouble ^ whose 
character I shall next give. 

The earl of Southampton's character'^. 

He was a high assertor of the rights of his country in the 
business of the ship-money, and in the beginning of the long 
parliament was a leading man in the house of lords, but 
after the king had passed the bill for triennial parliaments 
(together with some other things), he with a great many more 
peers turned about and declared as highly for the king as 
they had done before for their country. ^ When the war brake 
out he followed the king to the last "^ without making one false 

• Cf. Hist i. 94. * Ibid. 178. « Ibid. 95. 

* Printed by Von Ranke, vii, App. II. p. 195. 

i683l Harl MSS. 6584, ^ 29 (a)-29 (b) 57 

step, and was always one of those (or rather the head of them) 
that were driving on a treaty. He was with the king in the 
Isle of Wight, and was one of those that after the dismal 
murder of that blessed prince waited on his body and saw it 
buried at Windsor. He lived private during the usurpation, 
but 'was still sending over large supplies to the king beyond 
sea ; so his great parts together with his great merit made 
him be now considered as one of the first men of England. 
He was made treasurer ■, and Clarendon was proud of his 
friendship and valued himself upon it. ^ He scorned to make 
those advantages of his place that others had done, and so 
came to an agreement with the king, that he should [/. 29 (d)] 
have £Sfioo a year for the place, and that all the offices that 
used to be given, or to speak plain, that were sold by the 
treasurer, which was the chief advantage of that place, should 
be given by the king ; this he observed during his life, but 
since that time the treasurers or commissioners have both 
;£'8,ooo and likewise do really dispose of these places, though 
they pass through the kings hands. «He quickly grew dis- 
gusted of the way in which he saw matters were carried at 
court, and scarce minded business, ^ but turned over the affairs 
of the treasury on his secretary sir Philip Warwick, who, though 
he was a weak man and by being a pretender to wit^ he 
appeared much weaker than he would have otherwise been 
thought, yet was a generous and worthy man, and in the seven 
years in which he governed the treasury, though it was then 
very full of money, he made not so much advantage as others 
have done since that time in one year. ® Southampton was 
for healing the church by concessions ® on both hands, but when 
he saw that all that affair was put in Sheldon's hands, he with- 
drew from the meetings that were held about it and declared 
against their methods. The bishops laid the blame of this 
on the great ascendant that Ashley was observed to have over 

• Cf. Hist. i. 95. >» Ibid. 96. ' Ibui, 95. d Ibid. 96. • Ibid, 17a 

* Notice the absence of an allusion subsequently inserted in the History 
to Warwick^s memoirs (printed in when revised. 
1701, see Mr. Airy*s note in loco) 

58 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1683 

him, and were much troubled to see so unexceptionable a man 
as he was displeased with their maxims. I have heard it also 
said that • he was sorry when he saw the king raise so many 
guards ^ and that the parliament was pouring all things into 
the hands of the court, *and that if he had not prevailed with 
Clarendon not to set on these things further, he would have 
openly stood up for the interests of his country. ° But he with- 
drew himself much from affairs, for which he had too visible an 
excuse, for he fell under most terrible pains by a confirmed 
stone in his bladder, * of which he died afterwards ^. 

The earl of Shaftesbury's character'^. 

But since I have named ® the lord Ashley, afterwards the 
earl of Shaftesbury (that had married his niece and was much 
in his favour), and since he has made such a figure in the 
world, I shall enlarge more on his character ; because I knew 
him well • and so build not on what I have heard from others, 
as I did in the former ones. He was a man of much wit, and 
' as long as the conversation run in a general ramble he was 
very entertaining company. « He knew England well and all 
the interests in it ^, and had a competent skill in law, ^ but as to 
all matters of knowledge the quickness of his thoughts was 
such, that he never went to the bottom of anything, but 
snatched at some hints, which he improved by his fancy, and 
so he committed vast errors when he talked of matters of 
learning. * As to religion he was a deist *, and seemed to be- 
lieve [/.30 {a)] nothing of Christianity, but only that it contained 
good morals ; he was against bringing in religion to the state 
or imposing it on any ; he had odd notions of a future state 
''and thought that our souls went into stars and animated them. 
He would have talked pleasantly of those things but without 
any strength of reason, for he never spake closely to anything, 

• Cf. Hist. i. 161. »> Ibid, 89. • Ibid, 95. «» Ibid, 049. • Ibid, 96. 
' Ibid, 97. « Ibid, infra, ^ Ibid, supra, * Ibid 96. * Ibid, 97. 

' Printed by Von Ranke,vii,App. II. was written Shaftesbury had been 
p. 197. At the time this character dead about six months. 

1683] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 29 {by^y (a) 59 

but always shifted that and got into a loose ramble. His 
morals were of a piece with his religion. • He was esteemed 
a very corrupt man and false to all d^rees^ and that he had 
no regard to anything but his own interest or rather his 
vanity % which was the most fulsome thing I ever saw ; he 
turned the discourse almost always to the magnifying of him- 
self, which be did in so gross and coarse a manner that it 
shewed his great want of judgement ; he told so nuny in- 
credible things of himself that it put me often out of patience ; 
he was mightily overcome with flattery; and that and his 
private interests were the only things that could hold or turn 
him. ^ He had likewise a great dexterity of engaging plain 
and well fneaning men that had no depth of understanding to 
admire him and to depend on him, ^ but even these were often 
disgusted with his vanity and indiscretion. He had turned 
often, but done it with dexterity and success and was proud 
of that, so that he would often set out the art that he had 
shewed in it and never seemed to be ashamed of the mean- 
ness or levity of shifting sides so often ^ ; he pretended, that 
^ in the beginning of the civil wars he had offered to do great 
service to the late king and to put two counties wholly in his 
hands, and that he was going about it, but prince Maurice not 
observing articles he went over upon that to the parliament ^ ; 
then he was much courted by Cromwell and said he did him 
g^eat service in some of his parliaments, insomuch that he 
told some ®that Cromwell offered once to make him king*, 
but he never ofTered to impose so gross a thing on me ; he 
pretended he had a main hand in all the confusions that 
followed after Cromwell's death, for he knew these frequent 
revolutions must end in restoring the king, and he always 
assumed to himself and the lord Holies the merit of forcing 
Monk to declare himself ^ He was certainly very active in 
bringing home the king, and he made him an early present 
of money, and that, together with his parts and Southampton's 

• Cf. His*, i. 97. »» Ibid, 96. « find. 97. ^ Ibid, 96. • Ibid. 97. 

' See Hisi. i. 85, 98. 

6o Burnetts Original Memoirs [1683 

kindness to him, was to be considered ; he was made a baron 
and chancellor of the exchequer, and that put him in the 
way to all that followed. He lived too long, for he lost that 
only part of reputation of which he was fond, which was the 
being a man of interest and understanding; *but he died in 
good time for his family, **in which astrology deceived him, 
[/• 30 (^)] if he told me true, for he depended much on what 
a drunken physician ^ had predicted, and said it had held 
exactly true through the former parts of his life ^ ; he did not 
tell me what was to befall him at last, but ® he believed he 
should be yet a greater man than he had ever been ^ So 
much I have said of him in this place, but I shall hereafter 
have occasion to name him often. 

The duke of Ormond's character '. 

As Clarendon and Southampton were the great men in 
England, so the duke of Ormond was the only man in Ireland 
and had likewise a large share of the affairs in England. He 
was one on whose friendship Clarendon likewise valued him- 
self as having been all along so faithfully and eminently 
employed in the king's affairs. ^ He is a man of a pleasant 
conversation and has ever lived high and at a vast expense * ; 
he writes the best of any man that has no learning that I ever 
knew. His friends have all of them complained much of him, 
that he is a very cold friend and will neither put himself in 
danger nor to trouble for them, and that he thinks it enough 
to be civil and kind to them himself ; and it has been said by 
many, that in the government of Ireland he has considered 
the public good very little; so that many have complained 
that he was neither generous nor grateful. ®The affairs of 
Ireland were very unsuccessful in his hands during the wars 
ever after he began to treat with the Irish®, and both sides 
complained much of him ; though it is generally a very good 
argument for a man, when both extremes are displeased at 

• Hist. i. 97. ^ Ibid. 96. « Ibid. 97. d Ibid. 95. • Ibid. 

' The f/ii/ory says* a Dutch doctor*; *and to espouse the English' only) 
see Christie*s Shaftesbury^ i. 19-ao. has been printed by Von Kanke, vii, 

' This character (as far as the words App. II. pp. 198, 199. 

i683l Harl MSS. 6584, ^ 30 (a)-3i (a) 61 

him. • The Irish complain that he has broke his faith to them, 
for when they treated with the king through his hands many 
articles were granted them about their reh'gion and estates 
and the government of Ireland, upon which they performed 
their parts and put themselves in his hands and raised a great 
army, which was so unexpectedly dispersed ; now they have 
said upon the king's restoration those articles ought to have 
been made good to them *, for though they were beaten they 
could not answer for success, but they had lost their lives and 
estates on the king s account and had been kept under gi'eat 
slavery for twelve years. ** They had likewise another thing 
to depend on when they treated with Ormond : the king was 
then a prisoner, so that he could not ratify the articles that 
were granted them ; upon that the queen, being then at Paris, 
got the crown of France to interpose and give their faith for 
the performance of the treaty, upon which they build their 
hopes to this day**, and this will furnish that crown with a 
good colour for invading Ireland whenever they are on other 
accounts resolved on it ' ; ® but the king was bound by his 
declaration from Breda to make [/. 31 (a)] good the present 
settlement of Ireland, and the earls of Anglesey, Orrery, and 
some others engaged the duke of Ormond to desert the Irish 
interest and to espouse the English \ For which this was all 
that he had to say for himself, that the popish bishops in 
Ireland broke all terms with him and at last excommunicated 
all that adhered to him, upon which he was forced to leave 
Ireland ; so that the treaty failing on their side the king 
could not be bound by it '^ ; and for their blood that was spilt, 
and the miseries that came upon the nation, that did not 
follow upon their adhering to the king, but on the first 
rebellion and massacre. Thus did Ormond justify his for- 
saking the Irish, of which they made great complaints, and 
said plainly that he had sold them ; yet on the other hand 
the care he took to preserve some particular families of the 

• Cf. Hisi. i. 175, 95. »» Ibid. 175. • Ibtd. 

* See Hist. L 350. 

' Here the extracts of Von Ranke abruptly conclude. 

62 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1683 

Irish has made the English likewise displeased at him. I have 
conversed more with his enemies than his friends, so perhaps 
this may be too severe a character of him, for I have very 
little acquaintance with him myself, and it never went further 
than very general civilities. He was very happy and very 
unhappy, first in having and at last in losing such a son as 
the earl of Ossory was, who had indeed no extraordinary 
parts, and was too much set on some forbidden pleasures, but 
was in all other respects * the bravest man and the generousest 
friend that was at court ; and was indeed a great pattern 
both of honour and worth *, and was beginning in the last year 
of his life to have deep reflections on religion, which seemed 
strongly rooted in him during his sickness, so that it is very 
likely if he had recovered he would have been a very good 
Christian, and then he would have been one of the greatest 
men in the nation. 

The earl of Anglese/s character, 

I have named the earl of Anglesey, and so shall say 
somewhat of him ; ^ he is a man of great knowledge, he under- 
stands all the parts of the law and the government of this 
nation beyond any man of quality I know, and has great 
quickness of apprehension, and a faculty of speaking indefatig- 
ably, but he speaks very ungracefully, and loves to rally often, 
but does it in such a manner that it is insupportably odious 
and dull, for raillery is a sort of poetry, and must either be 
very fine or it is intolerable. He is looked upon as a very 
corrupt man, as one that sticks at nothing and is ashamed of 
nothing ^ and that will turn from one side to another so nimbly, 
that he has often begun a speech in parliament all one way, 
and (upon some secret look that wrought upon him) has 
changed his note quite and concluded totally different from 
his beginning, ®He was very active in bringing home the 
king, ^ and has gone through very eminent employments since 
that time, but I never saw any one man that either loved him 
or trusted him. 

• Cf. Hist. i. 334. * IM. 97 and 176. • Ibid. 9a ^ Ibid. 97. 

1683] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 31 {dyzx {h) 63 

Orrery s character. 

[yi 31 {V)\ Orrery pretended to knowledge, but was very 
ignorant, and to wit, but it was very luscious ; to eloquence, but 
had the worst style in the world; and to religion, but *was 
thought a very fickle and false man, and was vaiil * to the pitch 
of the earl of Shaftesbury. 

Holle^ character, 

^ Holies was a man of great courage and a high spirit ; he 
had much knowledge and was very well acquainted with all 
parliamentary records ; he had a sound judgement and a noble 
sense of honour and gratitude ; he was a kind friend, and was 
one of the sincerest and steadiest men in the nation ; but he 
had with this a vast pride and could not bear contradiction, 
so that he was not a fair arguer, and his friends knew it. He 
never changed his principles for above sixty years, in which 
he made a considerable figure in the world, and had the soul 
of an old stubborn Roman in him ; and as far as was con- 
sistent with that temper he was a very sincere and devout 
Christian, allowing somewhat for pride and passion. 

The duke of BuckinghanCs character, 

•And now I have done with the men of business of that 
time I will speak somewhat of some others that were Clarendon's 
great enemies. The first of these that occurs to my thoughts 
is the duke of Buckingham, a man of noble presence and that 
has an air that at first striked all that see him ; he has a flame 
in his wit that is inimitable ; he has no manner of literature, 
and all he knows is in chemistry, for he has sought long for 
the philosopher's stone and with the ordinary fate of all that 
have pursued it, for he has often thought he was very near 
the finding it out, but has been as often deceived. He has no 
sort of principle either about religion, virtue, or friendship ; 
pleasure, wit, and mirth is all that he has ever laid to heart ; 
he bad a great ascendant over the king, but has provoked 

• Cf. Hist. i. 26S and 176. *> Ibid, 98. « Ibid. 100. 

64 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1683 

him out of measure by talking in a style of him that has 
shewed equal degrees of contempt and hatred, and he is not 
to be trusted with any secret ', for if he meets with a man that 
happens to heat his fancy and seems to have the same notions 
that he has he will pour out everything to him. **He was 
never true either to things or persons, but forsakes every man 
and departs from every maxim, sometimes out of levity and 
an unsettledness of fancy and sometimes out [of] downright 
falsehood ; he could never fix himself to business, but has 
* [/• 3* W] perpetual unsteadiness about him **. He is revenge- 
ful to all degrees, and is, I think, one of the worst men alive, 
both as to his personal deportment and as to the public. 
He had conceived a mighty contempt of Clarendon, but he 
was then so low in the king's thoughts that he could not 
hurt him. 

The earl of BristoPs character, 

<* Another of Clarendon's enemies was the earl of Bristol, 


a man of great courage and considerably learned ; he had 
much more wit than judgement ; he was too fine a speaker, 
and abounded too much both in words and fancy, which is an 
odious thing in public councils. He was a papist after a form 
of his own and so was incapable of business, but was ever 
forming projects ; he was a great dealer in astrology, and 
had a great measure of other knowledge ; he intended to 
make himself considered as the head of the popish party, 
and was much the best speaker they had in parliament, but 
was an inconsistent man and had too great a levity in his 
thoughts. He had been in ill terms with Clarendon at Oxford 
(being then the chief man of the queen's party) and was now 
forming many cabals against him. 

The duchess of Cleveland s character [with the 
earl of Falmouth*s\. 

^But the strength of the opposition that was made to 
Clarendon lay in mistress Palmer, since that time made first 
countess of Castlemaine and then duchess of Cleveland^. 

* Hist, i. 100. ^ Ibid, <> Ibid. loo-i. ^ Ibid, loo, 165. 

1663] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 31 (*)-32 {b) 65 

I love not to give characters of women, especially when there 
is nothing that is good to be said of them, as indeed I never 
heard any commend her but for * her beauty, which was very 
extraordinary and has been now of long continuance. In 
short, she was a woman of pleasure, and stuck at nothing that 
would either serve her appetites or her passions ; she was 
vastly expensive, and by consequence very covetous ; she 
was weak, and so was easily managed. '^He that had the 
secret of this business was a young man of no extraordinary 
parts, but of a generous and noble disposition ; he was the 
second son to sir Charles Berkeley (afterwards made viscount 
Fitzharding) ; he grew mightily into the king's favour, was 
made earl of Falmouth **, and was upon the point of being made 
a duke and declared the favourite, when he ° was lost at sea ; 
^ he had the luck to be almost equally dear both to the king 
and duk&^, and those that knew him well told me that they 
believed he would have proved one of the best favourites that 
ever was, that he would have promoted men of merit and have 
^set the king on to great and worthy things ^ and that he 
would not have been insolent nor assumed much to himself, 
but that he knew his own defects, and would have depended 
on wiser men's counsels. 

[Conduct of Clarendon and Southampton^ 

[/• V^ (^)] Clarendon and Southampton were much 
troubled to see the king so possessed by this fair mistress, 
but • resolved never to make application to her nor to let any- 
thing pass in which her name was mentioned ® ; so that when 
she resolved to have a title of honour she was forced to get 
her husband to be made an earl in Ireland, which was a 
device of Orrery s (as this earl of Clarendon has told me) ; 
• nor was there ever a precept brought to the treasury in her 
name during Southampton's life®, so that all the money that 
she got from the king was out of the privy purse. This was 
noble in both these lords, but it wais a greater thing in 
Clarendon ; for Southampton was not much concerned whether 

• Cf. Hist, L 94. »> Ibid, 100. • Ibid 219. * Ibid. 100. • Ibid, 165. 


66 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1663 

he lost his white staff or not, nor had he such powerful 
enemies ; but Clarendon was both more pushed at and was 
more concerned to preserve himself, so that his firmness in 
that matter was truly heroical. 

[Characters of Nicholas and AforriceJ] 

* Nicholas and Morrice were secretaries of state, both 
virtuous men but very weak ; and it may be gathered from 
this one saying what a judgement Monk had in those matters, 
when, being told that the court was weary of his cousin 
Morrice and thought him not able enough for his office, he 
said he did not know what they required in a secretary, but 
his cousin could both speak French and write shorthand *. 
I have observed that the court can bear with one indifferent 
secretary, and seem to be pleased to have one that is weak 
and tractable (which will appear to every one that considers 
what men Morrice, Williamson, and Jenkins have been) ; but 
they hardly bear two very weak ones at a time; though it 
seems when they were served by Jenkins and Conway at once 
that this rule admits of an exception. 

The earl of Arlington's character, 

^ But at this time one was to be changed, and since Monk 
was too great to let it fall on his kinsman Nicholas was 
removed, and sir Henry Bennet (since made earl of Arlington) 
was put in his room ; that was brought about by the interest 
of the popish party, .for he has been much suspected in his 
religion. He is no quick man, but has great knowledge of 
the affairs of Europe, and was ever cautious and fearful ; he 
quickly found out the king's temper and has been observed 
to be very dexterous in managing it ; he is proud and insolent, 
yet he has been generally firm to his friends, and so they 
have stuck very firmly to him ; he has been a man of great 
vanity and vast expense. He quickly took up this maxim, 
[/. 33 {0)1 that the king ought not to shew any favour to 

• cc Hist. I 991 * Ibid, 

1663] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 32 {b)-^ {a) 67 

popery and that nothing would spoil all his other affairs so 
much as that would do; so that he soon lost the popish 
party, and has been considered by them an apostate and 
as a betrayer of their interests. 

The characters of Sheldon and Morley, 

There were two churchmen so considerable at this time that 
I shall add somewhat of them. The one was • Sheldon, made 
at first bishop of London, that had the greatest hand in all 
that passed concerning the church ; for ^ J uxon, archbishop of 
Canterbury (to whom he succeeded, in that see), was super- 
annuated. ® Sheldon was a man of great pleasantness of 
conversation and cheerful rather to excess^ considering his 
character ; he had much wit, and was very well turned for 
a court, if not too well ; he had great quickness of apprehen- 
sion and strength of judgement ; he was considerably learned 
before the wars and perfectly understood all he pretended to, 
but the politics had worn learning out of his thoughts. He 
was a generous and charitable man, he lived splendidly, and 
had an art peculiar to himself of treating every one that came 
to him with some particular and distinguishing civilities ; 
but he seemed to have no great sense of religion, nor of the 
true concerns of the church, of which he spoke commonly 
rather as of a matter of policy than of conscience, and he was 
thought to have allowed himself in many indecent liberties ; 
he was civil to all, but friendly to very few. The other bishop 
was Morley, made at first bishop of Worcester, and soon 
after (upon Duppa*s death) translated to Winchester. He is 
a man of a lively wit and great openness of heart, and is both 
a learned and devout man, and is now perhaps one of the 
perfectcst men of his age in the world. He was at first 
known to the world in Falkland's company, and was thought 
favourable to the puritans before the wars ; but he has given 
such demonstrations to the contrary that, though he is a 
Calvinist in the matter of decrees and grace, yet no man is 
more zealous for the church of England than he is. He is 

• Cf. Hisi. i. 177. »» IM, 176. « Ibid, 177. 

F 2 

68 Btirnet's Original Memoirs [1661 

a very bountiful and generous man, and has no other fault 
but that he is too credulous and too passionate, and will be 
soon possessed with prejudices which cannot be easily rooted 
out. He was more particularly in Clarendon's favour, having 
been his chaplain, but Sheldon was thought the abler man*. 

The settlement of ecclesiastical f natters in England, 

[/. 33 (^)] The first thing proposed after the king's restoration 
was the settlement of the church. This was not to be ventured 
on till that parliament that had called home the king was 
dissolved, for they were for [the] most part presbyterians ; 
and there was a particular reason given why that parliament 
ought to be dissolved, for it was said that the essential nullity 
of their being without the king's writ was such a defect, that 
neither their merit in bringing home the king nor his ratifying 
their actions could remove it, so that it was necessary to have 
a parliament legally called ; upon which that was dissolved, 
and ** a new one was summoned to which scarce any but those 
that were cavaliers or the sons of cavaliers (this was the 
distinguishing name of all that had been of the king's party) 
were chosen, so it was resolved to procure from this an act of 
uniformity. But to prepare matters for this ®a conference 
was appointed to be held at the Savoy, between some of the 
chief divines of both persuasions (I think they were six of 
a side) in the presence of some privy councillors. ^ There 
were unhappily two men of that number who were much 
better fitted to widen old differences and create new ones 
than to find out a temper in them ; these were doctor 
Gunning, now ^ bishop of Ely, on the one side, and Mr. Baxter 
on the other ; • men of such metaphysical heads and so very 
disputatious that they were the best to spoil so good a design 
of any I ever knew, ^ and they spent often whole days in their 
disputes, as if the whole business in hand had been to try 
their skill at that fencing work ^ It appeared plain enough 

• Cf. Hist. i. 177. »» Ibid. 178-9. • Ibid. 179. d Ibid, 181. 

• Ibid. 180-1. ' Ibid. J 81. • 

» He died July 6, 1684 (Mr. Airy's note). 

i66i] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 33 {a)-'^ (a) 69 

that the presbyterians had a great mind to have conformed, 
for "they generally excepted more to the expediency than 
to the lawfulness of the terms of communion with the 
church of England, and ^ if the terms in the king's first 
declaration concerning ecclesiastical affairs had been adhered 
to it is very probable that not a fifth part of those that were 
turned out would have left their livings. ®But I have been 
told that Sheldon ^ was afraid of nothing more than their 
conformity upon two reasons. 

They were possessed of most of the great livings in England, 
and though all those that had taken the sequestered livings 
of such as had been turned out for adhering to the king 
during the late wars were thrown out, as having no titles in 
law to them, yet many other benefices were still in their 
hands, chiefly the pulpits of London, [/. 34 (a)] they had many 
headships in the universities, and most of the corporations 
were stocked with them, so Sheldon thought it necessary to 
have all these turned out Those of London had likewise 
merited so much in the matter of the king's restoration that 
if they had conformed they must have been rewarded with 
dignities, so in hatred to them * he thought that instead of 
finding ways to bring them into the church, ways were to be 
contrived for throwing them out of it \ 

His other reason, which I have perceived was likewise 
Dr. Morley's, was that nothing had ruined the church • in the 
late times so much as the lecturers and other churchmen 
that were only so far conformable that the law could not 
reach them, and were by little indirect ways still alienating 
the people from the church and making divisions everywhere % 
so that Morley has set this up for a maxim that ^ it is better 
to have a schism without the church than within it. « There- 
fore it was resolved not only not to abate anything of the 
conformity that was required before the wars, but to add sonje 

• Cf. Hisi. i. 181. »» Ibid. 178, 185. « Ibid. 178. d Ibid, 179. 

• Ibid. 178. ' Ibid, supra. « Ibid. 18a. 

* The History lays the blame on * the bishops and their party.* 

70 Burnetts Original Memoirs [i66i-a 

new tests, that so none might be capable of any ecclesiastical 
preferment that was not hearty in everything. ' It was made 
necessary that all ordained without bishops should come and 
receive orders from them. Of this the presbyterians have 
complained much, pretending that it had not been the practice 
of the church of England formerly, and that the English 
bishops had looked on the presbyterian ordinations in other 
churches as valid ' ; but the answer to this was obvious and 
hinted at before ^, that great difference was to be made between 
imperfect churches that were under defects which they could 
not remedy, and a set of men that threw off their bishops and 
set up in a schismatical and rebellious way a new form of 
ordination, not only without any necessity, but against the 
laws then in being. 

** To this the bishops added another test in a declaration of 
an assent and consent to everything contained or prescribed 
in the book of common prayer and ordinations which every 
man in any office in the church was to read before the con- 
gregation. Upon this great objections were raised. It was 
said that many things might be submitted to for peace sake 
to which men could not assent or consent, for that seemed to 
import a previous approbation of those things. Others, again, 
understood this assent and consent as importing only an assent 
and consent to the law then made, so that it went no further 
than to profess a bare submission and obedience to it. To 
these another declaration was added ^ condemning all resisting 
of the king by arms, upon what pretence soever, as unlawful, 
together with a [/. 34 (*)] renunciation of the covenant as 
unlawful in itself as well as imposed against law, and asserting 
that there lay no obligation on any by virtue of that oath to 
endeavour any change or alteration in the government either 
in church or state ; but this concerning the covenant was 
only to continue for twenty years. This pressed the presby- 
terians * hard, for they, having not only sworn the covenant 

• Cf. HisL i. 183. »» Ibid, i8a. « Ibid, 182-3. 

* See Hist, i. 140 ; and anttj p. 15. * The History says * the old men/ 

i66i-a] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 34 (a)-34 {b) 71 

themselves but having persuaded other people to it, were now 
required to renounce it openly before their congregations*, 
which was a great exposing of them. It was visible that the 
design of the bishops was to put the strongest bars that could 
be thought on in their way to hinder their conforming, 
against which ^Southampton declared openly. Clarendon 
was not pleased with it, yet he left it in Sheldon's hands. 
The king himself did not like it at first, and thought it 
would drive things too high, but I was told that Sheldon 
persuaded him to it by letting him see that, the house of 
commons being composed for the greatest part of citizens and 
burgesses, nothing had spoiled the late king's affairs so much 
as the credit that the factious lecturers had in all corpora- 
tions, for this had so great an influence on their elections that 
he ascribed all the war to that half-conformity, and therefore 
he said ® it was necessary in order to the having a good par- 
liament that all the clergy should be hearty conformists ; and 
no wonder if this satisfied the king, for it was very plausible ^. 

^ There were some small alterations made in the book of 
common prayer, together with some additions; •the most 
important was that concerning the kneeling in the sacrament, 
which had been put in the second book of common prayer set 
out by Edward the 6th, but was left out by queen Elizabeth 
and was now, by bishop Gauden's means, put in at the end of 
the office of the communion ®. Sheldon opposed it, but Gauden 
was seconded by Southampton and Morley. ^ The duke com- 
plained of this much to me as a puritanical thing ^ and spake 
severely of Gauden as a popular man for his procuring it to be 
added (though I have been told that it was used in king James's 
time), • Another addition has occasioned much raillery «, and 
I have also heard that the king has often wished it had never 

• Cf. Hist. i. 183. >» Ibid. 178. • Ibid. 178-9. <* Ibid. 183. 

• Ibid, infra. ' Ibid. « Ibid, supra. 

' Burnet subsequently made large which appeared in 1696, and Calamy's 

additions to his account of these Abridgment (170a). See Mr. Airy's 

matters, to some extent no doubt on note to vol. i. p. 322 in his edition, 
the autiiority of Baxter's Reliquiae, 

72 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1661-2 

been made * in the collect during a session of parliament. The 
king is prayed for by the title of our religious king, which 
had not been used in the former king's time ; now how this 
addition should have fallen on this king is too liable to censure, 
[/ 35 (^)] ^"^ h^ ^^^ heard enough of it by those of his bed- 
chamber that have taken the liberty to be merry with him. 
Thus was **the act of uniformity prepared for the parlia- 
ment ^, The book of common prayer was ordered to be read 
over in the house of commons, but they resolved to debate 
no part of it ^, but to take it in the lump as it had been pre- 
pared by the clergy ; only it was thought too implicit to pass 
it without reading it, so it was read over for form's sake ; but 
what opposition it met with in either house I do not know, 
for I have never taken the pains to go over the journals of 
parliament, not intending to write an exact and particular 
history, but only to give such general views of things as I have 
laid up in my own thoughts, and which may perhaps be use- 
ful to others and will give some light to a more particular 

The designs of the popish pctrty, 

Cf. Hisl^ i. 195-6 {confidences of Peter IVaiskf from * I knew all this ' to end 
of paragraph) ; ibid 193-5 (tnirtgaes of Bristol) ; ibid. 1 74 -5 (intervention of 
Lady Castlemaine) ; ibid 197 {action of the Parhamenf) ; ibid. 196-7 {mad 
schemes of Bristol). 

For * I knew all this * read * One secret I must add here that I had.' 

For *who was the honestest . . . Franciscan order* read *well known by 
many books that he has published.* {This occurs later ^ onf 35 {b)). 

Om. * and he said . . . come over. * 

Om. * and knew well . . . missionaries.* 

For * and that the more . . . them the less* read * and likewise they hoped that 
if the terms of our communion were made narrow then there would be many 
dividers from it, and upon this they thought it would be plausible to plead for 
indulgence and toleration and so they might be covered from any perse- 
cution [cf. Hist. i. 179], and that might pass under the pretence of granting 
some liberty to tender consciences. This agreed exactly with what I heard 
oft from the duke, who was always much for a toleration [ibid, 359] but could 
not speak with any patience of comprehending the dissenters [ibid 179]. 
That same priest upon that told me that.' 

• Cf. Hist. i. 183. »> Ibid 184. 

' See Speaker Onslow*s note to Hist. i. 184. 

i66a-3] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 34 (A)-36 («) 73 

Om. ' prosecution . . . harsh word of.* 

After * persecution * add * as the likeliest way to procure the other.' 

For ' that censures ... at Rome ' rtad ' that the Jesuits, finding themselves 
shut out by such a test, would easily have procured censures from Rome.' 

[/35 ipy] Om, *But he found ... at court.' Thm return to p. 193, * After 
St. Bartholomew's day,* substituting /or opening sentence * Upon the passing the 
act of uniformity and the turning out near a,ooo ministers by St. Bartholomew's 
day in the year [i6]6a it began to appear how great the party of the dissenters 
was like to prove, particularly in the city of London, where many,' 6fc, 

Om, ' and settling . . . plantations.' 

For *a meeting * read 'some meetings.* 

After 'secrecy * add * (as the lord Stafford told me in the Tower).* 

For * seconded the motion ' read * did great service in this matter.* 

Om, * He said, it was so visibly . . . the design.' 

For ' Bennet . . . meddling ' read only ' and Bennet set it likewise forward.' 

Om. ' but it had a deeper root . . . king himself.' 

Om, from *The wiser of the nonconformists* to p. 195, 'proposed in 

For * But there was nothing . . . passed ' read ' [it] was the first public dis- 
covery that was made of the court's kindness to papists.* 

After 'victory' insert 'and reckoned that Clarendon would certainly fall 
upon it. Stafford told me he saw it was an intrigue of Bristol's to raise 
himself as the head of their party, and said that he and many others 
thought if it miscarried it might draw a storm on them, who were then easy 
and in no danger except they brought it on themselves; so they left him' {Vide 
p. 194.) 

Om, ' But the poor priests . . . betray them.' 

Then return to pp. 174-5 {Lady Castlemain*s affairs), firom 'For some time' 
to 'solemn manner,* reading instead of that passage [/. 36 (a)] 'My lady 
Castlemaine was now become very insolent, for though upon the queen's 
first coming over, the king's courtship of her was carried very secretly, yet 
she would not rest satisfied unless she were publicly own^d. So that was 
done this winter, and she, finding that Clarendon would not so much as be 
civil to her, much less depend on her, was easily persuaded to set forward 
everything that might ruin him or Southampton.* 

Then proceed to p. 197, ' The parliament expressed . . . uniformity * ; and 
' The parliament did pass ' to end of paragraph ; reading instead of these 
passages ' But in the next session of parliament the members being still high 
for the church, as they obliged the king by the repeal of the act of triennial 
parliaments, which had lodged a vast power in the people of choosing a 
parliament every third year in case the king should not call one, so tney broke 
all those designs for toleration.* {Cf with this also p. 196, ^ The church party . . . 
pointed at*) 

Then revert to p, ig6 {BrisioPs wild schemes) y from ' He had great skill/ 
beginning thus : ' Here a passage has been told me which perhaps is of too 
great importance to be put in vmting, nor is \he conveyance of it to me so 
sure that I can depend much on it, for the earl of Rochester said (but 'not in 
his latest and best days) that he had it from the duke of Buckingham, and 
they were men that stuck so little at telling a made story that pleased them, 

74 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1660-3 

whether true or false, that nothing is to be much built on what comes by 
such a conveyance. The story was this : Bristol dealt much in astrology/ &c. 

Far * opinion of it ' read ' opinion of his skill in that art, of which many 
instances have been told me.' 

For ^ he was to fall * read * he was in great danger of falling/ and om. 
* means, if not by his.* 

AJfer *' provoke him ' add * and so would be more governed by him and his 
father-in-law than ever.' 

Ont, 'and the duke of Buckingham . . . carried it to the king/ reeuKng 
^ I tell this story as I had it, though I give no credit to it. When the parlia- 
ment met in the year [i6]63, Bristol and his party found the king intended to 
leave them, so he acted a mad part, he expostulated very insolently with the 

For * forsook him ' read * forsook them.' 

For * who said . . . room ' read * thought that he was mad, and once intended 
to have sent him to the Tower, but he turned away from him.* 

Om, * It is very probable , , . fearful.* 

For *a very mixed nature . . . lords, in which' read [/. 36 (6)] *a very 
extravagant crime to be cast on him by a papist, that he was engaged in a 
design to introduce popery, and had sent one sir Richard Bellings ^ to Rome 
upon that negotiation [and].* 

For * Proclamations . . . over' read ' I left England while this was in agitation, 
so I must leave this matter, for I know no more of it, but that it came to 
nothing, and the earl of Bristol absconded for some time.* 

The king was married by Aubigny, 

Cf. Hist. i. 174 {from * When the queen ' to * witnesses to prove it*). 

Begin *• But since I have sometimes named Aubigny, I shall tell one secret 
of him. When the queen/ ^c. 

Om, * The king . . . i66a.' 

Be/ore * bigoted * insert * then.* 

For * Upon this . . . given. But ' read ^ All this did not satisfy her, for she 
would needs be married according to the Roman ritual, and the king was not 
so scrupulous in this matter as she was. So.* 

After * told me * add * as a great secret, when I was talking to him concerning 
the design of putting away the queen, for which this was one main thing 
pretended, that the king and she were nqver lawfully married.' 

For * before he told me this * read * before I spake of this to him.* 

Om, at this place all after * witnesses to prove it.' 

[Deaths in the royal family. 1 

Cf. Hist, i. 170 (*The king's third brother* to end of paragraph). 
Begin * But now that the queen brought no children, a great change appeared 
in all the court, for the duke was much looked at. 

* See Mr. Airy's note to i. 303 of Shaftesbury^ ii. 16-9, and the curious 
his edition, 307 same edition ; Christie's Italian publication there quoted. 

i66o-3i Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 36 («)-37 {a) 75 

* What are all the most promising hop& of a very flourishing family ? This 
has appeared very signally in the elector of Palatine^s family, where of six 
brothers (all graceful and personable men) there is no succession sprung but 
the present elector, who has no children \ So here in England what hopes 
had we of spreading a family when we had three such young princes and 
two princesses, that in the world the like was not to be seen [cf. Hist, i. 171]. 
The duke of Gloucester died soon after the king's coming over of the small- 

For * The king's third . . . acceptable ' read only * He was a prince of great 

^ffer ' the duke of York ' add * but had he lived the court had very likely 
been broken into great factions, for he,' &c. 

For *■ But he told him ... by the king who ' nad only * and Clarendon had 
much ado to divert him from it. His spirit was restless ; [/ 37 (a)] so that 
afler the entertainments and jollities that followed upon the king's coming 
in had been over, it was expected that he would be earnest for somewhat, but 
he died very soon after, and the king.' 

Om. * Those who would not . . . balance him.' 

For * died likewise . . . lamented ' read only * came over.' 

Om, * who had the art . . . queen-mother of France.' 

For * On that . . . lived in ' read ^ That journey, and many unhappy accidents 
in it, as it run her out of all her estate, so it engaged her in some things that 
did not please the king, so when she came to die, he bore it very easily.' Om, 
remainder of paragraph, 

\State of the succession in 1683.] 

• Thus were two branches of this family cut off, and only 
the prince of Orange left by the princess royal. The king 
has no issue by the queen. The duke has had many chil- 
dren •, but has buried nine or ten, of whom five were sons, so 
that two only live. The eldest has been now almost six years 
married to the prince of Orange ^, and no issue is come yet. 
The second is just now married to prince George of Denmark ^ 
by whom I pray God send us issue, for it is a melancholy 

» Cf. Hist, i. 170. 

* By his marriage with Elisabeth 
of England, Frederic V, Elector Palatine 
and King of Bohemia, had six sons, of 
whom four (Frederic Henry, Rupert, 
Maurice, and Philip) died unmarried 
before the end of i68a. The two excep- 
tions were, (i) Charies Lewis, who 
died in 1680, leaving a son and successor 
(see note 3, p. 76, infra) and a daughter 
Charlotte Elisabeth (see note 4, p. 76, 
infra) ; ^2) Edward, who died in 1663, 

leaving three daughters (see note 5, 
p. 76, infra). Of the King and Queen 
of Bohemia's five daughters, moreover, 
four were childless ; the only one who 
bore issue being (the Electress) Sophia, 
for whom see note 6, p. 76, infra, 

* The Princess Mary was married 
to the Prince of Orange, Nov. 15, 

• The Princess Anne espoused Prince 
George of Denmark, July 98, 1683. 


Burnet's Original Memoirs 


thing to think that our crown should go to the queen of 
Spain, that is the eldest daughter of the princess Henrietta, 
the king's younger sister, that was married to the duke of 
Orleans ; but though she has been five years ^ married there 
is no issue by her. • Her younger and only sister is, as it is 
thought, to be married* to the duke of Savoy •. After these 
comes the prince elector ^ as the next heir ; and if he has no 
issue, then his sister that is now duchess of Orleans * and her 
son must succeed, and after them comes prince Edward's 
daughters*, and after them the family of Lunenburgh* 
Hanover •. So far have I run out in a melancholy specula- 
tion of the witherings of this family that put forth so fair and 
promising a blossom. 

The king lost the hearts of his subjects. 

^ But now I shall give some account of the civil part of the 
government as far as I understand it. When the king came 
first over there was a springtide of joy in all people's hearts, 
and in that first run out of it the court might have had what 
they had asked either as to revenue or power; ^^ but ;£^ 1,200,000 
a year was thought enough for revenue. ^ Soon after that the 
mad rising of Venner and his followers broke out, ® upon which 

«* Ibid, infra. 

• Cf. HisU i. 171. 
• Ibid, 161. 

^ Jhid, 15^ 

^ Ibid. 160. 

' Burnet is in error by a year; 
Marie Louise, elder daughter of Philip 
Duke of Orleans and his first wife 
Henrietta of England, had become the 
first wife of Charles II of Spain in the 
summer of 1679, and had thus been 
married, by the summer of 1683, four 
years. She died childless in 1689. 

' The marriage of Anne Marie 
Cyounger sister of the above) with 
Victor Amadeus II, Duke of Savoy, 
actually took place April 10, 1684. 

' i. e. Charles, son of Charies 
Lewis (see note i, p. 75, supra) ; he 
died s. p. in 1685. 

* Charlotte Elisabeth, daughter of 
Charles Lewis, Elector Palatine (note i, 
P* 75)t had become a Roman Catholic 
m 167 1, when she married, as his 

second wife, Philip, Duke of Orleans ; 
her son was the Regent Orleans. 

' Edward, Count Palatine (for whom 
see note i, p. 75, supra), became a 
Roman Catholic, died in 1663, and left 
three daughters, who became re- 
spectively Princess of Salms, Princess 
of Condd, and Duchess of Brunswick 
Lunenburg (by marriage wiih John- 
Frederick, brother of Ernest Au- 
gustus, and a Roman Catholic). In 
consequence of their faith, they were 
evcntuallyexcluded from the succession . 

• Sophia, daughter of Frederic V, 
Elector Palatine, and his wife Elisabeth, 
married in 1658 Ernest Augustus, 
Duke of Brunswick, and subsequently 
Elector of Hanover; by whom she 
was mother of George I, 

i66i] Harl MSS. 6584^ f. 37 (a)-37 (b) 77 

the king begun to form troops of guards •. This passed then 
well enough ; only some men of greater spirit begun to object 
against it that it was a new thing and looked like the distrust 
of the nation, and that the guards which they raised were 
enough to give jealousy, but not enough to give security. 
He that spake the most of this strain was the old earl of 
Northumberland \ who was a man of a great spirit [/. 37 {6j] 
and of a high sense of honour, that lived with all the greatness 
of the ancient nobility, and under much form and high civilities 
kept himself on the reserve with all people. He was not a man 
of much knowledge, but he had the luck to have a great 
friend that was one of the knowingest men of the nation, 
Mr. Pierpoint^ who knew the laws and understood the interests 
and constitution of this nation beyond most I ever knew. He 
was likewise a man of great form and rtiethod, and as to the 
discreet and cautious part of wisdom I thought him one of 
the most extraordinary men I ever saw, if he was not too full 
of jealousy and foresight ; he indeed thought that nothing 
was to be done for mending matters, for the nation could not 
be ripe for that in a whole age, so all that he thought on was 
how to stop the progress that the crown was like to make at 
that time. But to return to Northumberland : he had a cloud 
now upon him, for the late king had taken all possible ways 
to gain him, and had made him both admiral and general ; 
but he went in to the parliament's side, which the court called 
high ingratitude, but he pretended it was love to his country, 
for he had a high sense both of public liberty and of the 

• Cf. Hist, u 161. 

* Algernon Percy, tenth Earl of 
Northumberland, is never described at 
length in the printed History ; but is 
cursorily mentioned on pp. 40, 41, 169, 

■ William Pierpoint ( * wise Wil- 
liam '), 1607 (?)-i678, second son of 
the Earl of Kingston, the distinguished 
Parliamentarian described by Mrs. 
Hutchinson as 'one of the wisest coun- 
sellors and most excellent speakers in 
the House,' by Cromwell as ' my wise 
friend,' by Whitelocke as being of 

*deep foresight and prudence.' For 
the career of this remarkable man, 
whose character does not appear in 
the printed History ^ but whose name 
occurs incidentally on pp. 16, 44, 967 
of vol. I, the reader is referred to 
Mr. Firth's article in the Dictionary 
Nat. Biog, His daughter Gertrude 
married George, Viscount and after- 
wards Earl and Marquis of Halifax, 
who had been associated with Pier- 
point on the 'Brook House' Com- 
mission of 1667. 

78 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1661-2 

dignity of peers. He had merited much at the duke's hands, 
• by the care he had of him when he was put under his govern- 
ment by order of parliament, for he had treated him with all 
the nobleness and greatness that was due to his birth * ; but 
though he was not in such terms with the court as to be ad- 
mitted into the secret of their councils, yet they used him with 
a respect beyond what they gave to any of the nobility, and 
he distinguished himself in his manner as much from the rest 
as his birth set him above them. He was one of the first that 
began to complain of the guards, and ^ used to say it was good 
for the nation that the luxury of the court increased ; for it 
was better to have the treasure melt away, than to see the 
king raise and pay a military force with it. ^ Southampton 
looked on when the first guards were raised with more in- 
differency, and thought it was only a piece of state and for 
the king's personal safety ; but when he saw the growth 
of that force he begun to apprehend it much and com- 
plained of it severely to Clarendon, and told him plainly 
that a white staff could not corrupt him and make him serve 
in designs that tended to the subduing his country and the 
governing it by a military power ^ ; and asked Clarendon, what 
did he think that he or the law would signify if these guards 
should increase into an army. Upon this it is said that 
^ Clarendon made a stop, and did not set on the designs of 
increasing the king's revenue and power so much as he might 
have done, for the house of commons was then so well dis- 
posed, that there was scarce anything that the court could 
[/. 38 (a)] have asked which might not have been obtained. 

[The sale of Dunkirk.] 

Cf. //«/. i. 172-3. 

PosipoHi opening passage (see injra, p. 79) and begin * One of the first public 
things that was much cried out on was the sale of Dunkirk. The Spaniards 
pretended/ ^c 

Om, ' The king was in no sort ... or sold ? * 

For * who were believed . . . France ' readonly 'that were there.* 

Afler * Clarendon ' add * as his son has told me.* 

For ' To make . . . easier * read ' and that the rather because.' 

• Cf. Hisi. i. 169. * Hud, 243. • Ibid. 161. * Ibid. 160-1. 

i66a] Harl. MSS. 6584, J. 37 {by^a (b) 79 

After ' occasions * add ^ and was, if I remember right, to be made the founda- 
tion of a bank * ; then go straight to ' it was sold.' 

Om. 'among . . . venal.* 

Om, 'though . . . entirely.' 

Thnt insert those parts of the paragraph relaUng to Schombergy which seem 
to have been a subsequent addition ; since the passage begins with the words * The 
marshal de Schomberg told me when I was with him last at Paris that/ and 
concludes with the sentence ' This is added by me after my return from France ' 
ii.e, after the visit Burnet paid to that country towards the end of 1683). The 
variations are as follows : — 

For * As the treaty . . . from England ' read only * he waited of the king in 
his way to Portugal, not long after his restoration, and had much free discourse 
with him about Dunkirk and several other things.* 

After ' Paris * aild ' during the king s exile, where they had been mutual con- 
fidants in some of their loose amours * ; and omitting ' but had so great . . . 
general they had,' continue 'so he now used great freedom with the king.' 

Om. ' It would keep . . . affairs.' 

Before ' wild ' read * raw.' 

After ' Dunkirk ' proceed to ' Schomberg advised.* 

^y9i^ ' thoughts of it ^ add 'and when I objected what I have heard some 
military men say concerning the place's not being tenable, he assured me that 
those were but made stories to cover the infamy of that action, that.' 

For ' could never be taken ' nad ' would never have been besieged, much 
less taken.' 

For ' But he was singular in that opinion ' read [f 38 (6)] 'and [he] told me 
that the king's selling it was the first thing that made his reputation sink all 
Europe over. He was also very free with the king as to his pleasures, not that 
he talked to him as a divine on that head, in which he has been too much 
a libertine himself^, but he was troubled to see that these things possessed the 
king's spirit too much.' 


The Spaniards were highly dissatisfied with the court, 
both for this and for the king s marrying the infanta of 
Portugal, but Clarendon thought that ? Tangier, which was given 
as a part of the queen's portion, would wash off the blot of 
Dunkirk ; and considering more its general situation as it lies 
in the map than the true value of the place, either as it might 
be a station for ships or a foundation for subduing as much 
territory as might defray the cost of keeping it, he set the 
king on a vast charge about it, and for building a mole for 

• Cf. Hist. 1 173: 

* See note b to p. 4, vol ii. of Hisioty (in Mr. Ally's edition). 


Burnet's Original Memoirs 


ships before it. It has hitherto been a great and constant 
charge, and has involved the king in some little wars with the 
Moors, but has not yet turned to any account, nor is there any 
probability that it can ever be made an important place. Yet 
I remember, when I knew the court first, it was talked of at 
a mighty rate as the foundation of a new empire, and he 
would have been a very hardy man that would have ventured 
to have spoke slightly of it ; but men have been more liberal 
of their discourse since that time, and it is generally believed 
that, after near two millions of charge, "the king is now 
resolved * on blowing it up and bringing over his garrison •. 
And thus I have given a very copious account of all that I 
learnt of the state of the court at that time. I understood 
not all this then, but have picked up much of it since that 
time. I will not say but in many things (especially in the 
characters that I have given upon hearsay) I may have been 
mistaken, but I think I have writ of all men and things with 
a due caution and exactness. 

A session 0/ parliament in Scotland j [death of IVarriston], 

I went down to Scotland in summer [i6]63, where ^one of the 
first things that was done was the execution of my unfortu- 
nate uncle. He was much disordered both in body and mind ^ 
and he shewed it too much before the parliament ; his head 
was much turned, for by unskilful physicians and excessive 
bleeding he was brought so low [/. 39 (a)] that ® he had lost his 
memory and sense, so that he did not so much as know his 
own ^ children ®. I heard his speech, with great confusion ^ ; 

* CC His/, I 174. ^ Ibid. 203. • Ibid, 

^ Secret instructions for its abandon* 
ment had been actually signed (July 
a, 1683) about a month before this 
was written, but Lord Dartmouth, sent 
to execute them, did not return till 
April, 1684 ; cf. Hist.f Airy's edition, 
i. 306, note I ; ii. 437, with note a ; 
and Reresby, MemoirSy April 15, 1684. 

■ Lauderdale Papers^ L 135, 144. 

* Lauderdale says, * The prisoner 
was bro[u]ght ; he was commanded 

to kneel at the hearing his sentence, 
which he did, and I must confess I 
never saw so miserable a spectacle. 
I have often heard of a man feared out 
of his wits, but never saw it before ; 
yet, what he said was sense good 
enough, but he roared and cryed and 
exprest more feare than ever I saw* 
{Lauderdale Papers^ i. 145. See also 
ibid, 155, 163, 175 ; and Hisl,^ Mr. 
Airy's edition, i. 364, notes). 

i663] Harl MSS. 6584, f. 38 (*)-39 (a) 81 

• there was a visible disorder in him, but he set it out with so 
much passion that no' wonder if it was not much believed nor 
considered. So he was sentenced to die. Many presbyterians 
came about him, and prayed for him in a style, as if he had 
merited strangely at God's hands, and as if he had been 
a martyr. He was very unequal in his deportment; some- 
times it was composed and at other times he was much out 
of order, yet when the day of his execution came he was very 
serene* In Scotland the executions are after dinner. I dined 
with him that day ; he eat cheerfully, and I remember he 
called upon me twice to eat. I stayed with him, and was 
now and then leaving him and returning after short intervals. 
One thing I thought strange ; when I cited some passage of 
scripture for his meditation not a quarter of an hour, before 
he was led out, he would know the chapter and verse and 
turn to it, which he needed not to have done had he been 
entire, for he had the whole scriptures almost by heart. I 
walked with him to the scaffold (for all go to their execution 
on foot in Scotland). ^ He read his speech twice, which I am 
sure was all of his own composing^ ; then he prayed long, and 
after being twice or thrice in his private devotions he was 
executed ^. I have already given his character ^ ; I shall add 
nothing here ; but by this relation the reader will see that I 
am not biassed much by kindred. I am afraid friendship may 
mislead me more, yet I shall watch over myself the best I can 
even in that. 

[TAe session continued; Nisbefs character,'] 

Cf. Hist, i. 203 (' The business of the i)arliament * to p. 305, * the effects they 

might have ') and p. 279 {NisbeCs character). 
After ^ laid open * read * Mackenzie laid it all upon Middleton.' ^ 

After * the putting' insert * Mackenzie and Fletcher and * ; and for * all ' rteul 

'most of.' 

• Cf. Hist. i. 203. «» Ibid, 

Burnet had ' forced ' Lauderdale to family, which Burnet was safe-guard- 
write a few lines in his favour [^Lau- ing {Letters from Lady Margaret 
derdale Papers, i. 156), and Lady Bumety Bannatyne Club, i8a8, p. 
Margaret Kennedy, whom Burnet 31). 

eventually married, pleaded earnestly ^ See Morison's I^arm/OM, pp. 148-9. 

with the Secretary for the material ' See Hist, i. a8 ; and cf. Autobio- 

intercsts of the unfortunate man*s graphy, infra^ f. 197. 

voxcKorr G 

82 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1663 

After * employments ' insert Sir John Nisbefs characUr {Hist, i. 279) ; read- 
ing thus : ' Sir John Nisbet was made king's advocate ; he was a man of a slow 
apprehension, but of a deep judgement ; and very learned, not only in the law, 
but in all the other parts of learning, particularly in the Latin and Greek 
tongues, and was a great lover of justice ; he had been always of the king^s 
side, yet his great love of money (which is his only blemish) has so entangled 
him that he will never put much to hazard. But this change fell out some 
months after this * ; then revert to p. 204, < So an act,* omitting all about English 
Conventicle Act, 

[/. 39 (6)] For ^ So an act . . . terms* read * In parliament there were two 
acts passed that related to the church ; by one of them the government by 
bishops was more fully confirmed, and all the subjects were required to keep 
their parish churches, and fines were set upon transgressors.* 

For *^eal for the church * read * zeal for episcopacy ; but this did not 
work much on the bishops, who thought that all this was only a little court 

Om, ' There was some . . . majority.* Om, * of all deans.* 

After * Trent * add ^ so that things could not be so much as complained of 
without leave from the king, and in cases of heresy, or any disorder whatsoever, 
that might at«any time be supported by the court, the church*s hands were 
bound up.* 

After *' irregular * add ' Sharp's taking it to himself was thought very insolent.' 

After * told him of it * add * two or three days after*.* « 

For * The inferior ... a person ' read ' Others also said that there was no 
shadow of liberty left to this national synod, since the one half of the com- 
missioners was to be.' 

Om. * The act . . . constituted * ; and after * Two other ' add ' considerable.* 

For * and not having . . . goods as might * read ^ it [being] thought necessary 
to do somewhat in Scotland for excluding the English commodities till they had 
repealed that act, and (so).' 

After ' to him ' ' add *■ by which the trade of that kingdom, and the customs 
arising out of it, are now wholly in the crown.* 

Om, * and so it passed . . . opposition.' 

[/ 40 (fl)] For * Nobody dreamt ... of this * read * Nobody dreamt ever how 
to raise, to march, or to command this army.* ' 

Om, < to let the king . . . England.* 

For * they had not much treasure to oflier him . . . good army * read ' which 
he said' was neither by their treasure, nor good government, but by the 
threatening of an army.' 

OmT * And of this . . . ends.* 

[Conduct of Glencaim,'] 

•When the business of the parliament was over, it was 
dissolved •. Rothes dismissed them with a dull speech that 
was penned by Sharp and had figures in it that looked like 

• Cf. Hist, L 205. 
^ Lauderdale was at Edinbux^h. ' Mr. Airy*s ed. reads < to the king.* 

i663] Harl MSS. 6584, /] 39 (a)-4o (a) 83 

a schoolmaster; the chief thing he recommended to their 
care was the executing those laws to which themselves had 
consented that related to the church. When Rothes and 
Lauderdale went back to court to give an account of affairs, 
•the government of Scotland was left chiefly in Glencairn's 
hands • ; he was too proud to stoop to Lauderdale ^ but on the 
other hand it was not easy to find matter to turn him out; 
yet he expected it, and both Primrose and he apprehending 
that they would be turned oOt of their places, set themselves 
much to recover the favour of the people, which they had 
formerly lost so much. The first thing in which Glencaim 
shewed these, inclinations was in my uncle Warriston's 
concern ; for though he hated him out of measure, yet he was 
very friendly to him and procured him the favour of much 
time, and put it on the parliament as much as decently he 
could to recommend him to the king's mercy; and after the dis- 
solution of the parliament ^he was always moving in council for 
the moderating of Sharp's violent conditions and propositions. 

Argyll restored. 

While the parliament of Scotland was almost at an end, 
Lorn's business was despatched at court ^; he was set at liberty 
before Lauderdale came to Scotland, and Went up to court 
with very earnest recommendations both from Rothes and 
Lauderdale ; and (that summer happening to be a time of 
little business at court) sir Robert Moray* laid hold of the 
conjuncture and pressed the king so in it that ^he restored 
him to his grandfather's title ^ ; so that he was the first earl of 
Scotland, and by not being made a marquis he only lost the 
precedence of Montrose. *The king also gave him 1,500 
pounds sterling a year clear out of the estate ^, and gave to his 
brother and sisters all that their father had settled on them ; 
and for the rest of the estate he ordered it to be first charged 
with that debt in which Lorn had been bound with his father 

• ox. Hist, I flo5. *» Ibid, « Ibid, * Ibid. 

^ LaudtrdaU Papers^ L z66. 

' Who acted as Secretary this year during Lauderdale's absence. 

G % 


Burnet's Original Memoirs 


(for if that had not been done all the king's favour to. him 
would have signified little, for he was liable to so much debt 
as must have eat up his estate). [/. 40 {b)] And when that 
was done • the overplus of the estate was ordered to be divided 
for the payment of all the other debts proportionally; but 
that was so little that presently a great outcry was raised, 
which has pursued Argyll ever since * ^ ; it being said that he 
was restored to his father's estate without paying his debts, 
so that really the attainder has fallen on the creditors ; but 
this was occasioned by the restoring Huntly without making 
him liable for his just debts. So the affairs of this year are 
at an end. Now I return to my own private ones. 

My awn concerns, 

I was not a little lifted up this summer with the civilities 
that Lauderdale shewed me, and I waited on him perpetually, 
so there I began to have a great acquaintance with our 
nobility and gentry ; and when he was one day sick (a great 
court of ladies being about him), I was first acquainted with 
her whom I have since married^. She was his great friend, 
a zealous presbyterian, and a woman of so great intrigue that 
though I was nearly related to her and had been invited to 
her acquaintance by several obliging messages from her, yet 
I had still declined it. For I dislike all meddling women ; 

• Cf. Hist. i. 305. 

* See sMprUf pp. 5-7; and in/raj 

p. 158. 

* For Lady Margaret Burnet see 
Mr. Airy's article (under her married 
designation) in Diet. Nat. Biog. ; his 
note to Hist, in his edition, i. 196 ; 
Burnet's own account of their mar- 
riage and her death, m/m, Autobio- 
graphy, ff. 206, ao8, and Harl. MSS. 
6584, i. 118 (a) ; Cockbum, j4 specimen 
0/ sonte fru and impartial remarks^ 
pp. 46-7 ; and last, but not least, the 
valuable collection of her letters to 
Lauderdale (published in 1828 by the 
Bannatjme Club, and edited by Mr. 
Airy) with the Introduction. These last 
entirely confirm Burnet s character of 

her and give an attractive present- 
ment of the high-minded, high-spirited, 
witty, and accomplished woman, with 
affections as strong as her intelligence ; 
who, when reproached by her friends 
for an unconventional intimacy with 
Lauderdale, her own cousin germane 
(whose coldness towards his own 
wife was notorious), gave * no other 
answer, than that her virtue was 
above suspicion ; as really it was ' 
(adds our informant Mackenzie^ ' she 
being a person whose religion ex- 
ceeded as far her wit. as her parts 
exceeded others of her sex* (Mac- 
kenzie's Memoirs^ p. 165, quoted in 
p. ii of the Preface to her Letters), 

i663] Hart. MSS. 6584, ff. 40 (a)-4i (a) 


upon which I said once to the duchess of Lauderdale [some- 
what ?] that was not ill-turned : I thought there were two 
sorts of persons that ought not to meddle in affairs, though 
upon very different accounts, these were churchmen and 
women ; we ought to be above it \ and women were below it. 
But from a general acquaintance with my wife there grew a 
great friendship between us. She was a woman of much 
knowledge, had read vastly ; she understood both French, 
Italian, and Spanish ; she knew the old Roman and Greek 
authors well in the translations ; she was an excellent historian 
and knew all our late affairs exactly well, and had many things 
in her to furnish out much conversation. !^e was generous 
to a high degree, and was a noble friend and a very tender- 
hearted woman to all in misery ^ and sincere even to a nicety. 
In a word she had many rare qualities, but she had some bad 
ones ; she was apt to mistake little things, and to fancy that 
her friends neglected her, and upon these jealousies she was 
peevish and bitter ; but it was long before I observed these 
defects in her. 

At this time I grew acquainted with Mr. Scougall ^, after- 
wards the pious and worthy bishop of Aberdeen ; he took 
a great liking to me, and as I was one day standing with him on 
the streets of Edinburgh, a gentleman of a pale countenance and 
in a very plain garb came to us and made me a great compli- 
ment • in acknowledgement of the kindness he had received 
from my father at Paris*. I thought he was some ordinary 
man, and did not much mind his compliment, but we went on 
in our discourse, [/. 41 (/»)] and he happened to say some 
things that discovered both great learning and much sense. 
So I asked who it was, and found it was sir Robert Fletcher * ; 

• Cf. Life 'Hist ii), p. 676. 

* The * ludicrous discrepancy be- 
tween Burnet's doctrine and practice 
on this point furnished a not unfair 
topic for the bitter sarcasms of Hickes 
{Some DiscoursfSj p. 4). 

' Her letters to Lauderdale consist 
largely of urgent appeals in favour of 
persons in distress. 

« See Hist, (Axry's ed.), i. 387-8; 
Did, Nat. Biog. : and SptcimtHy &c., by 
Cockbum (Scougall's nephew), who 
gives a most amusing account of Scou- 
gairs sentiments concerning Burnet, 
both at this date and as sulraequenUy 
developed (pp. 98-43, 59-63). 

* See Bumet*s anonymous Dis- 

86 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1663 

thus did I stumble on my first patron. We had a great deal 
of discourse, and I had the luck to please him ; at which I 
wonder much, for he was one of the humblest and modestest 
men in the world, and I was then one of the vainest and 
insolentest. His genius lay to mathematics and philosophy, 
and he wanted a friend and companion in study, so he began 
to resolve on having me about him. I was at this time very 
uneasy at home ; for my mother and the rest of our family 
were much troubled to find that I was resolved to conform 
to episcopacy. So I had many sad [hard?] things said to 
me on that subject ; and my mother laid it so to heart that 
it put her into fits so that we thought she would have died 
of them ; therefore to give her some content I promised not 
to take orders yet for a year, and so we were more at ease.' 

The story of Thaulet^s conversion had a great effect on me. 

At Christmas I went to the earl of Tweeddale's house in 
the country, where I had much conversation with Mr. Charteris 
that was his minister, and Mr. Nairn, that had retired to a 
living in the country that was in Lauderdale's gift. I preached 
there, and it was the first time that Mr. Charteris had ever 
heard me. He is a very modest man, and was sorry to find 
that some good things which he fancied he saw in me were 
like to be spoilt with pride and arrogance ; and being resolved 
to say something to me and yet being restrained by his 
modesty, he did it in a more effectual way by telling me the 
story of Thauler's ^ conversion, which I heard with such atten- 
tion that I think I remember yet the very words he used. 
The stops he made, his looks to me and gesture are yet fresh 
in my thoughts ; and it had such an effect on me that I must 
say there was never any one thing befell me in my whole life 
that touched me more. And because this may be read by 
such as cannot find Thayler's life*, I shall set it down in 

course on the memory of this ex- ' A life which Burnet may have seen 

cellent man; Cock bum's Specimen ^ is the D, loatines Thauleri ,,, sermoftes 

pp. 30, 39, and in/ra, Autobiography, . . . Historia ei ennarratio vitiMe . , , D. 

pp. 900, aoa. Joannes TkaMieh, Coloniae, 1603. 
* J. Tauler, the Mysitic. 

1663] Harl MSS. 6584, /! 41 (a)-4i (b) 87 

a few words. Thauler was the most celebrated preacher in 
his time, and many came from divers places to Cologne to hear 
him preach. Among others a country boor came once and 
desired him to preach a sermon of perfection, which he did ; 
and when the boor gave him thanks for his sermon he seemed 
to be much pleased with it. So the boor told him though he 
preached of perfection to others he was far from it himself, 
otherwise he would not be so delighted with the praises he 
gave him ; at which, when Thauler grew angry, he told him 
that was a further proof how little he [/. 41 (*)] had attained 
to perfection, otherwise he would not be much concerned in 
his opinion of him nor be displeased if he thought ill of him. 
He further told him he had lewd thoughts in his mind at the 
time of his sermon ; with this Thauler was struck, and said h& 
looked on him as sent to him of God and so surrendered 
himself up to his conduct. The boor told him he must give 
over preaching till he had mortified the vain temper in him- 
self; upon which he gave himself wholly to devotion and 
fasting and to everything that might mortify his vanity ; and 
after some time his boor desired him to try how preaching 
would do. So he went to the bishop's vicar and asked leave 
to preach, which was granted, and a great assembly was 
gathered in the cathedral upon the expectation of him ; but 
as he went up to the pulpit he found his old vanity returning 
upon him ; so (being resolved never to preach while he was 
under the dominion of that temper) he wept and came down, 
saying only a few words tending to the abasing himself. 
Upon this he was generally looked on as an hypochondriacal 
man ; but his boor was well pleased with what he had done, and 
after some more time was spent by him in that course of intro- 
version (as the mystics express it), the boor called on him to 
preach again ; but the vicar would not suffer him to preach in 
public till he heard how he performed in a private chapel. So 
he preached in the Dominicans* chapel (being himself one of 
that order), but it was not so privately carried, but that many 
of the town heard of it, and came thither. His text was, 
* Behold, the Bridegroom cometh, go ye out to meet him ' ; he 

88 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1663 

turned the words to a mystical sense, and preached in such 
a manner that all who heard him were so struck with the 
impressions that his sermon made on them, that they seemed 
ravished, and one died in a transport ; and so his boor told 
him he saw what effects his preaching had when he set about 
it with a right spirit. This story went to my heart, and 
I have been often since that time at the point of coming 
down out of the pulpit or of breaking off in the middle when 
I have felt violent temptations to vanity seize on me ; and I 
have seldom preached on extraordinary occasions before 
which I have not very heartily prayed that if the rubbing 
shame on me by my miscarriage in it might contribute more 
to the honour of God than my performing well, that God's 
will might be done. I confess I have had another notion of 
preaching ever since that time than I had before ; till then 
I had only thought on a laboured and adorned discourse for 
which I might [/. 42 [dj] be much applauded, but from hence- 
forth I have conceived that the true end of preaching was to 
give men plain and easy notions of religion and to beget in 
them tender and warm affections. And I went on in my 
former method of accustoming myself to an extemporary way 
of preaching. While I was at the earl of Tweeddale's sir 
Robert Fletcher (that lived but four miles from him) came 
over to see him ; and finding me there, • he invited me to 
come see him at his house before I went out of the country. 
So I waited on him ; and a Sunday falling to be in the time 
of my visit he heard me preach twice, and then determined 
to present me to his church •. When he promised it first to 
me, I was much surprised at it^. It was one of the best 
benefices of those parts (but that had never great weight 
with me) ; the parsonage house was not only convenient but 
noble ; it was near all my friends ; but the gentleman's own 
conversation was more than all these. He was an humble, 
good, and worthy man ; he had a great love of learning, and 

• Cf. Life {Hist, ii), p. 676. 

^ See Cockbum, p. 30. 

1663-4] HarL MSS. 6584, ff. 41 (A)-42 {b) 89 

had made considerable progress in it ; and his two eldest 
sons^ were then under a very exact education and in the 
years most capable of it, so he intended that I should live in 
the house with him, and assist both himself in his own studies 
and his sons* tutor in instructing them. But that which 
seemed to me the most considerable thing in that matter 
was that which I ever endeavoured to follow as the safest rule 
for the conduct of one's life ; and it was that from first to last 
it seemed to be carried on by a series of providences. No 
person had ever proposed it to the patron ; on the contrary, 
I had moved the earl of Tweeddale to propose Mr. Nairn 
to him, and then I resolved to have come in Mr. Nairn's 
living ; but he declined the notion ; at which Tweeddale was 
amazed, for there was not such another as Nairn to be found. 
The excuse he made was he knew Mr. Nairn would be quickly 
pulled from him, so that he should be put to choose again ; 
but he did not at first speak of me (for he had not then heard 
me preach) ; and when I pressed him further for Nairn, he 
repeated what he had told Tweeddale, and added that my 
inclinations to philosophy^ and mathematics made him prefer 
me. * I told him I intended to travel ; he said it was so much 
the better ; I would be the more improved by it, and bishop 
Scougall was not yet to remove for six months, so I might 
accomplish it *. I had designed this year a short ramble over 
Holland, Flanders, and France; [/. 4a (b)\ and on [?in] 
February I went to London, where I was received by sir 
Robert Moray with more kindness than formerly. I grew 
likewise to be engaged into great intimacies both with Argyll 
and Tweeddale ; ^ and then I was carried by sir Robert to the 
Royal Society and chosen a fellow ^ of it ** ; which was a new 
increase to my vanity that indeed needed no addition. 

• Life (///A/, ii), p. 677. *• Ibid, 

* One of whom was afterwards 65 ;^w/. i. 500 jf>i/ra, Autobiography, 

famous as Andrew Fletcher of Saltoun f. 20a, where he gives some account 

{Hist, i. 630-1, 64a, and, infra p. 161). of the mathematical studies he under- 

' i. e. the New or Experimental took with Sir Robert Fletcher, and 

Philosophy of which both Burnet and their fatal results. 

Fletcher were devotees. See the ' Mr. Burnet's Life of his Anther 

memorial Discourse on Fletcher, p. states (folio wing the Autobiography, on 

90 Burnet* s Original Memoirs [1664 

The ill stale of the church in Scotland, 

Hist, i. 206-7 (^ He moved that a letter ' to * given him very easily '). 
Begin * Lauderdale spake then more freely of the affairs of the church to me 
than he had done formerly ; he told me all Sharp's past life/ 6fc, 
Om, ^ for he had not . . . stop him.' 
Om. 'Things would run to a height . . . jealous of me/ and revert to 

* [Sharp] moved that a letter might be writ/ d^f. 

For * for in Scotland . . . person ' read ^ in the procuring of which Lauderdale 
confessed he was not backward, for he kn^ they w6uld fall out about it' 

After * church * add ^ He said the privy council was very remiss in looking to 
these things, so that it was necessary to lodge it with a commission for whose 
zeal he could be answerable/ 

Om, * though much . . . ruin them* ; and proceed to * Fairfoul/ 

For * near kinsman * read * cousin -germane * ; for * lord Rutherford * read 

* earl of Teviot ' {see Airy's note a, in loco). 

For * who, from being . . . Moors ' read only * who was soon after killed by 
the Moors at Tangier.' 

Om. 'and knew . . . Scotland* and ^but was . . . genius.' 
Om, * I was much . . . principles.' 

[Burnet and his namesake,] 

He and I, though of the same name, were not akin, and 
were not at all of a temper ; for he yielded to everybody, and 
I had it always in my nature to oppose everything that was 
uppermost. The truth is, I never saw any in power but they 
abused [/. 43 (a)"] it to such a degree that a man who exercised 
a due freedom in the conduct of himself (and that did not con- 
sult his interests in the judgements that he made of them) 
could not comply with them or approve of them. So much 
of our Scottish affairs. 

Afy stay in Holland, 

» Now I went beyond sea * ; and after I was surfeited with 
the intolerable peevishness and ill-nature that I saw among our 
exiles ^ at Rotterdam, and ** had run through Holland, I settled 

• Cf. Hist. i. 207 ; Life, by Thomas Burnet, in Hist, ii. 677 ; and Auto- 
biography, infra, f. aoo. ^ Life {Hist, ii), p. 677. 

which it is founded) that the election 996, 397, 340 ; and more especially 

took place on his return from the 117, with Mr. Airy *s note (^i. 313 in his 

continent edition). 
^ For these exiles see Hist, i. 314, 

1664] Harl. MSS. 6584, ^ 42 (^)-'43 (a) 91 

for six weeks* at Amsterdam •. Many wondered what I meant 
by my stay there. The truth was I did not admire the learn- 
ing of Holland ; I found little spirit among the professors at 
Ley den. I could not bear the peevishness of Voet^ and his party 
at Utrecht; and though I liked Des Mares* at Groningen better 
than any of them, yet I did not admire him. There was some 
philological and rabbinical learning among them, but that 
made but a dull conversation. A few Cartesian philosophers 
were more entertaining ; **but my chief business at Amsterdam 
was to be well acquainted with all the several religions there. 
I conversed much with the Jews, and was two hours a day 
with a master there ^ and had much discourse with Ahoab and 
Musaphia [? Mustapha], that were esteemed very learned ; 
but I could not converse with Ahoab except by an interpreter, 
for he understood not Latin. I heard him preach, and had an 
interpreter sit by me that explained the remarkablest passages 
of his sermon. I shall never forget one thought which was 
indeed a noble one: he was preaching on our conformity 
to the iiature of God, and said that God made man after 
his own image, or to be a shadow to himself (according to 
the Hebrew word) ; now a shadow had no substance in itself, 
and was only a ruder draught of the body whose shadow it 
was, and moved always as the body moved. So he applied 
it thus : that a man was to have no will of his own, but that 
in all things he ought to follow God, and be a sort of a repre- 
sentation (though but a rude one) of his perfections. ^ I was 
well acquainted with the Lutherans there ^ ; some of them were 

• Cf. Life {Hist, ii), p. 677. ^ IbuL « Ibid, 

' Gisbert Voet (i588-i676>, pro- 
fessor of theology and oriental lan- 
guages at Utrecht from 1634 ; head of 
the Calvin ists at the synod of Dort ; 
the persecutor of Descartes, and the 
fierce opponent of Cocceius, with 
whose followers his. disciples for a 
hundred years disputed theologic 
pre-eminence in Holland. He was a 
voluminous writer {Biog. UmvtrselU\ 
Van der Aa, Biographisch Woordenboeb 
dtr Nederlandenj xix. 296 303). 

' Samuel des Mar^ts (Maresius) 
(1599-1673^ * Frenchman, settled at 
Groningen in 1643, where he held a 
theologic chair till his death thirtyyears 
later. Bayle admired him ; Burmann 
described him as a man of keen in- 
telligence and profound learning, but 
of a violent and arrogant temper. He 
lefl more than a hundred works {Biog, 
UniverselU ; Paquot, HisL Litt, dts 
Pays-Bos, i. 974-283 ; Van der Aa, xii. 


Burnet's Original Memoirs 


fierce and untractable, but one of them, Hoppius *, was one 
of Calixtus's disciples *, and was both moderate in his opinions 
and had truly elevated thoughts of God and religion. For I 
made ever this observation, that [/. 43 (d)] the moderate men 
had larger and nobler thoughts of God and of the design of 
the Christian religion than the zealots have ; who are often 
strict indeed in their lives, and very exact to a superstition 
in all outward performances, but they seem still to serve God 
rather as a severe master than as a merciful Father. * I was 
well acquainted with the Remonstrants*, particularly with 
Poelenburgh ^ ; their professors [•...*]. They were the 
men I saw in all Holland of the clearest heads and the best 
tempers ; they had an excellent sense of the practical parts of 
religion (particularly of love and peace), and expressed great 
readiness to reunite with the Calvinists whenever they should 
come to cease from their imposing of their doctrines upon 
them ; and thought that in these and many other points there 
ought to be more mutual forbearance. This they extended 
even to the Socinians ; but they assured me they were not 
Socinians themselves, yet they did not like the subtleties of 
the fathers and schoolmen in mysterious points.' ^I was 
likewise acquainted* with the Socinians**, in particular 
with Zu^cker^ the author of Irenicon Irenicorum\ he was 

Cf. Life JlUt. ii), p. 677. 

*» Ibid. 

* Evidently the * C. Hoppe * whose 
works on the ' Sacrament des Avond- 
maels' (1667) and on *de Heylige 
Doop' (1669) are in the Library of the 
' Evangelisch-Luthersch Seminarium ' 
at Amsterdam (.Catal., 1876, p. 139). 

' George Calixtus( 1586 -1656), pro- 
fessor of theology at Helmstadt, ' gave 
his name to a sect of Lutherans, who 
imagined they could reconcile the 
various sects of this faith, and bore 
also the title of Syncretists.' 

* Arnold Poelenburg (1628-66^ 
minister successively at Home (1653), 
Rotterdam (1653), Amsterdam (1659), 
was a copious writer of the Arminianor 
Remonstrant party, with a reputation 
for learning (Paquot, ed. 1770, iii, 

page following p. 56 and numbered 
53-4 » Van der Aa, xv. 370-1.) 

* Something is here missing. 

^ Dr. Cockbum (p. 59) says Burnet's 
intimacy with Socinians in Holland 
gave great oHence to the orthodox 
divines, both Dutch and English; it 
explains the subsequent charge of 
Socinianism brought against Burnet. 

• Daniel Zwicker (1610-78). A 
physician, he soon plunged into 
theological investigations, with the 
object of reconciling the various 
Christian sects. He is said to have 
become successively a Socinian, an 
Arminian^ and a Moravian ; and died 
disappointed, and in estrangement 
from all recognized bodies. The 

1664] HarL MSS. 6584, ff. 43 (a)-44 {a) 93 

a man of clear thoughts and very composed, and was indeed 
by far the devoutest man I saw in Holland. He was much 
for a community of goods and for reducing Christianity in 
all things to what it was in the Apostles' days ; he said it 
was not a religion that could bear great multitudes, and 
thought that whole nations turning Christians by the lump 
had made that there were no true Christians almost left now in 
the world. He was against the doctrine of the Trinity, but 
did believe that Christ's death was a sacrifice for our sins. ^ I 
knew likewise the Brownists, and Menonists or Anabaptists •, 
who were subdivided into many little fractions ^ ; they were 
very strict in their lives, but had narrow thoughts. The city 
ministers were good, plain men. Langelius was a strain above 
them all in my opinion ; they made great use of the Eng- 
lish practical books in their sermons, which were very 
methodical and dull. ^ One thing I drank in at Amsterdam 
(which sticks still with me and is not like to leave me), which 
is never to form a prejudice in my mind against any man 
because he is of this or that persuasion ; for I saw so many 
men of all persuasions that were, as far as I could perceive, so 
truly religious that I never think the worse of [/. 44 {a)\ a man 
for his opinions ^ Education is all, to men of weak heads ; 
they never examine the first principles that were infused in 
them, nor were it fit to put them upon it ; for they, believing 
all alike, if they began to doubt of some things, that would 
carry them to doubt of others, and so they would not stop 
perhaps till they might run too far. ® I became likewise much 
in love with toleration by what I saw in Holland, for there 
was only a difference of opinion among them, but no heat nor 
anger raised by it, every one enjoying his own conscience 
without disturbance "^ ; and this has ever since given me a great 

• Cf. Life {Hist, ii), p. 677. ^ Ibid, • CC Hist, i. 207 ; and Life 

as above. 

Irenicon was written in 1658 ; his Anabaptists that Leighton found the 

Jrenomastix Victtis in 1661 {Biog, supreme instance of the spirit of 

Univ. ; Van der Aa, xxi. 86). sectarianism ? 
^ Was it not among the Amsterdam 


Burnet's Original Memoirs 


bias for toleration, for real arguments are to me much stronger 
than speculative motions [? notions] can be. 

After this I ran round all the provinces except Zealand, and 
stayed some time both at Leyden and the Hague, and (being 
set on it by sir Robert Fletcher) I observed all their mechanical 
arts and the peculiar engines and instruments they made use 
of, and took notes of all these things, which has since furnished 
me with a great deal of forwardness in discourse, and has 
helped me to much idle talk. I also looked into as much of 
their government as I could observe, and I do not deny but 
it gave me some tincture of a commonwealth ; yet when I 
understood the English constitution right I thought it was a 
much perfecter one, where there is as much both of monarchy 
and commonwealth mixed as may give all the advantages 
together which are to be found in either of these governments 
apart ; only the danger of a jealousy and struggle may give 
us disquiet, as it has done now for some years ^. But of all 
the parts of the Dutch government there was nothing that 
delighted me so much as the care that was taken of the poor 
in so liberal and plentiful a manner, and the method in which 
this was managed, without partiality or regard to men's 
religions. In fine^ I liked many things that I saw among 
them ; but the rudeness of their behaviour, particularly to 
strangers (even their learned men and clergymen not excepted), 
was a very odious thing. Golius, the Arabic professor at 
Leyden ^ was the only civil man I met with, for travelling 
had polished him. Their divines did generally dictate^ and 
did not easily bear contradiction ; and they laid great stress 
upon very inconsiderable things. The way of private colleges 

^ This passage bears a curious re- 
semblance to a passage in the charac- 
ter of a * Trimmer ' (Mnritten about a 
year later), and is probably derived 
from conversations with Halifax 

' Transcriber wrote 'some,' Burnet 
corrects to * sum or fin.' 

' James Golius (1596-1667% pupil 
in Arabic of Erpenius, travelled first 
in France, and then, as interpreter to 

a Dutch embassy, in Morocco (i6aa). 
There he collected valuable Arabic 
MSS. ; became on his return Arabic 
professor at Leyden ; during 1625 
travelled again in the Levant, and 
died at Leyden as professor of 
mathematics. His works, highly es- 
teemed during his own age, are said 
to be still in repute {Biog, Univtr- 
selle ; Van der Aa, vii. 270-3). 

1664] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 44 (a)-44 {b) 95 

in their 'universities is an excellent method for giving an intro- 
duction to learning, [/. 44 (b)\ or for a superficial view of things ; 
in which, for an hour a day, in one or two months* time, the 
professor gives (to such as come by an appointment together 
to his chamber) a general idea and short system of his science, 
or of any part of it in which they desire to be informed. So 
much of my travels in Holland. 

My journey to France, 

• I went from thence through Flanders to France ■. I only 
saw things, but knew no considerable persons, in Flanders; 
and I was under a great constraint by reason of the company 
of many Scotchmen that travelled with me from Holland to 
Paris, and I was afraid that they might have made stories in 
Scotland if I had conversed much, or freely, with any papists 
as we passed through Flanders. But at Paris I was more at 
liberty^ I was recommended very particularly by sir Robert 
Moray to Mr. Morus^, and he made me ^acquainted with 
the lord Holies (then ambassador at Paris), who used me 
kindly and continued to be a faithful and useful friend to me 
to his death. He stood too much upon the points of an 
ambassador, and considered more what an ambassador ought 
to be than what this age can bear or that court did like ^ ; so 
he was looked on there as a sort of a stubborn hero, but 
as a very ill courtier. He gave me many good directions 
and chained me to come oft to him. ^ I was once a day with 
Mr. Morus *', who was a man of a great vivacity of spirit, and 
had life in his conversation ; but I thought he had not deep 

• Cf. Hist, L 207 ; Life {Hist, ii), p. 677 ; and in/ra. Autobiography. *> Cf. 
Hist, u 207 ; and Life as above. * Cf. Life as above. 

* Alexander*Morus (1616-79), bom 
in Languedoc of Scotch parentage, held 
various theologic chairs, and died 
minister of Charenton ; where his 
sermons attracted crowds, less on 
account of their eloquence than of the 
sarcasms and witticisms interspersed. 
His orthodoxy was much questioned; 
and Bayle says : ' M. de Morus a beau- 

coup d*^rudition et d*esprit, peu de 
religion et de jugement II est mal- 
pro pre, ambitieux, inquiet, changeanty 
hardi, pr^somptueux, et irr^olu. II 
sait le latin, le grec, rh^breu, I'arabe ; 
et ne sait pas vivre.* He was engaged 
in acrimonious controversy with Milton 
{Biog. C/nivfraelU), See also Lauder- 
dalt PaptrSy i, a8. 

96 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1664 

impressions of religion, and we were often of different minds. 
He said I was too enthusiastical and would turn hypochon- 
driacal ; and I was afraid that he had too much levity in his 
mind and was too near a libertine. Mr. Daillid ^ and he 
were then in ill terms, which perhaps made Daillie less civil 
to me, for I had but one long • conversation with him. I saw 
in him a great genius •, but too much heat in the matter of 
Morus, who was certainly a very indiscreet man ; but I believe 
he was very innocent of those things that were laid to his ^ 
charge. I heard him preach twice ; ** he was much admired 
for the fire and spirit with which he adorned and expressed 
his matter, but his sermons, when stripped of that garniture, 
would have appeared to be very ordinary things **. The truth 
was, the great thing that made sir Robert Moray put me 
so much on going to France as he did was that I might ob- 
serve their way of preaching and learn to speak my sermons 
with more advantage ; for he thought if our English sermons 
were pronounced as the French did theirs, the business of 
preaching would be at great perfection [/. 45 [a)"] among us ; 
and I observed this carefully. I heard many sermons of the 
popish clergy ; I did not like the way of the Jesuits and the 
friars, and thought it had too much of the stage in it ; too 
much art and too much acting spoiled it ; but the secular priests 
pleased me more, who preached more staidly and more like 
men that were all the while thinking of what they were saying. 
I took a good tincture of their way — indeed more than Scot- 
land could well bear and much more than England could 
endure ; but I have worn off some gestures that looked too 
like acting, and yet the way of preaching in which I still hold 
is (as some that have observed it well have told me) very like 
the way of the secular clergy of the Port Royal. 

While I was at Paris I could not get into the acquaintance 
of any of the Jansenists ; they were then run down, and 
were very reserved, so that it was not easy to get into any 

• Life {HisU ii), p. 677. b Ibid, 

^ Jean Daill^ (1594-1^70), minister at Saumur (1635) and Charenton (i6s6}. 

1664] Harl MSS. 6584, J. 44 {by^s (*) 97 

familiarity with them. I confess I thought the French pro- 
testants had no great sense of devotion, and did not imagine 
that they would have stuck much to their religion. I made 
some acquaintance in many religious houses, for I had then 
a great inclination to that state of life ; but their worship 
appeared to me to be so plainly idolatrous in many parts, and 
superstitious in most other parts, that I could not bring myself 
so much as to endure it, though I thought very well of those 
who, by their education, were blindfold engaged in their 
church. I did not at all like the Jesuits, but I admired the 
methods of their order and their way of training up youth, 
which has ever since run much in my mind. For themselves, 
I knew indeed but few of them ; yet I saw a vast pride and 
vanity among them, and a most horrid rage against all that 
they looked on as enemies of their order. I saw nothing 
among the Carthusians but dulness and stupidity. They were 
overgrown with fat ; some were full of phlegm, and others 
were hypochondriacal ; and no wonder, considering what 
a violence it is to a Frenchman's nature to be in perpetual 
silence. The Benedictines seemed a plain, honest sort of 
people* . They were very rich, and much despised ; but they 
spoke of all orders with great contempt in comparison of their 
own. The unreformed Cordeliers seemed to have no sense of 
religion. I was not acquainted with any of the Recollets, but 
knew many Capuchins, who were much better than the un- 
reformed Franciscans, but they had much wild-fire among 
them. In short, the two points that most of all the [/. 45 (d)] 
disputing men insisted on with me were the two least things 
like to have wrought on me, which were the authority of the 
church and the presence in the host The notion I had of 
Christianity made me incapable of admitting the one, and I 
was too much a philosopher ever to let the possibility of the 
other enter into me. But I looked often to find out some 
that understood the mystical divinity, and that followed the 
rules of it ; but I could never fall on any. I was told they 
were persons who would not be seen ; so whether this was 
only an excuse, or if there were really any such among them, 



Burnet's Original Memoirs 


I do not know. I had also much conversation [with] several 
nuns at grates, particularly with my lady Balcarres' daugh- 
ter \ who I found had more of the mystical notions than any 
I spoke with ; but I saw she was very weary of the house in 
which she lived. There were many boarders in it, by which 
the abbess made great advantages ; and she being concerned 
to raise her nephew was so much set on that matter that she 
looked very little after the strict government of the house ; 
and upon that a faction was formed against her, of which my 
friend was said to be the chief, and was much complained of 
as very seditious. She had a warm fancy, and was enticed to 
go over to them as thinking a nun's life was but a little lower 
than an angel's, and was very uneasy when she found it not 
so. The abbess was so severe to her that she laid niany 
projects to get out to leave that house ; not that she intended 
to change her religion, but she was weary of her prison and 
of her jailor ; but none of her projects could take effect. At 
last she thought of an escape. I was to have assisted her in 
it, but that could not be compassed neither. 

•After six weeks' stay in Paris ^ I came back to England * ; 
and as I had made some improvement by this short ramble, 
so I did not stick to talk of it enough to weary those that fell 
in my way. I stayed three months longer in England. I saw 
the war with Holland was going on, at which Lauderdale was 
very glad, for he hoped it would ruin chancellor Hyde, who 
he believed did not understand foreign affairs. But (that he 

* Cf. Hist. i. 208 ; Life (in Hist, ii), p. 677. 

* Lady Anne Lindsay, converted to 
Romanism by Jesuits about the English 
Court during the close of the year 
x66o, at the age of sixteen, and in the 
absence of her mother, was a few 
weeks later ^ stolen away secretly from 
her mother in a coach/ carried to France, 
and placed in a nunnery, where before 
the end of the year she took the veil, 
under the name of Sister Anna Maria. 
Her mother retained to the last a 
pathetic conviction of her daughter's 
sincerity, and thankfully recorded the 

testimony of a Scots minister (who 
had seen her?) that 'she was^ (still; 

* a knowing and virtuous person, and 
had retained the saving principles of 
our religion ' (^Memoir of Lady Anna 
Mackemie, pp. 53-6 (quoting Baxter), 


' Notice that three passages on p. 
207 of the printed Histoty {* I was much 
. . . principles/ ' an universal industry 
. . . satisfaction in that matter/ and 

* This established . . . absolute power ') 
are later additions. 


The Elliot'Leslie Extracts 


himself might have some secret advices to give the king) he 
sent over to Holland for doctor Macdonal ^ (a Scotch physician 
then in good employment there) and promised him great 
matters. [Here the fragment ends abruptly with the foh'oj 
' desunt ^ being written in a hand which resembles that- of 


The first fragment of the Harleian MS. ending thus abruptly at this 
point, a very large portion of Burnet's early narrative (corresponding 
on a general estimate to pp. 208-310 and 333-543 of Burnet's first volume, 
and including the events of the years 1665-82) is unfortunately missing^ 
with the exception only of the few fragmentary passages relating to the 
years 1679-81, preserved by Leslie and Elliot, as explained at length 
iji the preface. These are here given entire. See also infra. Autobiography, 
ff. 202-7.] 


[Extract I : The exclusion intrigues (1679-81^).] 

■ He doth acknowledge himself to have been for the bill of 
exclusion, and writes, that he travelled much among noble- 
men in negotiating this affair. ** And here he shews that the 
country party . . . ^ was broken in pieces ; for nothing less would 
satisfy Shaftesbury than a total exclusion. Halifax would not 
hear of this, but was as tenacious for a limited power as the 
other was for exclusion ; so the party was divided. ^ Burnet 
shews us that he endeavoured much to reconcile them, and 

• Cf. Hist, i, 459 and 481. ^ Ibid, 455-9. * Ibid, 459, 481. 

* Jan. 21 [i66f], Rothes writing to 
Lauderdale says he has shown to 
Argyll the * double* (duplicate or 
copy) of Mackdonniirs letters {Laud, 
Pap, i. 907). Q. is this the man ? or it 
may be ' my lord MacDonald * (Jbid, 

* Elliot, pp. 13-4. For comments 
see ibid, pp. 45-6; and [Leslie in] 
New AssoaaiioH, ii. 93 ; Cassandra, 
n, 99-4, where [Leslie] makes the 
curious assertion that * the author of 
the New Association* [himself] has 
recently discovered * the author of the 
Secret History" to have been * so far 
against the bill for excluding the duke 

of York that he found means of in- 
forming his royal highness very early 
of that design in agitation against him ; 
and thereby came into his good graces, 
though it is at the same time * apparent 
from his history ' that he drove on 
with the faction against him ' ; and 

iadds Leslie] ' If he has forgot ... sir 
. B. can refresh his memory.' 
' ^ For so he frequentl^^ distinguishes 
between the king and his loyal sub* 
jects, for the one party, and the 
factious plotters against the king and 
government for the other ; calling the 
first the court party, and the other 
the country party ' [Elliot]* 

H a 


Burnet's Original Memoirs 


particularly that he took pains upon Halifax to make him 
comply with Shaftesbury's designs, but in vain. In the end^ 
* he tells us the project that he fell upon, which he thought 
might please both parties, and this was a guardian-regent to 
be set over the king in case he were a Roman Catholic. This 
project of his, as he writes, was generally applauded • by the 
whole party ; wherewith he seems to be so well pleased that 
he falls in love with himself, and doth commend and admire 
himself for this, as if he had found heaven upon earth. ^ But 
the mischief on't was, these castles in the air of his were soon 
blown down ^ ; for when this project of his came to be proposed 
by the whole party to the king and parliament, the king very 
briskly crushed it in the head, would not hear of it, and so 
sent it packing out of doors ^. 

[Extract II : Action 0/ the clergy in 1679. 

Upon the earl of Danby's trial Burnet explains that] 
^'Many books came out likewise against the church of 
England. This alarmed the bishops and clergy much, so they 
[Leslie reads " so that they "] set up to preach against rebel- 
lion and the late times in such a strain that it was visible they 
meant a parallel between those and the present times [Leslie 
reads *' these . . . present times "] ; and this produced at last 
that heat and rage into which the clei^ has ran ® so far that it 

• Cf. Hist, i, 496. 

^ Ibtd, 498. 

c Ibid, 461. 

' The nvtrst of this is insinuated 
in Hist i. 496, 498. Elliot probably 
misunderstood the passage. 

^ Given verbatim by Elliot, pp. 10- 
I. Quoted previously in [Leslie's] 
Cassandrttf No. ii, published 1704, 
pp. 96-7 ; and (down to the words 
'are in the nation' only) on the 
title-page of Speculum Sarislmrianum^ 
by ^ Philoclenis,' published in 17 14 
(by the latter of which it is ascribed 
to a < MS. History representing the 
affairs of Church and State within 
Britain and Ireland in the author's 

time '). For the furious indignation ex* 
cited by these and similar strictures 
upon the clergy, see Elliot, pp. 30-8 ; 
CassandrUf iL 97 ; and Speadunt 
Sartsbunanutfif pp. 13, 17 (' This 
author ... by his intemperate and 
contemptuous expressions for a long 
time, but more especially of late, wii* 
verso clero betlum intSxerii^), That 
these animadversions bad some 
effect on Burnet may be concluded 
from the transformation which the 
passage has undergone in the printed 
version ; and from Hist i. 3 {bis)» 

t&jg] The Elltot'Leslie Extracts loi 

Is like to end very fatally. They on their part should have 
shewn more temper, and more of the spirit of the gospel ; 
whereas, for the greatest part, they are the worst natured, the 
-fiercest, indiscreetest^ and most persecuting sort of people that 
are in the nation. There is •a sort of them do so aspire to 
preferment, that there is nothing so mean and indecent that 
they will not do to compass it • ; and when they have got into 
preferments, they take no care either of themselves or of their 
flocks committed to their charge, but do generally neglect 
their parishes. If they are rich [Leslie reads " rich enough *'] 
they hire some pitiful curate at as low a price as they can, 
and turn all over on him ; or, if their income will not bear out 
that, they perform the public offices in the slightest manner 
they can, but take no care of the [Leslie reads " their *'] people 
in the way of private instruction or admonition, and so do 
nothing to justify the character of pastors or watchmen that 
feed the souls of the [Leslie reads ** their"] people, or watch over 
[th]em ; and they allow themselves many indecent liberties 
of going to taverns and alehouses, and of railing scurrilously 
against all that differ from them ; and they cherish the pro- 
faneness of their people if they but come to church, and rail 
with them against dissenters, and are implacably set on the 
ruin of all that separate from them if the course of their lives 
were otherwise never [Leslie "ever"] so good and unblamable. 
In a word, many of them are a reproach to Christianity and 
to their profession, and are now perhaps one of the most 
corrupt bodies of men in the nation.' 

[Extract III : On bishops voting upon capital cases'^. 

^ Upon the debate on Danby's trial, Whether the bishops 
ought to sit in parliament to vote in trials of life and death ?] 

* Hist, i. 462. ^ Cf. ibid, 462-3. 

* Given verbatim by Elliot, pp. 11- which (from * Their unacquaintedness ' 
5. [Leslie, in] Nfw Assoaation^ ii to ^ act against it ' only) is also cited 
(^703)> 33, refers to the passage; verbally at p. 27 of the same work. 

-I02 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1679 

* ' Thus was the matter argued on both sides, and upon thiB 
occasion doctor StiHingfleet gave an astonishing proof of his 
great capacity and how he can make himself master of any 
argument ; for, after the lawyers and others versed in pariia- 
4nentary records had writ of these matters, he undertook it, 
and shewed so much more skiH and exactness in searching 
^nd judging' of records than aH the rest that had meddled 
with it had done, that he indeed put an end to the contro- 
versy in the opinion of all wise and impartial men. He was 
for the right of the bishops, and made it out, in my opinion, 
beyond contradiction from the ground of the laws of 

* But to give my sense upon the matter, separated from the 
particular constitution of this government : I cannot but look 
upon the bishops' meddling in all parliamentary matters 
{except when the consultations of religion are on foot) as 
a thing very unsuitable to their profession, so that I wish 
they only sat in the house of lords as the judges do, who 
-only give their opinion in matters of law when they are asked. 
.So if bishops had no other share in those consultations, i^ 
•would be better both for themselves and the church ; for 
^hey are considered as so many sure votes to the court, which 
must always go as the king would have them ; and being 
generally men of weak minds, they do very probably comply 
with the king's solicitations often against their own reasons. 
^ Their unacquaintedness with the law, and the wrong notion 
they generally have of civil society ^, make them very unfit for 
those consultations ; and their voting as they commonly do> 
creates a very ill opinion of all clergymen, which fortifies 
atheism mightily, and gives all, that are concerned for public 

• Cf. Hist, i. 463-4. »> Cf. Life (in //«/. ii), p. 673. 

Comments on the sentiments expressed charge of inconsistency levelled 

will be found in Elliot, pp. 49-5, who against Burnet, with respect to the 

makes considerable capital out of vexed question of clerical interference 

Burnet's own Parliamentary activity in general politics, see Hickes^ Some 

in his episcopal capacity ; with special discourses upon Dr, Burnet, &c., p. 4 ; 

reference to his conduct in the matter Harl. MSS. 6584, f. 40 (6), ante ; Hist. 

of Sir John Fenwick, 1697 (consult i. 380. 
here Hist. ii. 193 and notes). For the 


The Elliot-Leslie Extracts 


Kberty, an aversion to them as a set of men that will ever vote 
^nd act against it. 

* And indeed, when I consider the general corruption of the 
clergy that has been now for many ages over all Christendom, 
I know not where to lay the first source and spring of it/ 
* The source and spring which he fixeth as the common cause 
of the corruption of the clergy is too great livings ; he wishes 
they had a more precarious dependence upon their people, 
and that they were only to have their gratuities and benevo- 
lences instead of a settled living. This, says he, would make 
them more strict in their lives, and more diligent in the 
exercise of their ministerial function and office. 

[Extract IV : Murder of archbishop Sharp, May 3, 1679 '.] 

* But now they began with a man of another figure ; they 
looked on Sharp as the man that set on all the hard things 
that were done against them : so some of them lay in his way 
•as he passed through a moor within two miles of St. Andrews. 
^ The company that were with him had rid before to order 
dinner ; others were sent about by him with some civil mes- 
sages to some persons of quality, near whose houses he had 
passed ; so that he was alone, without any to defend the coach, 
when six or seven assassinates espied the coach and stopped 
it. One of them fired a pistol at him, which burnt his coat 
and gown, but the shot did not go into his body ; upon which 
a report was afterwards spread that he had purchased a magical 
secret for securing him against shot ^ ^And his murderers gave 

• Cf. Hist, i. 470. ^ Ibid. 471. 

^ Elliot, p. 13. It seems to be an 
abstracted continuation of the pre- 
ceding verbatim passage. 

* Elliot, pp. 9-10 ; it had been 
preWously quoted [by Leslie] in Cas- 
softdroj No. ii. (1704), pp. 33-6. For 
vituperative comments on it, see 
Elliot, pp. 17-30. He suggests that 
Burnet may have obtained his materials 
from ^Mess. John Welsh* (who after 
Bothwell-Bridge lived principally with 
Shaftesbury). See too Cassandra, ii. 

33-6, which refers to The Spirit of 
Poptry speaking out of the months of 
fanatical Protestants , . . 1680 (p. 38), 
the Presbyterian Narrative of the oc- 
currence, in which Burnet would seem 
to have been mentioned ; and eulogizes 
the True Account (1679) of the 
murder, and the Narrative appended 
to the above Spirit of Popery, 

' The following sentence is probably 
the *line* referred to by Air>', Hist, 
in loco, note a. 


Burnet's Original Memoirs 


out that there were very suspicious things found in a purse 
about him. But it was no wonder to find those that murdered 
his person endeavour to blacken his reputation. He begged 
his life^ in a very abject manner of them, and was in 
great disorder: •they murdered him very barbarously, and 
repeated their strokes till it was sure he was dead, and so rid 
away •. Some of them have since given it out that they had 
not resolved on doing this any time before that ; ^ but, seeing 
his coach appear alone on the moor, they took their resolu- 
tion all on a sudden. And this was the fate of that unhappy 
man ^ who certainly needed a little more time to have fitted 
him for an unchangeable state ^. But I would fain hope that 
he had all his punishment in that terrible conclusion of his 
life V 

[Extract V : Godolphin in 1679 ; general character 

of the clergy ^^ 

**And now the governing men were Sunderland, Hyde, 
and Godolphin. The last of these is a very silent man ; he 
has a great deal of wit and sense, and is esteemed a virtuous 
man <^, but I know him not. I have heard different characters 
of him ; but I always believe well of laymen till I see cause 
to change my mind ; though as to churchmen, it is quite 
otherwise with me, for I have seen so much amiss in that 

• Cf. Hisl. i. 471. 

* Ihid, 470-1, 

« Ibid, 478-9. 

' [Leslie in] Cassandra denies this 
on the authority of the official Nar- 
rativif and says the archbishop died 
with < Christian courage and resolution. 
... No history since St. Stephen 
can shew a greater example of com- 
posure of mind.' 

* This clause was only expunged 
in the final revision; see Airy, Hist,, 
note c, in loco. 

' This sentence probably answers to 
Airy's illegible line referring to Burnet 
himself in the Bodleian autograph of 
the History, 

* EUioty p. II. The sentences from 
* I always believe well' to end of ex- 
tract had been previously quoted 
in Tht New Association^ ii (1703), 93 ; 
and in the Preface to Three Short 
TretUises now again publishtd by Dr, 
George Hickts . . . 1709, from one 
of which we may no doubt derive the 
paraphrase given by Swif^, Works, ed. 
1894, iv. 167, as a notorious saying of 
Burnet's. For comments see Elliot, 
PP* 34-41 ; the other tract mentioned 
loc, cit. 


The EllioULeslie Extracts 


profession that I am always inclined to think ill of them till 
I see cause to think otherwise.' 

[Extract VI : The prince of Orange and the exclusion bill 

in 1680'.] 

Of the prince of Orange he writes : • That minheer Fagel, 
to the best of my remembrance, who was sent over from the 
States of Holland to the king at that time, when the bill of 
exclusion was in agitation, had particular instructions from 
the prince of Orange to deal with the leading members of the 
house of commons to promote the passing of that bill. 

[Extract VII : Reception of his History of i lie ReformatioftK] 

Upon his finishing his History of the Reformation of tfie 
Church of Englafid [vol. i] he informs us : ^That he had such 
thanks returned in a compliment from the parliament of 
England ^ that never any had the like in such a case bestowed 
Upon them. 

[Extract VIII : Reception of his sermon and Dr, Sprafs 

before the house of commons ^] 

•Upon Dr. Sprat's sermon and his, before the house of 
commons, he says : That his sermon had both the applause 
and thanks of the house. But of Dr. Sprat's sermon he gives 
this account : That it was indeed the worst sermon that ever 

• Cf. Hist. i. 48a. 

Ibid, 483. 

« Ibid, 

* Elliot, p. 17 ; previously quoted in 
Cassandra, ii. 40. For comments, see 
Elliot, p. 61, who not only speaks of 
fiurnet as privy to this 'early plot/ this 
'great secret* of the prince's, but 
adds the scurrilous suggestion that 
he was also privy to the murder plot 
of the * Rye House * ; and Cassandra 
(as above), whence the sinister sug- 
gestion originally emanates. Leslie 
hiys great stress on this < underhand 
attempt* of the prince 'against his 
father * ; and maliciously insinuates, 

that Burnet had perhaps 'blabbed' the 
secret, because, despite his great 
services, he was postponed to Tillot- 
son and another at the Revolution. 
For the histoxy of this episode the 
editor may be permitted a reference 
to the iJfe of Halifax^ i. 335, 237, 
964-5, ^li 385-6, 306-9. 

' Elliot, p. 15 ; for his comments see 
ibid, 47-6. 

' Elliot, p. 14 ; previously cited in 
Cassandra, ii. 24, where Sprafs name 
is suppressed in favour of the de* 

io6 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1680 

he heard him preach • ; and adds this character of the doctor. 
That he is a man that has little kilowledge of divinity, and as 
little sense of it, and ^ describes him to be a man that is much 
addicted to pleasures. 

[Extract IX: Dissolution of ike Oxford parliament ; 
a declaration; and addresses ^] 

^ He writes of the king, at the dissolution of the Oxford 
parliament : That he came to the parliament house in a very 
indecent manner, being carried in a chair to the house of 
lords, with the crown between his legs ; and having sent for 
the house of commons, he pulled it out from thence-^i. e. from 
his codpiece, as the factious party made the story pass — and 
put it on his head, and so dissolved the parliament. 

^After the dissolution of the Oxford parliament, the king emits 
a declaration, in which he endeavours td satisfy all his subjects 
with his proceedings, and shews how insolent the parliament 
had been in their doings ; and withal signifies to all his sub^f 
jects that he would ever adhere to and defend the protestant 
religion, and would call parliament as often as his subject^ 
could desire, when he found them inclined to make a right use 
of them. 

The archbishop of Canterbury advised in council that this 
declaration or manifesto of the king's should be read by the 
clergy from their pulpits upon a Sunday ; whereupon Burnet 
reflects severely upon the archbishop for giving this advice, 
and the clergy for reading this declaration, as a thing whereby 
they became heralds to the king, which was unsuitable to their 
office : and as if it had been some horrible wickedness, or at 
least some disorderly practice, he would fain persuade us that 
such a thing was never done before. He says the declaration 

• Cf. HUt. i. 483. 1' Ibid, « Ibid, 499. *» Ibid. 500. 

cription ^a reverend and learned a good living; ^ which the king said was 

divine of the first figure, now livings as good as thanks of the house of 

. . . who has the reputation of as commons.' 

ingenious a man as any in England/ ^ Elliot, pp. 15-6; see his comments, 

For comments see Elliot, pp. 46-7, pp. 49-55. It was previously quoted, 

who gives the further detail, that with comments, [by Leslie] in Cas- 

Charles II recompensed Dr. Sprat's satidra, ii. 37. 
sermon, which was full of loyalty, with 


- The EllioULeslie Extracts 


had that effect, that the whole people of England addressed 
the king from all places, signifying their resolution to stand 
by the king and the hereditary succession in the true line. 

* These addresses he calls fulsome, and again flies in the 
face of the clergy, ** as being the contrivers or penmen of these 
addresses ; and takes occasion often to renew his repeated 
accusations against the clergy **, saying they were men of loose 
lives, going to taverns, and their business there was ^ to drink 
the duke s health, and confusion to his enemies. 

[Extract X: Bumefs retirement from politics in 1681*.] 

** He writes of himself that, after the dissolution of the 
Oxford parli^tment, he did betake himself to a more strict 
course of life ^ than he had formerly accustomed himself to ; 
he had formerly been too much elevated and carried away by 
the applause of men, and had been given to a looseness in his 
life ; and though he does not particularly mention what his 
t:rime was, yet in general terms he does acknowledge himself 
to have been an ill man, and guilty of such things as he should 
for the time to come remember with sorrow of heart, as he 
expressly words it. * He writes that now he gave himself to 
fasting and prayer ®, and he doubts not but the fruits of it will 
ever remain with him. It has made him more humble, more 
watchful, more charitable to the failings of others, and many 
such like words to this purpose. 

[Extract XI: He declines preferment\\ 

' He says that he might several times have been preferred 

• Cf. Hist, L 500-1, 509. •• Cf. ibid. 501, 509. « Cf. ibid. 509. ^ Cf. 

ibid. 500. •• Ibid, ' Ibid. 507. 

' Elliot, pp. 16-7 ; previously cited, 
with comments, [by Leslie] in the 
New Association^ ii. 24 ; Cassandra, 
ii. 27. Elliot's own remarks (pp. 55- 
60) are peculiarly virulent, and the 
disgraceful manner in which he dis- 
torts a general confession of penitence 
into an admission of concealed infamy, 
of ^some extraordinary lewdness or 
wickedness in his private conversa- 
tion/ with the disgusting insinuation 
on p. 55, seem specially discreditable 

in a man of Elliot's profession. It 
must however be admitted that Elliot 
is not the only offender in this respect. 
' Elliot, p. 15 ; previously quoted 

by Leslie] in Cassandra^ ii. p. 28. 

lie comments of Elliot are on pp. 48- 
9 of his tract ; those of Cassandra {in 
loco) are rather pertinent. He asks, 
for instance, why the Temple should 
lie less heavy on Burnetts conscience 
than any other cure ; have lawyers no 



Burnetts Original Memoirs 


to considerable ^ livings •, and in particular that the dean and 
chapter of St. Paul's offered him a living within the City of ;^5oo 
per ann., but he would not embrace it, because he could not 
in conscience exoner himself of the vast charge which did 
belong to it *. ^ But the Temple, in appearance, being to fall 
vacant at that time, he was rather desirous of that ^ ; and so 
much the rather, because he was averse to mingle himself 
with the church and clergy. 

[Extract XII : Burnet reflects on the Mattiands^,] 

^ He reflects severely upon the duke of Lauderdale, and 
scribbles much of his insolencies ^ and the brutalities of Hatton ; 
so he is pleased to express the actions of that lord, who was 
brother-germane to duke Lauderdale. 


[The next fragment of the original version preserved in the Harleian 
MS. relates to the ' Rye House ' conspiracy, and was composed (to judge 
by internal evidence) between June 20, 1684, when Sir Thomas Armstrong 
was executed (see in/ray f. 97 (<i)), and Dec. 23 in the same year, when 
Baillie (Jerviswood) suffered (see f. 95 {b)). It occupies ff. 93-106 of the 
MS. and represents ' No. 3 ' in Dr. GiAbrd's arrangement. Though in 
a different hand from the first fragment, it evidently formed part of the 
same transcript ; the paper employed bears a close resemblance to that 
in use for the former specimen ; and both have been corrected by 
Dr. Burnet himself. On t. 92 we find a few notes by Dr. Gifford, relative 
to the principal divergences between the MS. and the printed version ; 
and at the bottom of the first and last sheets, in a writing which resembles 
that of f. 2, ' Desunt ' (which has been erroneously entered, and then 
obliterated at several other points) is inscribed. On f. 93 is pasted 
a minute scrap of paper, apparently employed as a marker ; it bears 
a few words m the same hand, of which ' kussel's tryal ' are alone 
decipherable. As the fragment begins abruptly, and as the opening 
sentence corres|[)onds with nothing in the printed History ^ an introductory 
heading is conjecturally supplied, on the strength of James Ferguson's 
Ferguson the Plotter^ pp. 422-37 ; Sprat's Rye House Plot, Appendix, p. 42.] 

• Cf. Hiat, i. 507. 

»» Ibid. 

« Ibid, 47a. 

d Ibid. 523. 

^ See Life (in Hisi, ii), p. 691 ; Life 
cfHalifaXy i. 330, note 4. 

' Leslie's paraphrase in CassOftdra 
runs, * taken upon him so great a cure 
of souls.* 

* Elliot, p. 17. His remarks, pp. 62- 
6, are sufiiciently vituperative and re- 
vive all the old scandals of Burnet's 

early intimacy with Lauderdale. Hat- 
ton he is said to have hated as being ' a 
true friend to the episcopal church of 
Scotland.' The context of Burnet's 
disparagingremarks is of course merely 
conjectural ; he gives a vciy unfavour- 
able view of Hatton, Hist. i. 999. 

1683] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 93 {ay{b) 109 


\The duke of Monmouth and the king*s murder f] 

[/ 93 {^)] Some had oflTered to him to do it, but he seemed 
to abhor it, as Essex did extremely. • West and Rumsey did 
speak often of it, as both Walcot and Holloway have confessed 
at their deaths ; ^ some indeed talked of killing the king, and 
not the duke, and spoke to Hone to engage him in it \ but it 
is hard to know what to make of this unless they were dis- 
guised papists. ® Others, as is said, and with more probability, 
were for killing the duke, and it is not unlike that Rumbold 
might have proposed his house, as a fit place for executing so 
black a design, but I cannot think that it was ever laid S much 
less that it was so near as has been given out. 

Keeling discovers all, 

C(,/rom beginning of Hist L 544 to ^ contradict one another.' 

For < who was sinking . . . better trade ' read ^ who was broken in his fortune ; 
he was become desperate and run in with great fury into all the violent things 
that could be proposed to him.' 

For * often to try . . . brothers ' read * he was engaged in these designs of 
inflaming the city, but he found the turning a witness was like to be a safer 
and more profitable operation.* 

For ' Legge made . . . witnesses' nod 'At first there was no great account 
bad of him and his story ; he had no other witnesses to make it out, and none 
appearing to be engaged in it but a mean sort of persons, it was not much 
considered; yet he was encouraged, and bid to lay the matter 90 as to be sure 
of another witness.* 

For * So Goodenough . . . would do * read ' and then Goodenough, not being 
distrustful of him, talked freely to him • . . of seizing the Tower and many 
other extravagant wicked things, which struck a horror in this other Keeling, 
that had never heard such discourse in his whole life.' 

[f. 93 (6)] Om, (at this point) <but stopped at Whitehall ' ; and f^r <drew 
him on and ' read * engaged him, so that he could not easily get away fi:x>m him ; 
he stopped the hackney coach in which they went at Whitehall gate, and 
pretending business with qne there.' 

• Cf. Hist. i. 558-9, 576. ^ Ibid. 559. « Ibid. 543. 

^ It has been thought advisable in the modified wording of the final 
this section to record even slight varia- rendering with a distinct^ if restricted, 
tions of expression, where these appear belief in the existence 01 an important 
at all significant ; the general tenor of conspiracy ; though not in the justice 
the language in the earlier version of all the convictions, or in the corn- 
being decidedly more compatible than plete veracity of the witnesses. 

no Burnet's Original Memoirs [1683 

For * His brother . , . heard * recid * So the secretary took his deposition. 
Upon this the secretary ought either to have kept up the witnesses, or have 
sent to seize on Goodenough and the others against ivhom Keeling swore 
treason. But.' 

Effort * phlegmatic ' read ^ cold and ' ; and for ' such a work ' read ^ such 
quick work as the discovery of a conspiracy.* 

For ' and all . . . way* read ^and he both withdrew himself, and some others 
went from their houses, upon advices given as is most likely by him.' 

For * and apprehending . . . contradict one another,' reaet only * and so had 
the convenicncy of laying their story ; and they both went away.* 

[Discourse on the subject^ . 

* Within three days the plot broke out, and was. the whole 
discourse of the town : there were many examinations taken • ; 
but people had become so much accustomed to discourses of 
sham plots and false witnesses, that there was no great regard 
had to it. ^Some cam^ to me and assured me there was 
a reality in it. [/. 94 (tf)] Col. Fitzpatrick ^ and Mr. Brisbane^ 
told me the evidence was clear and undeniable. Among others, 
Howard came to see me the next day, and talked of it so much 
in his spiteful way of raillery that he possessed me really with 
a belief that he knew nothing of it. He said now that the 
court had got sheriffs of London and, by consequence, juries 
in their hands, we would not be long without false witnesses ; 
and he believed many honest men would be taken off. He 
wished himself beyond seas, and spake terribly of the duke 
as one that would not be only worse than queen Mary, but 
worse than Nero ^. But I was so full of the impressions that 
were given me of the truth of the plot, that I said I should be 
very sorry if there had been anything of that sort among any 
of them ; for I believed it would tend more to the bringing in 
of popery among us than all things else whatsoever, c So he 
lifted up his hands and eyes to heaven, and vowed to me that 
he knew of no plot, and that he believed nothing of it. Two 
days after that a proclamation came out for the discovery of 
the conspirators who had left their houses, and Rumsey and 

• Cf. Hist, i. 546. •' Cf. ibid, infra, c /£,/</. 

* HisU i. a66 ; Dalrymple, ed. 1790, Halifax^ \\. 209. 
part i. bk. v, App. p. 66; Portland « See Life of Halifax, i. 178 ; i/1'5/., 

MSB, (H. M. C), iii. 553 sq. ; Life of ed. Airy, ii. 153, note. 

?683] HarL il/55. 6584, ff. 93 (^)-94 {b) iii 

West were named among them ; but that very night West 
rendered himself, and Rumsey came in next day. • And then 
they told a long story of an insurrection that Shaftesbury had 
been managing, and that had been carried on so far after -he 
went out of England that they came to debate whether it 
should begin on the seventeenth day of November, the day of 
queen Elizabeth's coming to the crown, ^ or the Sunday there- 
after. ® Rumsey also told of that meeting at Shepherd's, 
^and both of them related a long story of the design of 
assassinating the king and duke at Rye. ®They had like- 
Wise got a hint of the meetings of the six persons formerly 
named, and of a treaty in which they were engaged with the 
Scots®. It is not yet understood how they came to know any- 
thing of this, whether it was [/. 94 {b)] by the Scottish men 
that Ferguson knew it, and that he trusted it to them ; or 
whether Monmouth had trusted it to Armstrong, and he had 
trusted it to Rumsey and Ferguson ; ' but all that they knew 
of this was only from second-hand ' and upon report, so that 
the discourse at Shepherd's was all that affected any of the 
lords. 8 This gave the greatest advantage to the duke and 
his party that was possible, for now they twisted the design 
of murdering the king with the other consultations that were 
among the lords, and made it all appear as one complicated 
thing, and so the matter went over England and over all 

[Various arres/s.] 

Cf. Hisi. i. 547 {from * When the council found * fo p. 548, * his life was a 
burden to him '). 
. After * lord Russell ' add ' and Grey.' 

For 'They would not . . . leave * read *The king's tenderness for Monmouth 
was the cause of this, for they would not seize on him till they knew the king*s 

After * go out * read * but he was ordered not to go into the house.' 

For * He heard that Rumsey ... his own mind ' read * but though there was 
a great difference among his friends concerning his stay or his going, yet he 
was positive himself in his resolution of staying. He knew he had ne%'er 
trusted Rumsey with any .secrets ; he thought that discourse at Shepherd*8 was 

• Cf. Hisf, i. 544, 536-7- ^ ^**^- 545- ' ^*''^- 547- ^ ^^•'<'« 545* 

• Ibid, 547. ' Jbtd. » Cf. Ilisi. i, end of p. 559 and beginning of p. 560. 

112 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1683 

so honest and well-meant^ that it could be no more at worst than a conceal* 
ment. So.' 
For ^ till the king was come : and then * read ^ and as he was at dinner.* 
[/ 95 W] ^ft^ * examined ' add * only.' 
Otn, from * and said to the last * to * prisoner to the Tow^er.' 
For * but his examination . . . maxim ' read only ' who in his rough way 
refused to answer the questions that the lord keeper put to him.' 

For ^ There was at that time . . . against law ' read ^ By what has appeared 
since it seems his imprisonment was illegal, for unless the lord Howard had 
at that time secretly made oath against him nobody else had done it except 
from second-hand. Now though a man may be examined and keeped in a 
messenger^s hands upon such a remote e\ndence, yet no man can be imprisoned 
according to the law but upon a positive evidence against him.* 

For *■ while the town . . . fermentation ' read ' often and kept much out of thQ 
For ^ examined them ' read ^ took a subtle method in examining them.* 
After 'his person * add ^ in which he believed they had no share.' 
Otti, * or others in England/ 

After * Scotland * add *and concerning their commerce with Argj-IL' 
[/. 95 (6)] After *■ answers * add * against himself or others.' 
For * and he seemed ... against him * read ^ and he shewed too rough a 
neglect of all that could be done to himself, and acted the part of a philosopher 
rather than of a prudent man.' 

Before * Baillie was loaded ' insert < Upon this occasion the king told him he 
would order garters for his legs, which was carried about as if the king had 
threatened him with the boots ; but that was false ; yet upon it.' 

After * burden to him ' add * But the ill usage he met with, though it brought 
diseases upon him, of which he is now dying in Scotland, yet could draw 
nothing from him.' 

[Fa/e of others implicated^ 

•Sir John Cochrane had spoken too liberally of the duke's 
government in Scotland, in the hearing of some who carried it 
to court; so the king bid the secretary for Scotland write 
to him to come to court, and it was intended to have given 
him a reprimand, and to have ordered him to go presently to 
Scotland. But he, knowing that this was coming to him, left 
his lodging % and so the letter did not find him. I, in the sim* 
plicity of my heart, sent and advised him to go to court, an4 
to ask pardon if he had spoken anything indecently ; for I 
thought the king's ordering him to be thus writ for looked as 
if he had been in no danger ; but I did not know that he had 
been engaged in more dangerous intrigues* He hid himself for 
some time in London, ^and got beyond sea** before the ports 

• Cf. Hist. i. 548. ^ Ibid, 549. 

i683] Harl MSS. 6584, ^ 94 (^)-96 (a) 113 

were stopped upon the breaking out of the plot, and so he 
escaped a long imprisonment and the boots perhaps by this 
time. Munro^ had been sick all the while, so he had no 
meetings with any English men ; only he was once with Shep- 
herd, which has brought him into a g^eat deal of trouble. 
Shepherd (being named by Rumsey) was seized on, but some 
of his friends undertook he should tell all he knew, and so he 
was let go again in a [/. 96 [aj] few days. 

■ Major Wildman was also seized on. He is a great common- 
wealth's man, and as both Sidney and he had appeared very 
resolutely against Cromwell when he began to set up for him- 
self, so he was kept in prison many years after the king's 
restoration. He is very learned both in law and physic •, and 
has a great quickness of apprehension, but has a heat in his 
temper, and though it is a more governable thing than Sidney's 
was yet [it] is very apt to break out. ^ In one of his cellars 
there was two small guns found that had belonged to the earl 
of Northumberland and were left by him in York house when 
he removed out of it ; so the duke of Buckingham, that was 
the owner of that house, kept them and put them in Wildman 's 
hand, who had laid them on wooden carriages to save them 
from spoiling on the ground ; but as they were too small for 
service, so the carriages, not being fortified with iron, were 
only fit to bear them but not to draw them. Yet it was said, 
here was cannon found on new carriages ; and so they were let 
stand some days in the court of Whitehall to affect the un- 
thinking multitudes that ran thither to see them ; and while 
others laughed at this, the rabble looked on it as an undeniable 
evidence of the plot. 

® As soon as the council rose after Russell had been sent to 
the Tower the king went to the duchess of Monmouth ^ and 
was an hour with her ; and immediately after that the duke 
of Monmouth left his house, so those who came to seize on 
him looked for him in vain ; but all people believed this was 

• QL Hist. I 546. *• Ilnd, « IM 549. 

" Munro is the < Commissary Monro * of the Scotch Plotters^ and Appendix, 
of Sprat's Rye House Piot, p. 73 (List p. 125, Carstares' confession. 


114 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1683 

done by the king's direction, for Rumsey had accused him 
the day before, so it had been easy to have taken him had not 
the king resolved to preserve him. • Yet Monmouth himself 
told Mr. Cutts a strange passage relating to his escape, which 
Cutts told me. The king said to the duchess of Monmouth 
that, though some were to come and search her house, he 
should give them a strict order not to search her apartment, 
and so encouraged her to conceal him in her chamber ; but 
Monmouth said he knew him too well to [/ 96 (^)] trust him, 
so he went out of the house : and it seems he judged right, 
for when those came who were ordered to search for him, the 
first place they searched for him was the duchess' own rooms *. 
So that he had certainly been taken had he trusted to what 
the king promised to his wife ; and indeed this is one of the 
most unaccountable passages of the king's life, since, notwith- 
standing all the love he bore Monmouth, yet he laid a snare 
for catching him ^ ** This gave Monmouth the justest grounds 
possible of suspecting him ever afterwards in everything that 
he either did or said ; since, if this is true, it was one of the 
foulest things that could be. An order was sent to bring up 
the lord Grey, which found him on the way coming up to 
town ; he might have gone away easily if he had intended 
it ; yet he came along with the messenger, and carried himself 
with great presence of mind before the council, but he was 
sent to the Tower. It was too late to get in when he was 
sent away, so the messenger was to keep him all night and to 
deliver him next morning to the lieutenant of the Tower. 
In the night he sent for some of his friends, and furnished the 
messenger so liberally with wine that he was dead drunk, so 
that he could have got out of his hands for four hours together 
in which he lay fast asleep, but he would not do it. Next 
morning by six o'clock the messenger and he went alone in 

• Cf. Hist i. 549. b Ibid. 

' In all probability the king, having turbed during the formal search which 

arranged with the duchess that the was inevitable ; by mistake his orders 

duke should abscond, promised her may have been ignored ; and the 

that her rooms should not be dis- duke misinterpreted the incident. 

1683] HarL MSS. 6584, ^ 96 {ayg^ (a) 115 

a hackney coach to the Tower. The messenger fell again 
asleep ; so when they came to the Tower, Grey went out of 
the coach, leaving the other asleep in it, and knocked at the 
gate and bid the sentinel within call the lieutenant to come 
and receive a prisoner ; but then he bethought himself of his 
danger. There was already one witness against him, and 
another would do the business, so he stept down to the water- 
stairs and called a boat. A soldier walking a little way off 
spied it and followed him, but he called him to him and took 
him into his ^rvice ; and so they went away together, and 
when the Tower gate was opened they found none but the 
messenger drunk ^ and asleep •. Armstrong went out of the 
way, and when all places came to be [/. 97 {a)] strictly searched 
he was lodged some days in Southampton house ^, and was 
then so oppressed with fear that those who saw him at that 
time did not think that he could have met death with so much 
courage as he has done since. Walcot was shifting about, and 
wrote a letter to secretary Jenkins, in which he promised 
a great discovery if he might have his pardon ^, but he was 
taken some days after that ; he suspected that Shepherd had 
betrayed him, but I have been told that in that particular he 
was in the wrong to him. Mr. Booth, now lord Delamere, 
was also brought up and accused of a design to raise Cheshire, 
and one had sworn that he was to be a captain ; but that was 
so far below his quality that it made the other story look 
ridiculous. The lord Brandon, son to the earl of Maccles- 
field, was clapt up upon the same suggestions. Major Bremen *, 
of Chichester, that was an officer in the civil wars and retained 
his inclinations to a commonwealth, and had been a parliament 
man of late, was also put in the Tower. ** Warrants were sent 

• Cf. Hisf. i. 549. ^ Ibid, 

^ The reader cannot fail to remark his wife^s dower as coheiress ot the 

how considerably Burnetts omissions Southampton estate, 

in the printed version have impaired ' Sec Sprat's J^ye House Ploty Ap» 

the force and coherence of this pcndix, pp. 86-7. 

dramatic episode. See Swift's note, * See ibid, p. 73, and Appendix, p. 

Hist, in loco, 68. He was acquitted. 

' Lord Russcirstown house, part of 

I 2 

ii6 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1683 

out for some others who went out of the way*, Charlton \ 
with the wooden leg (who is a great enemy to the court and 
was devoted to Shaftesbury, and is a hot, indiscreet talker), 
after he had kept out of the way for some weeks, delivered 
himself; it was given out that he had confessed all and made 
great discoveries, but on the contrary he denied everything. 

There were at that time some letters of Argyle taken in the 
post-house, but nothing could be made of them. The witnesses 
were Keeling, Rumsey, West, and one Lee that pretended he 
was also engaged by Goodenough in the design ; he chiefly 
accused one Rouse that had belonged to sir Thomas Player, 
chamberlain of London. 

** In the examinations of those that were seized on, and of 
the witnesses, the king valued himself much upon the method 
he took ; for as the witnesses were kept from coming at one 
another, so the king had led them into no accusations by 
previous [/ 97 {b)] questions, but bid them tell on their story ; 
and also he told them he would not have a growing evidence 
(as he said Oates' had been), so he bid them say at once all 
that they had to say, for he would hear no new stories. He 
only asked if Gates was in their business, but they said they 
all looked on him as such a rogue that they would not trust 
him. The king also said that he found Howard' was not 
trusted with it on the same account ^ ; and he said the same 
of Mr. Montagu, now lord Montagu by his father's death. 
« But there are many particulars (besides those set down in the 
trials) in West's Narrative, which has never yet been printed, 
and it is certain with all fair readers it will rather destroy the 
belief of the plot than establish it °. 

As soon as Russell was put in the Tower I went to his lady 
and offered my service to her ; for as I loved her lord much, 
so I was particularly obliged by him ^ Before this time I 

• Cf. Hist, i. 549. *» Ibid. « Ibid, 549-5a 

* Mr. Charleton of Totteridge, a wooden leg is mentioned, ibid. Ap« 

cousin of Lord Shaftesbury (Ftrguson pendix, p. 49. See also ibid. Appendix, 

the Plotter^ pp. 423-3). Taken in dis- pp. 7a, 74, 85, 133. 

guise but acquitted (Sprat, p. 73). His • Life ofHaHfax^ i. 230, note 4. 

1683] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 97 (a)-98 (a) 117 

knew his lady so well as the general conversation at table 
amounted to, but now I came to understand her better ; and 
indeed she has acted so noble a part in this matter, and has 
earned so great a character, that I will stop to give a particular 
account of her *. 

The lady RusselPs character. 

She is a mixture between English and French, for her 
mother was Mr. de Rouvigny's sister^, and the earl of 
Southampton was her father. In her the vivacity of the 
French temper and the solidity of the English have produced 
a very rare mixture, for as she has a quickness of thought 
that makes her see very soon through things, *so she is cor- 
rected with a true judgement. Her thoughts furnish so fast 
for her in discourse that she is sometimes as it were choked 
with them, and can scarce fetch them all out ; but her style 
in writing is extraordinary, and if she had all the little rules of 
grammar as well as her thoughts are great and beautifully 
expressed, her writing would be one of the perfectest things I 
know '. The whole course of her life has been very exemplary ; 
she has been always of the church of England, but has much 
charity for the dissenters, [/. 98 (a)] and has her father's 
notions both of that matter and of the business of civil govern- 
ment. She has naturally a great edge upon her temper*, but 
better principles have softened that much ; yet though the fire 
of her passions is much extinguished, the heat and tenderness of 
them is still such that, as it has made her one of the best wives I 
ever knew, so it has sunk her into an extreme sorrow upon her 
lord's death ; which yet she governs so, that though it must 
appear much to her friends, she sets it off with no affectation to 

' This charming portrait was no 
doubt eventually omitted out of defer* 
ence to the feelings of Lady Russell, 
who survived Burnet, dying in Sept. 
1723) at the age of eighty-six; having 
remained Lord Russell's widow for a 
I>eriod of forty years. For her cor- 
respondence with Burnet, see the 
first collection of her letters. 

* Strafford Correspondenctt i. 337. 

' CC LetUrSy seventh ed. (1809), 

p. 17 (Burnet to Lady Russell, Feb. 9, 
i68|). Her letters in that collection 
have been slightly revised, as regards 
grammar and punctuation ; those sub- 
sequently published by Miss Berry 
answer to Burnet's description. 

* ' Some account ... of Rachel . . . 
Lady Russell' (prefixed to a collec- 
tion of her letters by Miss Berry), ed. 
1819, p. 148. 

ii8 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1683 

others, and indeed I have scarce seen one freer of all the exterior 
parts of pride than she is. So that I account her among the 
perfectest pieces of her sex. 

[Lord Russell in prison j Howard turns king's evidence; 

arrest and suicide of Essex,] 

Cf. Hist. i. 550 (to p. 553, * aspera arieria must have been cut *). 

After ' another world ' add ^ and spoke of it with so much composure that all 
who saw him were struck with it.' 

For ^ and said . . . objected to him * read * and in general terms.' 
. After * nothing from him ' add * till he were brought to his trial.* 

After * well assured ' add * that though this is a common artifice to draw out 
eonfessions, yet he thought some Scottish men were engaged to come and 
witness against hiis. So.' 

For *' but this appeared . . . was gone' read 'I met with Munro, who had 
been taken up but was let go (though he has been taken up again upon 
Shepherd's evidence) ; I asked him only with relation to my cousin Baillie ; 
and he told me sir John Cochrane was out of England ; he also assured me 
(/, 98 (3)] that it would be found there had been no treasonable consultations 
among them.' 

Ont. ^and Baillie . . . admitted to him.' 

For * prison ' read * Gatehouse, where my cousin was kept.' 

For * I also . . . done by * read ^ In this some thought I was too bold, but the 
doing to others what I would have others do to me was my rule. I sent him 
some books to entertain him ; but when he was threatened vdth a trial he sent 
me word to come and stand by him in it ; I thought that was not decent for 
one of my profession ; so I excused it.^ 

Ont. *' From what I found . . . friends * ; and read instead ^ All this while it 
was given out that there was a witness that would appear against Russell that 
was beyond exception, which gave occasion for many suspicions.' 

After * knew of none ' add * He did it solemnly at the earl of Bedford's to 
the earl of Anglesey ; he did it also to the earl of Clare, the lord Paget, and 
to two brothers of the earl of Berkshire ^' 

After * as with any man ' add * so that Russell believed he was possibly engaged 
in the design of killing the king, and to save himself he had discovered all he 
knew of others ; which he made up, with a good many additions of his own.' 

After * that might happen * to him ' insert * It has been since thought that he 
was then secretly at court giving information, but I do not believe that, for.* 

After * spoke of him ' add • as Arran told me.' 

[/ 99 (^)] Af^^*" * the court ' add ^ otherwise he would not have blasted his 
credit so much as he did.' 

Ont. ' as he said,' and after ^ all he knew ' insert ' I incline always to judge as 
fairly as I can, so the true account of this matter as I believe was this.* 

For * West and Rumsey . . . some things * read * West in his evidence had 
■ spoken of all persons except the lower sort of people very sparingly, and 
. thought that the story of the Rye plot would have served their turn at courL 

Vide trials of Russell and Sydney. * Airy reads 'come.* 

i683] Harl MSS. 6584, /! 98 (a)-ioo {a) 119 

But the court looked for greater game ; and a contradiction was found between 
him and Rumsey.' 

For * and perhaps more than he knew . . . very credible ' read * and amongst 
others he accused Howard ; for in his written Narrative he plainly sa3rs.' 

For * As if it had been ... a service ' read * So this agrees with Russell's 

After *. design ' insert * (or rather his folly).* 

After *the city* add ^sjid of the misunderstanding between him and Mon- 
mouth and his own being employed to take it up.' 

For *but l^e knew of nobody . . . more home was, that * read * which was a 
ridiculously made story, for nothing can be so near that it comes under debate 
on what day it is to be executed, till great numbers are engaged, and that there 
are great preparations made both of horses, arms, and ammunition, [/ 99 (A)] 
and that officers are named ; and if any such thing had been, it is not to be 
imagined but many more witnesses would have come in.* 

After * Aaron Smith * insert *a hot and factious solicitor'.' 

Om, *and more of that matter . . . saw him very little.' 

For *when examined ' read * answered the king very decently, but.' 

For *did not imagine . . . would not stir' read *to whom he had communi- 
cated nothing of the whole affair, beheved there was nothing in it. He both 
eat, afid slept, and entertained himself in his ordinary manner ; and when 
a neighbour of his advised him to go out of the way, he refused to do it' 

For * His tenderness . . . care of himself* read * The reason of this tenderness 
both in him and Mr. Hampden (af^er they knew that the court had got hints 
of their meddling with the Scots) was their care to preserve Russell, for whose 
trial the day was now set ; for they thought that if they had gone out of the 
way, it would have been made use of to possess the jury against him ; and 
I believe if his trial had been over, they would have withdrawn themselves. 
But it seems Essex had ill spies in London ; for he might have had the news of 
Howard's being taken, and his confessing all he knew, many hours before the 
party came to take him.' 

[/ 100 (fl)] For * he was in much confusion ' read *he expressed no presence 
of mind ; yet the natural coldness of his tempei' made that to' bei the less 

After * the Tower * add * next morning.' 

After * with more violence * add * He had some notions [cf. Hist, i 5^0] of 
the lawfulness of a man's delivering himself a little Sooner when he saw death 
was inevitable ; he spake of this once to me, but it was in case a man was to die 
a cruel lingering death ; and perhaps the remembrance of his wife's great- 
grandfather, who, to preserve his family, shot himself dead in the Tower in 
queen Elizabeth's time, might have come fatally into his thoughts.' 

For * He sent by a servant . . . sent back the servant ' read only * His liidy 
understood he was much cast down, and that the greatest part of his trouble 
was for the min that would come on her and on her children y so she writ 
twice to him.* ' . 

^ After the Revolution he was He acted as public prosecutor, and 

solicitor to the Treasury from April 9, seems to have deserved Mr, S.eccombe's 

1689, to July, 1696, when he was dis- epithet of 'disreputable' {;Dkt, Nat. 

missect on 9, charge of peculation. Biog, liii. i). 

I20 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1683 

For ^ and desired him . . . come to him ' rtad ' and to get through his present 
trouble, of which she gave him good hopes ; his servants were suffered to 
be about him/ 

jijtsr ' day or two ' add ' for which she was constantly soliciting at court 
He sent a message to Bedford, to assure him that he was in no less concern 
about his son than he himself could be, and I believe that went much to his 
heart ; for he had imposed Howard upon Russell much against his mind.^ (Cf. 
Burnet's Diary in Russell's Russell, 3rd ed., ii. 263.) 

^/ter ' message ' add * having obtained leave from the king.' 

jifter * council * add * concerning Walcot, that lived in Ireland when he was 

[/, 100 (&)] After < told me ' add ' and had no apprehension of that which 
followed next morning, which was the day of Russell's triaL' 

Ow. * His lady . . . other things.' 

Ont, * very nicely . . . amusement' 

After < as well ' add ^ and went into the closet within his chamber, and there 
cut his throat.* 

For * as was given out . . . ordnance ' read * upon another occasion.' 

For ^ said he looked . . . dead ' read ' came to look to him and was struck 
when he saw the blood.' 

For * he was found* dead ' read ^ he called out ; upon which many came to 
look on so astonishing an object.' 

Om. * I shall afterwards . . . himselC 

After 'must have been cut* add 'and that part of his thumb with which he 
held the razor was also cut, which shewed clearly he had done it himself; his 
sending so oft for the penknife, the great oppression of his spirits, and some 
other more certain indications, which are not yet publicly known, made it but 
too evident that it was his own act' 

Om, * But to go on . . . world.' 

[The rumour that Essex had been murdered,"] 

His lady was terribly struck with this, as may be easily 
imagined ; it put her into such rages of sorrow at first^ and 
has since so sunk into her mind, that it will press her down as 
long as she lives. The king sent back all his cabinets and 
papers ; and whereas by this fact all his personal estate was 
forfeited (which was very considerable), the king ordered 
a grant to be made of it to his lady ; but she refused to take 
anything but what her lord had g^ven her by his will, which 
was not the tenth [/. loi [aj] part of the whole. So she 
obtained a grant in the same terms in which he had made 
his will. 

But while she lay under this burden another storm rose 
against her; some stories came to be set about that her 

1683] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 100 (a)-ioi {b) 121 

lord's throat was cut by others. • A boy and a girl who had 
been that morning in the Tower to see the king came down 
and reported to the families to which they belonged that they 
had heard cries at Essex's lodgings, and that they saw a bloody 
razor cast out at the window, and that a woman came out 
from the house to take it up. The boy was son to a waiter 
at the custom house, and as he was the first person that gave 
the rise to all the discourse, so he has since that time gone 
often backward and forward in his story ; he is about ten or 
twelve years old. What his qualities are I do not know, only 
I have been told that he is a notorious liar. When the matter 
was brought to a trial, he denied it in full court ; but the girl, 
which is also about his age, affirms it still. They differed in 
some circumstances but agreed in the main parts of the story, 
and their age made many inclined to believe that what they 
said must have some truth in it • ; for though a man may trust 
himself to another man and hire him to swear falsehoods, yet 
none will employ or trust a child. I indeed think the chil- 
dren made the story themselves ; but they having once made 
it, the thing took some wind, and was presently set about and 
taken up by the whole party. Some weeks passed before the 
countess of Essex was let know anything concerning it. At 
last I writ of it to her, and ^ she ordered presently a strict 
enquiry to be made into every particular, and sent me all the 
account she could gather together ; which was so slight that 
I was positively of opinion that there was nothing in it to 
justify her engaging into any prosecution of it ^. And indeed 
the certainty she had was such, that no person that made 
conscience of what they did could pursue a matter of which 
she knew the [/. loi {b)] falsehood but too evidently, so she was 
advised to sit still and be quiet. This raised a great clamour 
against her from the party, who thought her too remiss in 
prosecuting her husband's blood ; and it was said the king's 
kindness in the grant of the personal estate had taken her off. 
But they knew her little who said this of her, for ° if she had 
seen anything on which she could have fastened a legal prose- 

• Cf. Hist I. 569. ^ Ibid. « Ihid. 

122 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1683 

cution, she would have ventured • not only the personal estate 
but her life, rather than have failed in so essential a point of 
her duty. But as she preferred the following her conscience 
before the humouring a party, so she resolved to bear all their 
censures rather than own those secret grounds that determined 
her belief of her lord's sad fate (since that could not be done 
^without bringing a prejudice upon some other persons^); so 
she resolved to bear all that could be said of her, and commits 
herself to God, who knows how unjustly she was censured, 
and she has endured it all with a patience and silence that 
cannot be enough commended, especially considering her 
temper, that is perhaps too tender in such points ; and indeed 
the censure is so foul that any person whatsoever would be 
very uneasy under it. 

* There was one Braddon, whom I have known for som6 
time, that heard of the discourses of these children, and he 
(either being set on by others or from an enthusiastical heat 
in his own temper, to which I am more inclined to impute it) 
went in very warmly and officiously to enquire into this matter ®. 
He came to me about it, and shewed me the examinations he 
had taken of those who had heard the children report their 
story, which they had done several days before he meddled in 
it or so much as knew of it. I read them and wondered much 
at it ; I wished him not to meddle in it, for I was persuaded 
there was no truth in it ; and when I found that he was resolved 
to go [/. 102 {aj\ on, of which he spake very enthusiastically to 
me, ^ I desired he would come at me no more **. But he had 
heard some reports of discourses that had been made in the 
country concerning Essex's death before it was possible for 
them that reported it to know it from London, upon which 
he inferred that it had been laid some time before ; and so he 
went to hunt after these stories, and carried a letter from one 
Speke, recommending him to sir Robert Atkins, a great 
lawyer that had been a judge and was turned out, since 
which time he has set up in a high opposition to the court 
He is a very learned man, but he is very hot and indiscreet. 

* Cf. Hist, i. 569. *» Ibid* 570 (* suppressed passage '). « Ibid, 570. ** Ibid. 

1683] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff, 101 (6)-io2 {b) 123 

While Braddon was in pursuit after these stories, and before 
he had delivered his letter, "he was taken up" by order from 
the council ; and both he and Speke have been prosecuted ^ 
for the endeavouring to spread false news, and to practise 
with witnesses ; and to end all this matter at once, they have 
been both tried. There was nothing against Speke but his 
letter, which imports only the spreading the news ; but the 
matter was carried higher against Braddon. ^ He brought the 
boy and the girl into the court, who both confessed what they 
had reported ; only the boy said he had lied, and the girl stood 
still to it. Braddon proved that he knew not of it for several 
days after they had told it, and that when he came to enquire 
into it he charged the boy as well as the girl not to lie, and 
cited passages of scripture to shew God's judgements against 
liars ; and then, when they had repeated their stories to him, 
he pressed the boy to sign a written relation of it ^ It was on 
this last point that hold was laid against him, as if he had 
suborned the boy; though he instructed him in no part of 
that which he was to say, but only pressed him to set his hand 
to that which he had reported by word of mouth, which 
though it is against the civil law, yet it is an ordinary thing 
in England ; for witnesses are got to make affidavits of the par- 
ticulars that they are afterwards to swear in judgement when 
there is occasion for it. ®Yet this officiousness of his was 
[/. loa (d)] called a subornation, and so he was judged and 
fined in a,oco lib.®, and Speke in one, for which they both lie 
prisoners '^. But I now return to trials of another nature. 

\Trial5 of the Rye House plotters^ 

At the sessions in the Old Bailey, ^ Walcot was first tried. 

Rumsey and West swore full against him, and his letter to the 

secretary was likewise very clear**. He made a very slight 

defence to prove he was ill of the gout at those times in which 

• Cf. Hist, i. 570. ^ Ibid. ° Ibid, «* Ibid, 559. 

— ^^— ■ » 

^ Hilary Term, 1683-4. Speke was afterwards notorious as 

' For these events see the report the author of the * forged ' Third De- 

of the trials (State Trials, ed. Cobbett, claration published after the landing of 

ix ; see also Diet. Nat, Biog. art. Speke). the Prince of Orange. 
Sentence had been given in Feb. i68|. 

124 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1683 

they said he met with them, * so he was cast. Hone was tried 
next morning, and was cast upon the same evidence, Lee 
coming also in against him. Rouse was tried next ; Lee and 
Keeling swore against him \ Lee also swore against one cap- 
tain Blage ^ that he was in a design of seizing on the Tower ; 
but said he had only talked of the weakness of the Tower, 
and how easy a thing it might be to seize on it. There was 
but one witness against him, so he was acquitted ; ^ but the 
other was cast, and a week after they all suffered together. 
Walcot positively denied that he had been in any design of 
cutting off the king; and whereas the witnesses had sworn 
that he had declined to kill the king or the duke but had 
undertaken to fight the guards, he positively denied that, 
and said he looked on that as the same thing with the other. 
He said, indeed, that West had often said to him that he 
thought the surest way was the lopping, but that he had 
always said he would not meddle in that, it was so infamous 
a thing, and that he was confident the duke of Monmouth 
would revenge his father's blood ^ ; so that, as he confessed 
he knew of West's wicked designs, it is plain he rather dis- 
approved of the assassinating of the king as being a mean 
and a dangerous thing than that he any way abhorred it; 
and it seems he would not have been ill-pleased if others had 
done it, so he had not been engaged in it. Now when a man 
confesses so ill a thing of himself, it is reasonable to believe 
that he tells all ; for if he made no conscience of lying, it were 
as easy to deny the whole as deny any part ; and the sin is 
the same. I should not indeed be determined by a man's 
positive denial of the whole matter laid to his charge, because 
either some false [/. 103 {aj\ principles of religion or the being 
so atheistical as to be raised above all checks or remorse, may 
carry a man to a simple denial to cover his party or to raise 
a reputation to himself after death, of which some men retain 
their fondness to the last minute of their lives. Yet when 

• Cf. Hist. i. 559. ^ Ibid. 

^ For Captain William Blague, see Cobbett*s Stait Trials, vol. ix, cols. 653-6. 

1683] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 102 (6)-io4 (a) 125 

a man confesses some foul and ill things, and stops there, and 
denies all the rest, I am very much inclined to believe him to 
be sincere in it. So that Walcot's confessing so much as he 
did, and denying the rest, did in my opinion very much over- 
throw the credit of the witnesses. There was one particular 
in Walcot's paper on which the scribblers at that time laid 
great hold. He said the plot was laid deep, and many were 
concerned in it ; and so he over and over again wished that 
the king might grant an act of indemnity. It is probable 
he meant this of the numbers of those who were malcontented, 
and might have talked of making resistance, of whom no doubt 
there are great numbers ; but it is not like there were such 
numbers concerned in this plot. That part of his paper that 
concerns religion was writ in such a canting strain that it was 
not easy to find out his meaning in it. * Hone died confessing 
that he had been spoke to in general to assist in a design of 
killing the king and the duke, but there was no particular 
time marked out, so he knew nothing more of the plot*. He 
said at the place of execution (when this was drawn out of 
him not very decently by Dr. Cartwright, dean of Ripon, who 
expected a bishopric by this excessive zeal of his) that * they 
thought there was less danger from the duke, who was a known 
papist, than from the king. The third seemed to be more 
affected with the sense of those courses than the other two 
were ; he said he was never in any design against the king's 
life, but the witnesses against him had let fall many wicked 
things to him, and he was resolved to have discovered them, 
and was only waiting till he might find out the bottom of the 
design and have a consisting story to carry with him to 
[/. 104 {a) ^] Whitehall ; but they had prevented him. He 
vindicated all his other acquaintances ^ and in particular sir 
Thomas Player, and wished that all men would gfive over 
factious and seditious discourses and study to be more quiet 
and more dutiful to the king, for whom he prayed very 

• Cf. HisU i. 559. «» Ibid, 

^ C 103 (6) is a blank. 

126 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1683 

earnestly. •These executions did so much disgrace the wit- 
nesses that there has been no further use made of them • ; for it 
appeared that as they had drawn others into those treasonable 
discourses, so they had swelled them in evidence that they 
gave much above the truth. 

[Lord RttsselPs trial.] 

Cf. Hist. L 553 {to p. 556, 'than that of his execution would be*). 

For ^ was fixed for that day ' rtad ' was a more important thing.' 

For * They were picked ... of that side ' read ' [being] men that, as was 
generally believed, were resolved to give a very implicit obedience to all that 
the king's counsel should dictate to them.* 

For ' to the seizing on the guards ' read * to that which was proposed at the 
meeting* ; and onu 'so that here . . . treason only.' 

Before ' As lord Howard * insert * Howard delivered his evidence with much 
artificial malice ; for.' 

After * defended himself add * chiefly * ; and after * designs ' add [/ 104 (6)] 
' but there was no great force in this ; for if a man has an opinion of the law- 
fulness of resistance, his entering into such consultations was not contrary to 
that character in which he was held.' 

For * Some others . . . testified * read ^ There was more force in what Anglesey, 
Mr. Edwsu^l Howard, and I declared.' 

After ' at first ' add * and all witnesses in plots might be thus discredited.' 

After ' of less moment ' read ' for then it might have been said, that he only 
denied it to preserve himself and his friends.' 

After * offered ' add ' (and [he] had in particular said he was confident there 
was nothing against Russell). This unnecessary lying.' 

' For ' words to that efiect : and ' read * since in trials for words witnesses 
must swear either to some determined words, or words to such effect, for a 
man's being present in a company does not prove that he hears all that is said 
in the conversation. I have been often myself so engaged in the pursuit of 
one thought that has been started, that for some time I have not known what 
was said about me ; though I have seemed to make general answers of smiles 
and half words ; and silent men, such as Russell was, are more apt to run out 
into such thoughtfulness, therefore.' 

Om. * They could not rely . . . discourses : so.' 

[/ 105 (fl)] After 'and Hale' add 'and many other great lawyers' ; and for * and 
gave ... for it ' read ' and the reason given for it is plain ; the law makes actions 
criminal according to the danger that may be in them : now, since it is in any 
one man's power to murder the king, therefore it is reasonable to make every 
step towards it treason, but a war not being so easily levied, every discourse 
concerning it is notof such dangerous consequence.' 

After * during that reign' add *so they are prosecuted within six months.' 
Om, ' None of the witnesses , . . king's person.' 

For * So that * read * Here was only a constructive treason brought against 
him* ; and om. 'the court ... in their way.' 

• Cf. Hist. i. 559. 

1683] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 104 (a)-io6 {a) 127 

[/ 105 {by] Om, *as the witnesses had sworn it' 

After * of treason * add * (the punishment of which is a praemunire).' 

After * distinguished * €idd * (and I believe they were in the right).' 

After ' suggested to him ' add * He also shewed how unlikely it was that any 

man could now raise a country ; for so great an interest as was now requisite 

for that was now fallen with the greatness of the nobility, and was no more 

known in England K'* 

Om. * shew his zeal and ' ; aptd for * but it was only . . . invectives ' read 

'and aggravated matters with much insolence and spleen.' 
After ' soon after ' add * Russell was cast, and received sentence the next day.' 
For * Lord Russell's behaviour ... of the matter ' read * During his whole 

trial he had expressed so just an indifference, that as there was no affectation 

in his behaviour, so those who only saw him could not have imagined from 

anything that [/ io6 (a)] appeared in him, that he was the person concerned.' 
For '• He was a man . . . fact ; for ' read ^ He spake indeed but little ; his talent 

lay not in a quickness of thought, much less in a readiness of speaking ; and he 

was a man of such unblemished candour.' 

For ' so he left . . . He said ' read * He reckoned the conclusion of his 

business was resolved on before it was begun, so that he gave his thoughts 

very little trouble about it ; though he told me.' 

[TAe last days of lord Russell,"] 

•After sentence, both his lady and father set on foot all 
possible methods for mollifying the king and duke. All that 
had interest with either of them were tried, and if money 
could have done it there was nothing that could have been 
asked that would not have been laid down. At first it was 
said that nothing could be hoped for unless as he petitioned 
the king he would likewise write to the duke •. He was averse 
to anything of that kind, and nothing but his kindness to his 
wife and his submission to his father could have prevailed with 
him to have made any attempts for a pardon ; yet he was 
overcome to write to the duke^ In his letter he acknow- 
ledged that he had appeared so much against his interest that 
he was out of countenance to ask any favour by his means ; 
but he protested he had done nothing out of any personal ill- 
will to [? against] him. ^ He offered to give his faith, that in case 

• Hist. i. 556. ^ Ibid. 

^ This passage is very curious. In ' falling into blunders for the sake of 

the reports of Russell's trial occurs effect') has amplified in melodramatic 

a condensed version of it; which fashion (ilftrMfoirs, ed. 1790, pt. i. bk L 

Dalrymple (always, as Lord [John] p. 44). 

Russell, Life of William Lord Russell, * Russell's Rasselly 3rd ed., il 79, 

3rd edition, ii. 60, happily observes, 26a. 

128 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1683 

the king should think fit to pardon him, that he should live 
in any place beyond sea which the king should name, and never 
meddle any more in English affairs. This was also the sub- 
stance of his petition to the king ^, but all was to no purpose ; 
for it was determined he should die the same day sennight 
after his sentence, and it is said that the duke moved that 
the place of his execution should be the square before his 
own house ; but that was thought cruel, and I have been told 
that the king himself [/. 106 (b)] rejected that proposition as 
inhuman. So Lincohi's Inn Fields was named. •He only 
wished for two days* delay that he might have time enough to 
finish a paper that he was writing, but that was denied. This 
gave him some h'ttle trouble, but it went off in a moment, and 
he returned to his ordinary temper. ^ I waited upon him for 
a great part of the afternoon every day of that last week, and 
was with him the last night of his life, and went with him in 
his coach and saw the last part of this tragedy ; but it was 
indeed a triumph over death. There was no vanity, nor 
affectation, nor sharpness, nor resentment in his discourses or 
deportment ; on the contrary he was so serene and composed^ 
and °upon occasions, as at table or when his friends came 
to see him, so decently cheerful, that it amazed me. There 
was a life in his thoughts and conversation that was very 
extraordinary. I was with him when the sheriff[s] came and 
shewed him the warrant for his execution ; he read it as he 
would have done any other paper ; and when they went away 
he said he thought it was not decent to be merry on such an 
occasion, otherwise he would have said to sheriff Rich (who 
had been a member of the last parliament, and had given his 
vote for the bill of exclusion, but was now turned about) that 
they would never sit again in a house of commons to vote on 
that bill any more. The day before his death he was taken 
twice with a bleeding at his nose, upon which he said to me, 
smiling, ' I shall not need to let blood, that will be done to* 

• Cf. Burnet's Diaiy, Russell's Russefl, ii. a7a ^ Cf. Hisf. i. 556. « Ibid, 

* Russell's Russell y 3rd ed., ii. 78. 

1683] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 106 (a)-io7 ip) 129 

morrow ' ; and at supper it rained hard, upon which he said 
if that rain continued it would spoil a sight to-morrow, for 
a show in a rainy day was a very dull thing. • He composed 
himself to die • with the devotion of a serious Christian, as well 
as with the courage of a great man. He had lived for many 
years under a great sense of religion, and in a very innocent 
course of life. ^ He said the sins of his youth lay heavy upon 
his thoughts ; but he hoped God had forgiven them, for he was 
sure he had forsaken them. He had acted with relation to 
the public very sincerely, and had neither private designs nor 
resentments to prompt him. It was his zeal for the protestant 
religion and his love to his country (which he valued much 
above his own life) that had act[uat]ed him. He had done 
nothing for which his conscience reproached [/. 107 (a)] him, 
for he thought that, as the king was limited by law, so when 
that was broke in upon the subjects might restrain him ^ He 
had lived out the best part of his life, being then forty-four, 
^ and he looked upon this death that was before him as a much 
easier thing than the dying of a colic or some other painful 
disease. He found himself now in a good temper, whereas he 
was much sunk with sickness, so tliat ^he thought this the 
more eligible way of dying: it was but to be exposed for 
a while to be gazed at, and to endure a moment's pain, which 
was not so great as the drawing of a tooth. ^ And then he 
comforted himself with the hope that was before him. He 
said often, ^ What a sort of change is this i ' He had been 
told how some that were bom blind were ravished when (by 
the couching their cataracts) their sight was given to them ; 
but he thought how much greater would the transport be if 
the first object that one saw was the rising sun*. He had a very 
firm assurance of his happiness in the next state, though ^ he 
said he had none of those transports that perhaps others had. 
He was much concerned at the cloud that seemed set over his 
country, but he hoped his death should do more service to the 
public than his life could have done. 

CC Hist, i. 556. ^ Ibid. 557. • Cf. Burnet's Diary, Russell's 

Russellf ii. 264-5. ^ Cf. Hist i. 557. • Cf. Diary (as above), ii. 374. ' Cf. 
Hist, i, 557. 



Burnet's Original Memoirs 


This was the substance of his discourses both with me and 
with the dean of Canterbury, Tillotson, who had been his 
friend formerly, and was much with him that week •• As to the 
public, he said often that, as he would wrong no man by dis- 
covering the freedoms they had used with him, for which some 
that then were in very great favour with the duke owed him 
more thanks than perhaps most others did (by which it was 
plain that Sunderland^ was the person he meant), yet **he assured 
me there was never anything among them but embryos of 
things that never came to anything nor were like to come to 
anything, and had then no sort of being. ® He said Howard 
had sworn falsely in several particulars c. But as to those affairs, 
I not only led him into no discourse concerning them, but I 
avoided it and desired his lady to tell him not to engage into 
freedom in those matters with me ; for I was not willing to 
have the load of such a concealment upon my conscience, so 
I desired to decline the temptation to lying which the know- 
ledge of their secrets and the questions that afterwards might 
[/. 107 (i)] be put to me would draw upon me. ^Both Til- 
lotson and I took much pains on him to persuade him of 
the unlawfulness of taking arms against the king^ in any 
case^ ; but though we shook him a little, we could carry him 
no further. than to say if it was a sin that he prayed God to 
forgive him for it ; and so he put somewhat in his paper to 
that purpose, but it was so cold, and seemed put in only 
to justify us, that Tillotson thought it better to leave out that 
part, which he did. As for the paper that he left behind 
him, • he told me, at my first being with him, the substance of 

• Cf. Hist, i. 557. * Ibid. « Cf. Diary, Russell's Russellj ii. 263. 

* Hist, i. 557. • Diary, p. a66. 

^ This curious charge must refer to 
some proposition made by Sunderland 
during his alliance with the Exclu- 
sionists in 1680- 1 ; at least, it is 
hardly possible to suppose that 
Sunderland, after his reconciliation 
with the Court in July, 1682, should 
have committed himself to any treason- 

able intrigue ; see however the strange 
story of Monmouth's confession in 
1685, with the authorities quoted, in 
the Life of Halifax, i. 446, note 3. 

' The reader will notice the signifi- 
cant alteration in the printed version ; 
see also infra^ App. I ; Ranke, vii. 
App. II. 166. 

1683] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 107 (a) -107 {h) 131 

it ; for he had turned it much in his thoughts, expecting from 
the first day of his imprisonment that it would have this con- 
clusion, for he did not doubt but the sheriffs would pack a jury 
for him. • He desired me to lay his matter in a method, for 
he was not so well acquainted with forms ; so I laid before him 
the scheme of the heads that he had named in their right order ■ ; 
only I suggested one particular to him '' concerning the subornar 
tion of witnesses in the matter of the popish plot, from which 
he cleared himself, not only of any accession to it, but of any 
suspicion of it. ° He set himself to write Wednesday and 
Thursday morning, for * he desired to see no company before 
one o'clock^. In writing it he went on with the plain parts of 
it quite through as it is printed, but when he came to the 
tenderer points (such as that concerning the bill of exclusion, 
the part that related to the dissenters, and two or three other 
particulars) • he writ on other pieces of paper that which he 
intended to say concerning them, and shewed them to me 
before he filled up the void spaces that he had left for them ®. 
In some particulars I had different apprehensions from him, 
but h[e] was settled in his thoughts, so that though he was 
wrought to soften some expressions ^ he could be carried no 
further. ' His lady saw his paper as it grew under his pen, and 
the void spaces, toge[ther] with the blotted draughts of that 
with which he afterw[ards] filled . . . \End vf folio and 


[At this point there is another gap in the narrative, of which the portion 
containing events from July, 1683, to Oct., 1684, and corresponaing to 
the remainder of pp. 558 and 560-98 in Burnet's first published volume, 
is missing. From Oct. 1684, however, to the beginning of 1696 (vol. i. 
p. 598 to vol. ii. p. 163 in the printed History) the original narrative 
remains unbroken; certain parts being preserved in duplicate, while 
others are extant only amon^ the fragments of one or other transcript. The 
scheme placed at the beginmng of the present volume gives a complete view: 

• Hist. i. 558. »> Cf. ibid, 561. ^ Cf. ibid. 558. d cf. 

ibid, 556. • Ibid, 558. ' Hid, 

* * But ' is here erroneously inserted by Burnet himself. 

K 2 

132 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1684 

of these details and of the dates at whfch the various portions were written. 
Here it will suffice to say, that the part which contains the account of 
events firom Oct., 1684, to the end of the reign of Charles II was written 
before the dose of the year 1686 (see note, p. 14I1 infra) ; while the events of 
the reign of James II till the conclusion of 1687 were chronicled at intervals 
before Dec. 27 in the latter year. They are thus preserved ; Oct,* 1684- 
Sept., 1686 in E 109-46 (Transcript A), ff. 148-218 (Transcript BJ ; 
Sept., i686-De&, 1687 in f[, 219-46 (Transcript B only). As stated in 
the preface the pagination of Transcript A is alone quoted in duplicate 
passages. On ff. i^, 170 (a), 21 1, 263 are a few remarks by Dr. GifTord.] 

[Fragment concerning RoswelFs trial,] 

[/ 109 (a)] Cf. Hist, i. 598-9 (Jrom ' could remember so long a period*). 

for ' I set down . . . such a defence ' retui ' Here [or there] was too mucU 
evidence to overthrow their testimony,' antl om, ' urged . . . vehemence. He.* 

For *And there was a shameful rejoicing upon this* rtcut ^ And many of our 
clergy were both so wicked and so foolbh as to rejoice at this, because.' 

For < since . . . might be ' read ' and they did not see that here a precedent 
was made, that might quite ruin the church, when infamous persons were 
received as sufficient evidence over against idl the contrary proofs that were 
brought [cC Hist, i. 599]. Yet the court was ashamed of the thing, though 
Jeffreys had a great mind to have him hanged.' 

Om. ^ though that . . . censured.' 

Ont, * The impudence . . . clergy. 

[Hayes' trial.] 
Cf. Hist. i. 599. 

For * The other trial was ' read * The day after this there was another trial,* 

For ' that whole cabal of men, that, it seemed ' read < the club-men *, that.' 

Be/ore ^and they hoped* add 'for it was taken for granted that all went 
through his hands.' 

j4f[er < Armstrong *ybr * but to another . . . had it ' read ' by his own name, but 
by another name. So he said if it were his (which he still denied) yet it was 
addressed to [/ 109 (6)] an innocent person, and if that person had given 
it to Armstrong, so that it was found in his pocket, that was no proof against 
him. But his main defence was that there was no entry,' dr^c. 

After ' in upon it ' add ^ which shewed that this letter could not be imputed 
to him' ; and for 'But . . • defence was' read 'And in fine he said.' 

After ' as they were desired * add < All that was urged by the king's counsel 
was that in the letter he had writ advising Armstrong not to spend too lavishly, 
which was more than a simple letter of credit ' ; and om. ' The little difference 
. . . more guilty.' 

For 'which mortified* rrar/ ' [Hayes] behaved himself so well, both in his 
imprisonment and at his trial, that this raised him as much as it mortified ' ; 
and om. 'for they had reckoned . . . directed.* 

* i. e. the members of the King*s bers. See Life of Halifax^ i. 389, note 
Head or Green- Ribbon Club, of which a; Sitwell's First Whig^ pp. 74-93, 
the Rye conspirators were all mem- i93-7f 197-903. 

1684] HarL MSS. 6584, ^ 109 {ayiog(b) 133 

A new intrigue with the duchess of Portsmouth. 

•There was this winter a new intrigue carried on at the 
duchess of Portsmouth's, to which it was believed that none 
was Admitted but Barillon and Sunderland K The duke 
of Monmouth came over secretly, and though he saw not 
the king, yet he went away extremely well satisfied with 
his journey*. [Whether]^ he engaged in this intrigue at 
the duchess of Portsmouth's or not I cannot tell, but it is 
certain the duke was shut out of it. Halifax saw it go 
on, but he told me **he knew nothing^ of it ^The king was 
pressing the duke to make haste in his journey to Scotland, 
and when the duke answered how that affairs there did not 
require it so much, the king said to him that either he must 
go or he himself would go c. The queen seemed to re[s]ent * 
highly the dependence that was upon the duke, and the 
general forsaking of the king ; for ^ often in the king's 
bedchamber there were not above three or four persons 
besides those that were in waiting; and even the duke's 
antechamber was crowded \ On several occasions the queen 
seemed concerned in the duke of Monmouth and in all his 
friends ; so that there was a visible coldness between her and 
the duke. Now though she was not considerable enough 
by her interest in the king to give any apprehensions, 
yet she could still deliver him letters, and procure secret 
audiences ^ 

The affairs of Ireland, 

Cf. Hisi, i. 601 ('The carl of Rochester' to p. 6o9, < afflicted him so much *). 
For ' The earl of Rochester . . . method in the government of Ireland ' rtad 

• Hisi. i. 604. »> Ibid. 605. " Ibid, infra. ^ Cf. ibid. 583. 

^ The History also mentions Godol- 

'The 'whatever' of both tran- 
scripts is an obvious error. 

' The reader is referred to the Lift 
(tf Halifax^ i. 422-7, for the reasons 
which suggest that Burnet was excep- 
tionally ill-informed on this point, and 
that Lord Halifax was unwilling to 
confide in him. 

* The original has 'repent'; an 
obvious error. 

^ The whole of this curious passage 
concerning the queen has been printed 
by Miss StriMsji^f Queens of England, 
ed. 185 1-9, V. 667. See also Life of 
Halifax^ i. 493 ; LongmaWs Magazine^ 
March, 1899, pp. 435-43^ l^e queen, 
though she had bitterly opposed the 
recognition of the boy, showed * in- 
variable kindness' to him (Strickland, 
ed. 1851-a, V. 545, quoting Brit. Mus. 
Lans. MSB. 1936 (77), C 1x9). 

134 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1684 

* Rochester was every day [sinking in] * favour, and was to go to Ireland more 
limited than any lord lieutenant had ever done.* 

[f. no (fl)] For * as well . . . kingdom* read *and they gave all the commis- 
sions. It is true they gave all considerable employments, according to the 
directions they had from the king ; but still' 

After * secretaries * add * In short, the disposing of the places in the army was 
the best perquisite of the lord lieutenant's place.* 

For *and therefore he proposed . . . check upon him* read *and that 
therefore it were better to keep the army in an immediate dependence on 

Before * When there were * add * In this Sunderland was in the right ; for it 
was too great a trust to put a whole kingdom in one man*s hands ; and though 

Before * In this the earl of Sunderland's ' add * But ' ; and after * himself add 
*and the profits of those commissions*.' 

For * Yet little regard ... so much ' read * Yet in this, as in everything else 
that was proposed by him, the king seemed to take a pleasure in humbling him ; 
and everybody concluded that he would be no sooner in Ireland than he would 
be disgraced.' 

[The treasury books,"] 

Cf. Hist, i. 605 (' He complained . . . turned out of all *). 

Begin ^ But his misfortunes grew upon him ; for a discovery was made to 

After * of those books ' add ' and these were in matters of great consequence.' 

Om, H( not . . . way ' ; and read only 'but the king's illness took him that 
day, and so this was prevented.* 

[T/te affcdr of col, Maccarty,] 

Cf. Hist. i. 609 {from * The first instance ') ; and ibid, 600-1 {marriage of lord 

For^ ' The first instance . . . acceptable ; for it was that ' read * Sunderland 
began to shew the world how he intended to model the Irish army. It was raised 
as a security to the English protestants, and paid out of funds given by the 
parliament of Ireland for that intent, to secure the nation from the insurrections 
of the Irish papists. Yet now it was resolved on to put Irish papists in 

For * in which ... at an end ' read * [he] was now pitched on for the first 
person in whose favour the law was to be broke. And he, to insinuate himself 
into Sunderland's favours, undertook to make a match between Sunderland's 
daughter and his nephew, whom his mother had put in the bishop of Oxford's 
hands to breed a protestant, all his family before him having been papists 
So the king writ by Maccarty to the bishop,' ^fc as in p. 601. 

For * at [of] the age of consent * read * but sixteen.' 

* Transcript A has originally 'speak- » I e. of the commissions issued 

ing in,* corrected by Burnet to 'speak- direct from the king, through the 

ing for * : the above is no doubt the real Secretary of State's Office, 

1684] Harl. MSS. 6584, jff^. 109 (6)-iio (b) 135 

Om, * and so . . . papist ' ; andjor * Thus * read * This was strangely cried 
out [/ no {by] on, when.' 

After * very effectually * return to p. 6oa, ' The king intended/ 

After * Halifax ' <!</</ * and told him that since Maccarty had lost a good post 
on his account, he was resolved to make it up to him in Ireland ; but Halifax 
told him that might be made up by pensions without breaking of a law ' (cf. 
Hist, i, 609 «i/r<i); andom, * and he . . . according to law.' 

Oni, * he said . . . interest.' 

Otn, * Lord Halifax replied . . . jealousy.' 

For <who came* read 'So that Maccarty (who had married Halifax's cousin- 
germane^) came.' 

After * lord ' add ' for opposing his preferment.' 

Om. *' when he crossed . . . inclinations.' 

[Conduct of the duchess of Portsmouth^ 

" The secret at the duchess of Portsmouth's went still on ; 
^ the king seemed fonder of her than ever *, though an intrigue 
had been discovered between the grand prior of France and 
her, in which it was said that the king (coming himself in 
a little abruptly on them, where they were together in her 
closet) saw more than he himself had a mind to see. Upon 
that the king ordered the grand prior to go out of England 
immediately ^ ; but he, that had all the insolence of his country 
about him (without the spirit that generally accompanies it), 
began to pretend that by the laws of England the king 
could banish nobody, and that therefore he would not obey 
his order. But the king let him understand that the laws of 
England could only be claimed by Englishmen, and so, if he 
did not obey his orders in twenty-four hours' time, he would 
make him feel what he could do to him. Upon this he went 
away ^ ; but this, instead of diminishing the king's kindness 
for the duchess of Portsmouth, as everybody expected it 
would have done, increased it to that pitch, that ^^ after this the 
king kissed her often before all the world, which he was never 
observed to do before this time '^. 

• Cf. Hist, i. 605. »» Ibid, supra. « Ibid, 

1 Lady Arabella Wentworth, dau. Anne Wentworth, sister of Lord 

of the first Earl of Strafford, and Strafford). 

consequently cousin-germane to the ' Lord Ailesbury, in his Memoirs, 

father of Lord HaUfax (Sir William traverses this (p. 86). 

Savile, son of Sir George Savile and ' See Routh, Hist, in loco ; Klopp, ii. 


Burnefs Original Memoirs 


The duchess of Portsmouth's medal; [and her political intrigues,] 

And there was a medal struck for her ; her face was on the 
one side, with * Lucia Duchessa Portsmouthensis' about it ; and 
on the reverse a Cupid was sitting on a globe and about him 
'Omnia Vincit ^' This was insolent to all degrees, the medals 
being exposed to sale by the goldsmiths. One that happened 
to go by a goldsmith's shop bought one of them for me, which 
I happened to shew that evening to some of the court that 
came to see me; with those reflections upon it that such an 
affront done the king drew from me. Whether this was told 
again or not I cannot tell, but the very next day all the 
medals were called in and were never seen any more; so 
that I never saw any of them but my own, which is in silver 
and of the size of half a crown. This I thought deserved 
to be put in history to shew how far [/ 1 1 1 («)] the insolence 
of a whore can rise. But what the design between her and 
the French ambassador was at this time is not yet perfectly 
known ; yet it may be guessed at by this, which I go to set 
down: that was told me by my lord Montagu, with whom 
I conversed much at Paris in summer [i6]85. ■ He made me 
first understand the secret of her being so much for the bill 
of exclusion ; and he told it to me so particularly, that 
I believe he himself had a particular hand in it. 

Her design in the business of exclusion. 

It was then proposed to the earl of Sunderland and her in the 
year [i6]8o, that if the king would agree to the exclusion, an 

• Hisi. i. 487. 

499, 483 ; Hist, MSS. Com. Rep, vii. 
368a ; Lift o/Hali/ax, i. 409 ; Forneron, 
Louise de KerouaUt^ 208-15. 

^ The British Museum has both 
bronze and silver specimens of this 
rare medal, which is by George Bower, 
appointed in 1664 one of the en- 
gravers of the Royal Mint and em- 
bosser in ordinary. Bower, who died 
before March, 1669-90, worked indis- 
criminately for Court and Opposition, 
having executed the famous * Shaftes- 

bury* medal in t68i, two medals in 
honour of the Seven Bishops, &c., 
as well as a large number of official 
commissions, including a satirical me- 
mento of the Rye House Plot, We 
can see however no reason for the 
supposition (advanced in the Medallic 
Illustrations of the History of Great 
Britain and Irelandy Hawkins, cd. 
Franks and Grueber, 1885, vol. i. p. 554'! 
that the intention of the medal is 

i6eo] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. wo (^)-iii {o) 137 

act might be. obtained like that which had been granted to 
Henry the Eighth, by which the nomination of the successor 
should be left to the king ; and this would extremely raise 
the king's reputation and authority and oblige all that could 
pretend to it to depend on him, and even the prince of Orange ' 
would not be made desperate^ since the king, who was so 
good at promising as he was bad in performing, would not 
have been wanting to give him all the assurance that words 
could contain. Now the duchess of Portsmouth was made 
to apprehend that ** the duke of Monmouth would certainly 
set on such an act by all possible means, since it was only on 
such a bottom that he could found his hopes ; and he would 
no doubt assure himself that if the nomination were left to 
the king, he would certainly be the person. And the 
duchess of Portsmouth made herself believe that she was 
so far master of the king's spirit as to engage him to name 
her son. Thus the duke of Monmouth and she went into the 
same game, but with very different prospects, both of them 
hoping that they should have outwitted one another. And 
it was thought that her journey over to France the year 
following was chiefly intended to engage that court in her 
interests, and to make a match between her son and 
a daughter of the king's by madame de Montespan that 
is now duchess of Enghien. But Montagu added to this, 
that she had brought the king so far on in the exclusion, 
that she herself told him the king would pass it if the 
house of commons would have given 600,000/. for it ^ ; but 
if they would have raised it up to 800,000/. the king would 
be so well pleased that they might promise themselves every- 
thing that they could desire from him upon it. The same 
was confirmed to me by c[olonel] Titus ; but they both said 
to me, that c the distrust of the king was then so great ^ and 
the jealousy of some of the members going into the court 
to make bargains for themselves grew to be so universal, ^ that 
none of those who led the party durst move for money, 
fearing that upon that they should lose their credit ^. There- 

• Cf. Hist, i. 487. ^ Ibid, « IM, Ibid, 

138 Burnef^s Original Memoirs. [1680-4 

fore they pressed the duchess of Portsmouth to prevail with 
the king once to pass the bill and after he might have as 
much money as he would desire ; " but the king would not 
trust them. And so that business fell when it was brought 
so near a point ^ ; so great a transaction having failed only 
upon the distrust that the king and the parliament had one 
of another. Whether something like this was now again on 
foot or not is that which I cannot affirm. 

The state of the king*s health, 
Cf. Hist. i. 606 (^ All this winter . . . hold up with him '). 

Discourses of his being a papist, 

Cf. Hist, i. 603-4. 

[/hi (6)] For * There was a great ... of France ' read * There were many 
discourses fell out this winter.* 

For ' They did not . . . from Paris ' read ' and one was more remarkable 

For * The occasion . . . better known ' read ' No doubt the duke set this on 
all he could, that so the king and he might be more inseparably united in their 

For ' one of the missionaries of Siam ' read ^ a secular priest from Siam.' 

For ' who was a man . . . talked of his having' read 'who had, as was given out.* 

For * He was well received . . . desired ' read * He had much heat in him ; 
and he [was] admitted to the king in.' 

After * in which ' add *■ as was said.' 

For ' The confessor . . .' convert him ' read *■ But that priest unhappily exposed 
himself so that he was quickly sent out of England. He went to see Hali£u.' 

Om. *hc was so vain . . . man' ; 'such' (fie/ore 'simple *) ; and 'as furnished 
. • . men.' 

After ' thigh ' add ' (and) he had greater occasions to use his leg.' 

[/. iia (a)] For ' a miracle ' read ' the half of a miracle.' 

For ' and lord Halifax . . . contempt that' read ' which Halifax carried further ; 
for he not only told it to the king, but told it to the duke in the king*& presence 
before a great company, [so].' Om. ' and the priest ... no more.' 

Halifax discovered the king's inclinations to popery so 
plainly that I saw he was in great apprehensions. Many 
but little things began to break out which gave great 
suspicion *. One ^ sir Allan Brodrick, who had been brought 
up by chancellor Hyde and was much trusted and niuch 
employed by him, became the two last years of his life 

• Hist. i. 488. »> Cf. ibid. 74. 

' Cf.the remarks of Halifax in his'Character of Charles II j"* Lift attd IVot^Sf ii.347. 

i68o] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. in (a)-ii2 (a) 139 

a strict and a religious person : he had been very atheistical 
and vicious, but was as great an example as ever I knew of 
an eminent conversion before his death •. He had opposed 
the court much in parliament, which was generally imputed 
to his revenge because of his patron s disgrace ; yet, coming 
to die some time before the king, ** he told to one or two the 
secret of the king's religion on his deathbed ; and I had it 
from one of them. He said that both the brothers changed 
when they were in Paris ; that ^ cardinal de Retz reconciled 
them to the church of Rome ^at Fountainebleau^ and that after 
tliat the king gave assurances to both the crowns at the time 
of the treaty of the Pyrenees that he would declare himself 
openly a catholic. He added that • chancellor Hyde knew 
this ^ and did what he could to divert the king from it, but 
that the king always denied it to him and hid it from him ; 
'yet after the king's restoration the c[ardinal de] Retz 
came over incognito and pressed the king to declare himself, 
and that upon all these considerations the chancellor got 
that act of parliament to pass by which it was declared 
capital ^ for any to say that the king was a papist '. And 
that in doing this he had two ends ; the one was to restrain 
all who might either know or suspect the secret from talking 
of it (for he saw well how hurtful such jealousies and dis- 
courses would be to the public peace) ; but ^ his main eAd 
was to let the king see the aversion that his best friends 
had to popery when they made so severe a law against such 
discourses. For it was at least to infer that they who could 
not bear the discourses of the king's being a papist could 
less bear the thing itself ». This act indeed had all the effect 
that Clarendon designed by it ; for as the king would never 
declare himself, so all people were very shy of talking of this 
matter ; yet the priests beyond sea talked so freely of it in all 
other places that such as travelled in foreign parts came home 
very full of suspicions. 

• Hist. I 74. * Ihid. • Ibid. 73. •" Ibid, 74. • Ibid, 194. 

' Ihid. I Ibid, 

' Ct Mr. Airy's edition, i. 347, note a. 

140 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1684-5 

The king's readiness to pardon murders. 

Cf. Hist i. 600 {from * A trial in a matter ' io end of paragraph,) 

For ' A trial . . . after this ' read * The last act ^ of the king's reign was of 
a piece with all that had gone before it.' 

[/ 119 (^)] Affer ^appearing' add 'they ha\ing gone in friends to eat 

After * prevailed on * add * by some of the court.* 

After < do so * add * and only submitted himself to the king's mercy.' 

After * defence ' add * So he followed this advice rather than that which was 
given him by his friends.' 

Om, * It was rich . . . court. So.' 

After 'cost him' add 'as I was assured by those of the family'; and after 
' of which ' add ' I was told.' 

Om, ' the other half. . . favour.' 

For ' which cries for vengeance . . . criminal ' read ' for thereby the prince 
draws still upon himself the guilt of the unrevenged blood ; yet, on the other 
hand, the importunities of courtiers and ladies are such things to a tender- 
hearted prince, that there will be no quiet in a court unless a prince declares 
it ill if any speaks to him on such a subject. And indeed pardons for murders 
ought never to be granted, unless the judge that tried the cause make such 
a report of the case that it appears by the circumstances that there is room 
for mercy without going too much against justice.' 

For 'and that not . . . innocent'' read 'The king, that was very ready 
[cC Hist, i. 6ia] to pardon all other crimes, was inexorable in matters of 
treason, though, these being against himself, he was more at liberty in them 
than in any other. The king [cf. Hist, i. 609] had by some such methods got 
a little secret treasure of about 80,000 guineas, in the disposing of which he 
was so shy, that even his mistress never knew anything of it.* 

TAe king's sickness, 
Cf. Hist. i. 606-9. 

Begin ' Thus matters went on at court till,' and proceed as in Hist, from ' On 
the first of February.' 

Om. 'he eat little . . . little of it, and.' 

For ' a physician ' read ' who was now become a very good.' 

After ' wait on him ' add ' The king was at this time carrying on a progress 
[sic] in his laboratory for the fixing of mercuty [cf. Hist, i. 606, supra"], and it 
was believed that this was the occasion of his sending for Dr. King.* 

For ' All the king's . . . amazed at this ' read ' who found him in so much 
disorder, that he did not seem neither to know what he said himself, nor what 
the doctor answered him. The doctor.' 

For 'humour . . . staring' readonly 'confusion.' 

For ' fell down . . . sudden in ' read ' sat down, and fell immediately into.' 

For ' like ' read ' of ' ; and after ' head ' add ' and the veins of his head swelled.' 

After ' and so ' add ' having a lancet in his pocket.' 

After ' blood * add 'All the court ran together presently upon this alarm.' 

[/. 113 («)] For 'and that it would ... off; so they' read * It was indeed 

' Sec Mr. Airy's note in loco, * Or * accounts ' (Airy's ed.\ 

J685] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 112 (a)-ii4 («) 141 

given out and printed by order of. council that he was out of danger, yet those 
who understood better.' 

Ow. * partly . . . partly* and 'sis too busy . . . popery.* 

Om, ^ that had a great hand . . . against priests.' 

For *the lodgings . . . bedchamber' «<w/ *Mr. Chiffin[ch]'8 lodgings' ; and 
om, <and when he was told . . . with fear.* 

For * according to the relation . . , superficially ' retul * went over some 
devotions with the king, and then gave him all the sacraments ; so it seems 
the king's confession was very general and short \* 

Om, < It was given out . . • suffered to come in.' 

For ^ and knew . . . efiect of that ' rtad * and it made some conclude that 
there was a great charm in what had passed between the priest and him, since 
it gave him so much quiet ; which was very extraordinary after a life led as 
his had been : and it was unaccountable how a man of the king's under- 
standing could satisfy himself with so slight a ipatter. It was given out that 
the turning all out of the bedchamber was in order to the king's signing his 
testament ; and after that appeared to be false, then it was said he had then 
signed a farm of the excise for three years ; and there were such numbers over 
England that seemed resolved not to believe him a papist that this was 
generally received as the occasion of that putting out the company. When 
the door was opened that the company was suffered to come in.* 

Om, * with a great . . . expression ' and * as those . . . told me/ a»td * who 
seemed . . . answers to it' 

[/ 113 (6)] For * nor any purpose . . . said to him ' nad * [so] that this looked 
like the casting of pearls before swine.' 

For ' some that were in the room ' read ' some abject flatterers.* 

For < which was the only word • . . attention' nad 'After this he spoke 
pretty long to the duke ; all hearkened when he came to this, and fancied he 
would have spoke of religion to him, and that he would have recommended his 
people or his friends and servants to him, or that he would have spoke of the 
payment of his debts, or that he would have told somewhat of his own ill-life ; 
but there was nothing of all this in his discourse.' 

j4fler ' of the queen ' add * though she had expressed a most violent concern 
for him,' and om, remaindtr of paragraph. 

His death and character \ 

Cf. Hist. i. 609; 61 1-9 (to 'at his restoration') ; 613 ('His person . . . made 
for him ') ; 614 (* No part . . . parts of his *). 

Om, (at this place) from 'There were many very apparent suspicions of 
his being poisoned ' to tht end of'p, 610, 

p. 611. Om, 'did not only . . . digestion, but ' aM</* though a feeble one.' 

[/. 1 14 (a)] For ' a g^ood round pension ' read ' a pension of ^^100,000 a year.' 

Om, ' He spent little . . . thinking.' 

^ The mention of Howard*s informa- written abroad 1686 (Hist, ed. Airy, 

tion in the original narrative proves ii. 474), with that written in England 

that this part cannot have been com- 1683, ere the king's death (supraj pp. 

posed till after the autumn of 1685, 47-50); noting p. 47, 11. 19-24, p. 50, 

when Burnet was in Italy. II, 18-91. 

' Cf. this posthumous character. 

142 Burttet's Original Memoirs [1685 

For * and he had so ill . . . mistrustful of him * read * and he took no greater 
pleasure in anything than in the deceiving of people.' 
For * scarce any virtues ' mui * no virtues K* 
After ' laws, yet * insert ' he was both lazy and fearful, so that/ 
For ' but he seemed . . . became * remd * but was really very ' ; mnel onu ' He 
was apt . . . itself yet* aW after his first . . . mercy.' 

For ' even from the consideration . . . pursued by him ' read * and it was believed 
that the nearest relations in Mood, even that of a daughter, made no difference 
in his esteem, who allowed of all appetites to all women ; and even a modest 
whore was unacceptable to him, for studied brutalities were the only things 
that recommended women long to him.' 
Om. 'as he was certainly . . . age.* 

Om. * He loved to talk over . . . condescension in a king^* 
[f. 114 (6)] After 'Borghese' add '[who] took me with him to see those 
Om, < Few things ever went* io p. 614, ' insolent 'Objects.* 
For ' as well as meaner than that he was ' read * [than] the end [of it] ; for to 
see a man.* 

Om. 'expressing both . . . affection to it' and * thus mocking . . . prevarica- 

Om» fivm 'The two papers ... be forgotten* (a/ i/tis place), and the 
remainder of p. 615 m/togetker. 

[lie/gn 0/ James I/,] The new king proclaimed, 

CC HisL i. 620 {to < never yet broken *). 

Begin 'The duke was presently proclaimed king with the heaviest solemnity 
that ever was,' 

Om. ' and much liked ' and ' to his pariiament and.' 

After ' occasions ' eutd ' I have it not now by me, otherwise I would insert it 

For 'bnt with that be promised' read 'but he used more caution in the 
promise he made.* 

[Addresses presented j Bumefs forebodings^ 

* And upon this there came up a set of addresses from all 
the parts of England, in which the highest praises that could 
possibly be set forth in words were offered up to the memory 
of the dead king, and the new king had assurances of 
obedience given him*, in such excessive terms, that I have 
often wondered that the papists have not made more use 
of these to reproach the church of England with them ; 
chiefly of '^that from the university of Oxford, in which they 
promised to obey the king without restrictions and limita- 
• Cf. Hist: L 62a «» ihid. 

* See Mr. Alry*s note c in loco. 

1685] Harl. MSS. 6584, ^114 (^)-it5 (a) 143 

tions. Some magnified the king's promise as if it had been 
the freest concession that ever prince made ; and they were 
thought ill courtiers who put in their addresses these words, 
* our religion established by law ' ; as if these had pretended 
that the king was bound by law to maintain the established 
religion*. I, that knew the king looked upon queen Elizabeth 
as an usurper that had no more authority than Oliver Crom- 
well (which he had once said to myself), saw well enough how 
far [/. 1 15 (a)'] the king thought himself obliged by his promise ; 
for he looked on all these laws that established our religion 
as null and void of themselves, since they were made by one 
that was an usurper, in his saying. So I knew well enough 
how little hold was to be laid on this general promise, with 
which the nation and the church of England were then so 
lifted up ; but as this was an effect of the king's confidence 
in me, that he spoke so freely to me, so that I could not 
decently talk of it ; so (though I had spoken of it) it would 
not have signified much; for all people took up this for 
a maxim that they must trust the king, and they resolved 
to go in headlong, and to give him the revenue for life, and 
everything else that he could ask, in the confidence that they 
had of his keeping his word. 

TAe iaie king* s funeral. 

The body of the late king was quickly buried. The king 
ordered his body to be * opened in the presence of many 
physicians ^ I saw Dr. Lower that night, who was excessively 
dissatisfied with the court, and seemed to have some jealousies 
during the king's illness; but he told me that all was so 
sound within that not only there appeared no marks of any 
poison in any of his vitals, but that if he had let blood in 
time, he might very probably have lived to a great age. 
It is true ^the veins that had broke in his head had put 
his brain into such a disorder, that he could make no judge- 
ment of it ; and it was upon this that some have since that 
time grafted a suspicion that the king, who took much snuff, 

• Cf. Hist. i. 6ao. ^ Ibid. 609. « Ibid. 610. 

144 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1685 

had poison given him that way •. This was said by those who 
were resolved to say somewhat, and they said this because 
this was all that could be said ; for they first believe that 
the king was poisoned, and therefore they fastened it upon 
his snuflf; but all this seemed to me to be mere malice. 
** The king s inwards were looked after with too little care, and 
some parcels of fat were left in the water in which they were 
washed, with great parcels of his entrails, all which were so 
much neglected, that the water being poured out at a scullery 
hole that went to a drain, in the mouth of which a grate lay, 
these were seen for many days lying upon the grates ; and it 
was thought somewhat extraordinary to see so little care 
taken about the body of so great a king. His funeral was 
also extremely mean ; he did not lie in state and no mourn- 
ings were given ^ The rooms in Westminster where his body 
lay for a week were furnished only with coarse cloth, and the 
candles that burned about him were of tallow. So that 
his funeral, as was believed, did not cost ;f 100, Those 
that were sharp upon his memory, said it was such as he 
deserved ; others ^ reflected on his brother's ingratitude for 
doing so little honour to his dead body ^ But now I return 
to the new king. 

The employments given by the king, 

*A11 employments being ended of course with the king's 
life, the present king renewed them all, excepting those 
employments that he had about himself as duke of York ; 
for his master of the horse, groom of the stole, and the 
rest of his family held now the same places about him as 
king. Halifax had a secret audience three days after he 
came to the crown ; in which he made some excuses to 
the king for the distance in which he had [/. 115 (b)] lived 
with him of late ; which the king put by handsomely enough, 
telling him that he would remember nothing that was past, 
except his behaviour in the business of the exclusion ^. To 
this Halifax replied that the king knew upon what bottom 

• Cf. Hist i. 610. »» Ibid. « Ibid, <» Ibid, 621. 

1685] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 115 (a)-ii5 {b) 145 

he stood ; and that as long as the king exacted no other 
service of him than that which was consistent with the law 
no man should serve him with more zeal. * The king pre- 
pared him for the exaltation of Rochester, and told him that 
since he had suffered on his account he must consider him ; 
and the next day he declared him treasurer ; and his brother 
Clarendon was made privy seal, and Halifax was made 
president *. So his own jest was now turned upon himself ; 
for ^when Rochester was turned out of the treasury and 
made lord president of the council (which was a higher 
place as to precedence, but much lower as to interest) he had 
said he had known many kicked down stairs, but he never 
knew any kicked up stairs before ^ ; so now this returned upon 
himself, since he was raised from being privy seal to be 
president. Rochester was considered as the favourite, and 
carried himself like one, for c he was insolent to all degrees c. 
Sunderland was looked on as a man lost at court, but ^ he 
found a way to engage® both France and ^the queen c so 
entirely in his interests, that he was quickly more in favour 
than ever. It is said that he had promised to change his 
religion, but he delays this as much as is possible. 

[Reception of the Whigs; king's attitude towards France^ 

Cf. Hist, i. 6a9 (* Persons of all ranks ' to p. 623, * with the prince of Orange'). 

Om. Mn such crowds' and ' that it was not easy . . . all.' 

For <the Whigs' rtad * those that were called Whigs.* 

For * some . . . access ' read * some of them he would not see ; to others 
he spoke so sharply that they wished rather that he had refused to see them.' 

Afttr * to say * add ^ [to] many of the family and others that were in employ- 

For * though it proved . . . done formerly ' read ^ for he seemed to be animated 
against the French.' 

For * of another spirit . . . had done ' read * that the king would not give 
himself up to the French councils as his brother had done.' 

j4ft€r * prince of Orange ' om. * and the States of Holland.' 

\The prince of Orange dismisses Monmouth^ 

^So soon as the news of the kings death came to the 
Hague, the prince saw the necessity of dismissing the duke 
of Monmouth, and so he resolved to prevent the king's 

• Cf. Hist, i. 6ai. »» Ibid. 59a. « Ibid, 621. «» Ibid. 624. 


146 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1685 

asking it ^ He had a long conversation with him, upon which 
they parted; I have not yet asked in what terms they 
parted ; but a friend of Monmouth's complained highly to 
me of the prince's abandoning him ; and ** pretended to justify 
all that Monmouth did after that against the prince's right, 
since he said the prince brake first to him. [/. 116 (a)] But 
it is certain ^the prince must either have done it thus of 
himself or he would have presently been so pressed by the 
king that he must have broke upon it ^ ; and in all this the 
world would have condemned the prince, as wanting both 
in duty to the king and in prudence, if he had given the 
king, who he knew sought advantages against him, so just 
a one as this would have been of not dismissing him. But 
I do not yet know how the prince gilded this pill to Mon- 
mouth, who ^ went presently to Brussels ; but he was quickly 
made to understand that as soon as the return of a courier 
could come from Spain he would be ordered to leave that 
place ^; so that he did not know whither to go, since the 
expectations and apprehensions that all Europe had of the 
king made that few princes would have willingly received 

[J^ king's course of life^ 

Cf. Hist, i. 624 (' The courtiers now said everywhere . . . fair appearances *). 

For * who would bring . . • court ' rmd * [who] would not go into that 
dependence on France which had been the reproach of the former reign.' 

Om, * the queen and his priests.' 

For ^ (by whom . . . children) ' rtad ' whom he has since made countess of 

^fler * orders were * add * publicly.* 

For * yet the king' read * yet I knew, for all that, he.' 

[Relations with Spain and the States.] 

®He gave also very good words to the Spanish ambas- 
sador, and writ very kindly to the prince of f)range, ^ though 
he imposed a hard thing upon him, which was the cashiering 
some of the English and Scotch officers, that were suspected 

• Cf. Hist i. 624. «> Ibid, infra. o /&;/. supra. ^ Ibid. 

«^ Ibid, 6a3. ' Ibid, 637. 

i685] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 115 (6)-ii6 (6) 147 

to be in Monmouth's interests*, though they had never 
declared it, and the suspicion was only founded on some 
malicious suggestions of Mr. Chudleigh, that had been 
envoy in Holland. These officers had served the States 
well during the wars, and the cashiering of brave men upon 
little stories was a hard thing. The prince saw well that 
this would bring the regiments under a great dependence 
on the English envoys, if he should cashier the officers upon 
every tattle that they writ over to the king. ^ Yet he resolved 
for once to gratify the king, and to recompense the hurt that 
was done to those officers ^ by secret favours, for it was not 
advisable for him, neither in his own particular nor as he was 
at the head of the government of the States, to give the king 
a colour to complain of him ; ^with all which the king was 
so well pleased, that he said to the bishop of Ely, who was 
then in great favour, that it was absolutely necessary upon all 
accoimts for him to be extremely well with the prince, and 
therefore he refused to do an indiscreet thing that the bishop 
proposed to him, because he said he knew it would offend the 
prince. This was set about ^ as one of those secrets that are 
intended to be made known to all the world, and the clergy 
were so lifted up with hopes, that the king gave them, of his 
supporting them, [/ 116 (^)] and his bearing down the dis- 
senters, that I never saw a tide go so high. It was not safe 
to express the least fear or distrust, though there appeared 
very quickly grounds for jealousies. 

[Cus/oms ami excise levied.] 

Cf. Hist. i. 6ai-a {from * But before Wo « talk of those matters '). 

For * But before the earl of Rochester . . . passed upon it' ttad ' The parlia- 
ment had, as in all former times, granted the custom to the late king for life.' 

For ' Yet the king . . . excuse for it, that * read only * For.' 

For * But in answer . . . pass * return to * Yet the king declared . . . new 
grant ' (on p. 69a, supra). 

After 'Endeavours were used' add *[by] the party that opposed the 

Om, 'The eari . . . others.' 

For 'Such beginnings . . . matters* read only 'and it did not look like a 
prince that intended to govern by law.' 

• Cf. Hist. i. 637. ^ Ibid. • Ilfid, 

L 2 

148 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1685 

[Practices in eUctions.l 

Cf. Hist i. 625 {from * At the same time ' io p. 626, ' on all occasions '). 

Begin ^ But that which came next was beyond all the rest. For.' 

j4/ifr * neglected ' inseri * In above three parts of four of the boroughs of 

England, the elections had been always made by the whole inhabitants, but' 
ji/ter < corporation men ' add *■ these were all named by the king in the new 

After * in some of these ' add ' where even these could not be found.* 
For * by the earl of Bath * read * by the treachery of the earl of Bath.* 

[Fa/e of the earl of BcUh; reflections^ 

[/. 117 (^i)] And yet though he did what in him lay to betray 
his country, he lost his place; for Peterborough, that had 
been in that place about the king while he was duke, carried 
it from him^ at which all people were glad, not so much out of 
their love to the one, as out of their hatred to the other. 
• Now this method of choosing parliament struck at the whole 
constitution and liberty of England ; for the house of com- 
mons being the fence of liberty the freedom of elections is 
that upon which all depends. And if the king can by his 
charter take away the right of elections from the body of 
a town, and put it in a smaller number of one and twenty, 
who are all named by himself, it is plain that a parliament so 
made up is rather made by the king than chosen by the 
people. All the inhabitants of the towns were extremely 
troubled when they saw their birthright thus taken from 
them ; for this to them was not only a point of honour and 
of liberty, but was really a main point of interest ; since all 
the gentry that lay about these towns, and that courted 
them that they might be favoured by them when elections 
to parliament came about, and that feasted them after, and 
made constant presents to them, would now give over all 
that courtship, so that they saw that hereafter there would 
be no difference between parliament boroughs and every 
market town. Upon this the discontent was very universal ; 
yet in the beginning of a reign that was like to be severe, 
nobody durst speak out that which he had in his heart upon 
this occasion*. But the court was mightily lifted up with 

• Cf. HisU i. 6a6. 

i685] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 116 {b)-ll^ (a) 149 


their success in carrying the elections as they had a mind 
to it. * The king said there were not above forty men here 
chosen other than as he had wished for ; and that which gave 
the saddest view of this whole matter was that the members 
that were chosen were neither men of parts nor of estates ; 
so that it was not easy either to convince their understandings 
or to make them see their interest, since they had none unless 
it were to recommend themselves to the king, **Thus all 
thinking men looked on England as lost, and believed that 
this parliament would certainly be the ruin of the nation. 
^ For it was expected that they would not only give the king 
the whole revenue for life, and not from three years to three 
years ^ (which wise men had projected, and were resolved to 
move if the elections had given any good prospect), but that 
which was yet more apprehended was that ^ they would confirm 
all their own elections ; for since the member that is returned 
sits till his election is questioned, then it was not to be 
doubted but upon the first questioned election, all the other 
questionable members, who were much more than the 
majority, would have voted in favour of the elections, since 
that indeed was to vote for themselves; and if the house 
had once confirmed this method of restraining elections by 
new charters, this was the sacrificing of all the liberties of 
England. • So that men began to be very sad ; for a blow 
given to the constitution of the government by a parliament 
cannot be recovered but^ by a rebellion®, and a disease is 
justly accounted desperate when the remedies are likewise 

[opinions of Halifax^ 

Halifax told me^ there were two things which only could 
save us. The one was ^ that perhaps the king would declare 

• Hist. i. 6a6. »» Ibid, • Ibid, ^ Ibid. 627. • Ibid. 6a6. 

' Ibid. 627. 

* This we see was written between forecasts. We notice, however, that, 
the summerof 1686 and the end of 1687. in the interval between 1686 and the 

* It is difficult to see why Burnet death of the marquis in 1695, relations 
in his printed History deprives Lord between Burnet and Halifax had 
Halifax of the credit of these sagacious become strained. 

150 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1685 

himself against France, and for bringing the state of Europe 

to a righter balance. He told me that [/. 117 (*)] both the 

court of Spain and the States would certainly make such 

addresses to the king that he would have all the offers made 

him that were possible, if he would depart from the French 

interest, •and by this we would be quickly able to ju(^c 

whether bigotry or a desire of glory wrought most powerfully 

on the king. 

[Same subject continued,'] 

Cf. Hist, i. 627 {from ' since if he did not ' to p. 6a8, ' judge of any election '). 

For * The season . . . short ' read * The other was that he hoped . . . since it 
was to be in summer.* 

Om. * but that . . . winter session.' 

For * they might come . . . and either see ' nad * there would still be hopes ; 
since after members had been once together and they begin to see.' 

For * and so * read * they would be the more easily prevailed on at least to.* 

For ' sparing* read * so sparing ' ; aitd after * bounty * add * that the court 
might hafve frequent occasions of bringing them together.* 

Ont. ' which they had learned . . . setting out.' 

For * resolved* read * generally resolved.' 

For* hut to keep . . . parties* read 'but the giving the revenue entirely to the 
king for life was so sure, that it was not safe to oppose it.' 

[T/te coronation,] 

When the elections were over, ^ the next care of the court 
was to order the coronation ; for both king and queen were 
to be crowned, and so the peeresses as well as the peers were 
to bear a share in the sdlemnity. This was done with great 
order and magnificence ', and the court was so possessed with 
this matter ^ that it lessened the king in many people's thoughts, 
who saw him more intent upon the ceremony of the splendour 
of that day than became a man of his age. ^ Yet the crown 
was so ill fitted to his head, that it hung over his face, so that 
he made but an ill figure that day ; and that very morning 
his son by Mrs. Sedley died, the pall that was carried over 
his head broke, and some other small accidents happened 
from which foolish people that looked at those trifles drew 
ill auguries. 

• Hist, i. 637, m/m. *» Ibid, 625. c Ilnd, 628, 

* See Strickland, Queens of Eng,, ed. 185 i-a, vi. 164-5. 

1685; Harl. MSS. 6584, ^117 (a)-ii8 {a) 151 

\Bumet goes abroad ; a rebellion projected^ 

•But the discontent that was over England made some 
hot men in London, such as major Wildman and Charleton, 
fancy that it might be a fit time now for the duke of Mon- 
mouth to raise a rebellion •. I knew they met often together, 
and were often shut up in little cabals ; * some of them came 
to see me, and talked in general ^ of what might be expected 
from this parliament ; for ® the king had put me in great 
credit with them ; since Halifax desired leave to present me 
to the king, that I might kiss his hand, which all people did. 
The king not only refused it, but spake sharply of me. Upon 
which I desire'd Halifax to ask the king's leave for me to go 
beyond sea ; which the king said he agreed to c with all his 
heart. Yet I could not execute this as soon as I intended, 
for my wife was languishing and likely to die every day ' ; so 
that I stayed two months longer than I intended. Yet seeing 
the parliament draw near, I satisfied her friends in Scotland 
[/. 118 (^i)] so well, with the method I had settled for looking 
after her, that they all consented to my leaving her. So I 
resolved to go out of England in the beginning of May, and 
she died about the end of the month. ^ Thus I was in great 
credit with all the party that were against the court * ; but 
they were in no credit with me, for I knew that all the men 
that were for the duke of Monmouth were factious and 
wicked people. So I would have nothing to do with them. 
I was afraid they would have insinuated themselves into my 
lady Russell, who as she had great resentments for her 
husband's death, so was mistress of a great estate, and by 
that means could raise much money, which was the thing 
they wanted most ; but I prevailed so effectually with her, 
that she resolved not to enter into any communication with 
them ; and this reservedness of hers was imputed to me, and 

* Cf. Hiai, i. 626, 625. ^ Ibid. 625, 628. ^ Ibid, 628-9. ^ Ibid. 


^ See Autobiography, infra^ ff. 208-9. 

152 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1685 

I was severely railed at for it by these men ^ ; we see 
clearly that there was somewhat among them. •! spoke 
earnestly to my lord Delamere to keep himself from all 
designs of that kind, and he assured me he was resolved not 
to embark in them ; yet I suspected him extremely. Mr. 
Hampden gave me also the same assurances. ^ That which I 
proposed to them was that I did not yet think the king had 
done enough to justify any such extreme counsels ; a raw 
rebellion would be either presently crushed, and so raise the 
power of the court and give them a colour for keeping up 
a standing army, or, on the other hand, if it grew strong it 
would throw us into a commonwealth or lasting civil wars, 
and either of these would be the ruin of the nation, and 
would drive the king to bring over a French army. ^Yet 
I saw many consider the nation as already undone by this 
election of parliament-men, so that they were disposed to 
put all to hazard ; but nobody that I saw thought it was 
near ^. And the king repeated so frequently the assurances 
that he had given concerning religion, that even those who 
did not depend much upon his word yet fancied that the 
impossibility of the thing might perhaps keep him from 
attempting that in which he was not like to succeed ; and the 
church of England had done him so great service not only 
during the business of the exclusion, but now in the procuring 
the elections of parliament to go everywhere as the court 
desired, in which they had behaved themselves like men that 
had neither any regard to public liberty, nor any sort of dis* 
trust of the king. All this concurring, many flattered them- 
selves with hopes that at least some considerable time would 
pass before such things could be forgotten ; and time was 
all unless the king had sons, or could prevail on the princess 
of Denmark to change her religion. For the former, ^the 
queen was not like to bring more children ; ® but her very 

• Hist, i. 629. »» Ilnd,, and 625. ^ Ibid, 629. *• Ibid. 683. • Ibid. 682. 

» For Lady Russell's expressed Doctor Fitzwilliam, Leiiers (First 
sentiments on Monmouth's rebellion, Collection, seventh ed., 1809 , PP- 
sec her letter of July ai, 1685, to 74-5. 

I685J Harl. MSS. 6584, /! 118 (a)-ii8 {b) 153 

ill-health made many fear she could not be long-lived ; yet 
she recovered out of a languishing which almost all people 
thought would be fatal to her. But if she recovered her 
health, • she quickly came to lose the esteem and love of the 
nation, which she had possessed hitherto to a high degree *. 
She began to grow so very haughty and ill-natured and so 
bigoted and fierce in matters of religion that she is as much 
hated since she was queen, as she was beloved whilst she 
was duchess ; [/ 118 {b)'\ yet she lives still, and by that she 
does the protestant interest more service^ than all her ill- 
affects can do it a prejudice. ^She has had many little quar- 
rels with the king about his amours, which, as some say, have 
been carried by her to great excesses. ® But if the king doth 
her wrong one way, he doth all he can to make it up another 
way ; for he treats her with great respect, so that it is believed 
she has a great stroke in the councils ®. She has gone in 
wholly into the French interests, and has espoused all the 
concerns of her religion with a violence that very ill becomes 
her sex. As for the princess of Denmark, she has disap- 
pointed all the people as much the other way ; for it was 
generally thought that she would be so complaisant to the 
king as to let herself be instructed in her religion ; yet as she 
has b^un very early to declare to the bishops and several 
others that she was resolved never to change, so ^ she seemed 
to apply herself more to devotion, and to be more serious in 
receiving the sacrament than formerly, and has ever since that 
time behaved herself so worthily in all respects^ that now all 
people trust as much to her as ever they were afraid of her ; and 
this in her is so much the greater virtue, that no doubt a thing 
which is obvious has been suggested to her, that if she would 
turn she should be put in a condition to succeed even in 
a preference in her elder sister. For she being upon the place, 

• Hist. i. 368, 618. »> Ibid, 682. » Ibid. 748. d Ibid. 720. 

' This phrase shews that the whole lief in the probability of her continued 

of the passage was written before the childlessness. Miss Strickland {op, cit^ 

first report of the queen's pregnancy, 1851-a, vi. 161), quoting Fox, gives a 

in the winter of 1687 ; >iid is there- very bad account of her health in 

fore full proof of a contemporary be- 1685. 

154 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1685 

if her creatures were all over put in the government, this, 
together with the assistance of France, might make a danger- 
ous competition between her and her eldest sister. But it is 
visible she hearkens to none of those things. So that we are 
now out of that danger which I confess I apprehended more 
than all other when I came out of England. 

The affairs of Scotland, 

A few days before I left London • the marquis of Queens- 
berry and the earl of Perth came up from Scotland; the 
former was made a duke, ^and the king declared him his 
commissioner for the parliament that was summoned in Scot- 
land ; but upon this, Queensberry told the king that if he 
had any thoughts of changing the religion, he himself could 
not make one step in that project, and therefore the king 
would do better to emjdoy another. The king received it so 
well from him, and gave him such ample assurances in his 
speech to the parliament of the king's resolutions to maintain 
the established religion [...]*; but he got likewise instructions 
to enact what laws might be necessary for the further securing 
of it ; ^ and because the law concerning the test was [. . . i ^ not 
only in order to having of public employments but whensoever 
it should be presented to them by order of council, and that 
under the pain of treason. He had also instructions for many 
other severe laws, by which he,* who was naturally violent 
and imperious, thought to make his court so dexterously 
to the king that even his firmness to the protestant religion 
should not do him hurt. But he found afterwards that he 
reckoned wrong c ; the king made use of him to get the 
revenue confirmed, and to do some other odious things ; 
^but what has fallen out since that time has showed that 
the king has been strangely prevailed on by his priests ^ to 
do the things that are the most contrary to his disposition. 
For there is scarce any virtue more rooted in the king's 
nature [/. 119 (^i)] than sincerity; and yet by the many 
promises that the king made then, and his strange way of 

• Hist i. 634. •» Ibid. 635. c /^,v/. iit/ra. «« Ibid, supra. 

* Some words have evidently dropped out here. See Hist, in loco. 

1685] Harl. MSS. 6584, ^118 (6)-ii9 {a) 155 

observing them since that time, it must be acknowledged that 
either he then made promises with an intention to break 
them, or that having found a favourable conjuncture since 
that time, he has thought it below him to be a slave to his 
word ; and either of these two is so bad, that it is hard to 
tell which of them is the worst, and the least suitable to so 
sublime a dignity. I went out of England in the beginning 
of May, so that I cannot since that time prosecute matters 
so particularly, as I have hitherto done ; yet I shall give so 
distinct a view of the state of affairs as shall still let my readers 
see the errors that have been made of all hands, both by the 
people on the one side and by the government on the other. 

ArgylPs rebellion in Scotland, 

* Argyll had lived near two years secretly in Friesland ; 
but he came often over into Amsterdam, and met there with 
the rest of the Scotch exiles, the chief of whom were sir 
Jo[hn] Cochrane and sir Patrick Hume^ They all knew how 
odious the king's person, as well as his religion, was in 
Scotland ; and they reckoned that those who had felt his 
severity so much when he was only a subject would very 
probably apprehend it much more now that he was a king. 
'* Argyll believed that if he had but money to buy a stock of 
arms and ammunition he might venture into Scotland without 
taking any precaution for the preparing people to it; he 
thought his own interest would bring all his Highlanders 
together, and he fancied the western and southern counties 
were under such apprehensions, both for religion and liberty, 
that they wanted nothing but arms and a head. And a rich 
^ widow in Amsterdam ^ who was a zealous lover both of 

• Cf. Hist i. 639. ^ Ibid. 

* InTranscriptBjf. 164 (a),* English' 
is inserted before 'widow.' In the 
margin opposite are two notes : {a) 
one in the same hand as that of f. 2 
(sec Preface), ' Her name was Smith. 
She had a share in a sugar House [?]. 
She was of an Anabaptist congregation. 
She lent money [?J to l[o]rd Mel- 
ville * ; (6) and the second, in the 

hand of Dr. Gifford, in these words, 
* I knew her well— A. G.* [Dr. Andrew 
Giffbrd (Baptist minister, numisma- 
tist, and assistant librarian at the 
British Museum from 1757 to his 
death in 1784), bom August 17, 1700, 
the son and grandson of Baptist 
ministers at Bristol ^Dict Nat. BiogJ)\ 


Burnet's Original Memoirs 


presbytery and of a commonwealth, » hearing that it was 
believed ten thousand pound sterling might compass this 
great design, laid down the money ^ Argyll now fancied 
Scotland was his own, and was very insolent in all his 
discourses with the other gentlemen, who really thought his 
brain turned. Hume * knew the state of the southern and 
western counties much better than he did, for many had 
that opinion of Argyll that if at any time the king had 
offered him his estate again he would have made his own 
peace and have betrayed all his friends ; but they had trusted 
themselves to Hume, so that he was sure of above 4,000 
persons, and they had engaged above the half of the garrison 
that was in the castle of Edinburgh ; so that here would have 
been a formidable rebellion if Argyll could have managed 
it. * He went about the business of buying arms and his 
vessel to carry them over with so much dexterity that this 
passed as if it had been for the service of the Venetians. But 
when he and the rest came to reason about the methods of 
carrying on their business they differed in every point. Hume 
was for the shortest passage, and for landing in the south. But 
Argyll thought the fastnesses of his own country made that 
it would be properest, since he reckoned the country would 
gather to him safer there, and in short he rather dictated to 
the rest than [/. 119 {b)\ advised with them ^ Hume thought 
often to have left him, and would never trust him with the 
secrets of those who he knew were waiting for a fit oppor- 
tunity ; nor would he trust it to Cochrane. Monmouth hearing 
of all this came to them, and though he did not like the 
business and thought it was too early, yet c he studied to make 
them all friends,and shewed great temper in his wayof managing 
them. He had such inclinations to have set himself at the head 

• Cf. Hist i 629-30. «> Ibid, 630. c /^,v/. 

^ On comparing Bumet*s eventual 
account of Argyll's rising with that 
printed above it is difficult to avoid the 
conclusion that his original version is 
founded entirely upon the verbal 
reports of Sir Patrick Hume, who, as 
is well known, escaped to Holland 

after the failure of the expedition. If 
sOy however, Bumet*s record is in some 
respects mistaken ; compare his ac- 
count of Aylofie's capture, in/ray p. 158, 
with Hume's own narrative printed 
in Rose's ObservatiottSt pp. 1-67, and 
in the Matrhmont Papers ^ iii. 1-66. 

1685] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 119 (a)-ii9 {b) 157 

of them, that if Argyll had offered it to him, he seemed ready 
to have accepted of the command ». But Argyll was strangely 
blown up, and, as it appeared afterwards, he seemed guilty of the 
folly of fancying that he could make himself king of Scotland. 
He had provided all things with so much secrecy that ^ the 
king had not the least suspicion of him, till he heard he had 
set sail ; which he knew the day before I left London, for 
Arran, that came to see me in the night, told me this, aQd said 
he had it from the king's own mouth ; so that I saw it was 
time for me to be gone, since if risings were once begun I had 
all reason to expect that I should be used as a suspected 
person ^ ; and if Argyll was gone to Scotland, it was reasonable 
enough to imagine that the duke of Monmouth would be 
quickly in England. « i went first to France, because I knew 
that if I had gone to Holland some of the duke of Mon- 
mouth's party would have perhaps found me out, and have 
either made me guilty by communicating somewhat to me o, 
or at least have made me seem guilty by their having been 
with me; and as things were then between the prince of 
Orange and the king I could not expect to have any counten- 
ance from him. ^ So France was at first my safest retreat, and 
Mr. Barillon told me that I might assure myself I should be 
safe there ; for he had asked the king if he was satisfied with 
my going out of England and with my going to him in 
France, and the king told him he was. Mr. Barillon gave 
me else all the assurances that I could expect of an am- 
bassador, that as soon as he perceived that the king had 
any design to demand me from the court of France he should 
presently give me notice of it, that so I might have time 
to retire myself from thence. So I went to Paris ; where, 
that I might be quiet and less suspected, I took a house 
and lived by myself^. But before I enter upon the secrets 
that I have discovered beyond sea I will carry on the recital 
of English affairs, which I have gathered partly out of the 
letters that have been writ me and partly from the persons 
whom I have seen. 

• Cf. Hist. I 630. ^ Ibid. 631. • Ibid. 655. d Ibid. 

158 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1685 

[ArgylPs expedition^ 

Cf. HisL i. 631 {from * Argyll had ' io p. 632, ' by more of his Highlanders ')• 

Afiir * voyage ' add * and some few English went with him \_sie p. 632], 
in particular Mr. Aylofie and one Mr. Rumbold ' (and fktn continue as on p. 6331 
fivm * that dwelt ' io * present king '). 

For * this had no effect . . . sail away and ' rtad * but went away in such haste 
[as to]/ and/or * to mercy' read * to be made prisoners.* 

After * very few days ' add * after he sailed from Holland.* 

For < Hume * read ' the other Scotch gentleman.' 

{/. 120 (a)] Om, * who were setting . . . h'berty.' 

For * he found that the early notice . . . got above ' read * he was much 
surprised to find that almost all of the gentry of the country had been called to 
Edinburgh ; for the king sent the advertisement that he had received from 
Holland with all haste to Scotland, upon which the privy council had sent for 
all the most considerable gentlemen of his country. He had not behaved 
himself in his prosperity like a man that thought he might at some time or 
another need the afiections of his people ; and he felt that now, for though be 
always reckoned that he was sure he could raise 5,000 men in his countiy, yet 
he could not bring together.' 

For * at last . . . sea and ' rtad * And when at last he should have crossed the 
arm of the sea, and come to the western counties, instead of landing in them, he.* 

A/ler < Bute* add < a poor little island.' 

" [Conclusion of the attempt,] 

* He had also left his arms behind him in a castle, with 
a body of men to guard it ; who were routed by a party of the 
king's « and run away. So all his arms were taken, and then 
his design was lost ; and in the whole progress, of the matter 
it appeared that ^'he had lost both head and hearth His 
men were now got out of the island, but a rebellion that 
begins to go backward is quickly at an end ; ° he put himself 
in a poor man s habit, and had almost got out of their hands ; 
but at last he was shamefully taken. Yet a body of his men 
stuck together and fought, so that though in that feeble 
opposition which the king's troops gave them some were 
wounded, others taken (amongst these were Cochrane, Ayloffe, 
and Rumbold) 0, sir Patrick Hume with ^several others. fought 
out their way ** and got clear of their enemies. But now all 
those in the western and southern counties who had re- 
solved to rise were still in the same mind, and upon the first 
news of the duke of Monmouth's success there would have 
been a second and much more considerable rising. So they 
lay in the way where the packets passed from London to 

• Cf. Hist i. 633. »> Ibid. Ibid. d Ibid. 

1685] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 119 (6)- 121 {a) 159 

Edinburgh and took two or three of them, which gave those at 
the council at Edinburgh no small disorder, since there passed 
so many days without their hearing any news from England. 

\Fate of the prisoners^ 

Cf. Hist, i. 632 {from * Argyll was * to p. 634, * suffered with the rest '; {the 
order differsy but is immateriat). 

After * Edinburgh ' add ' so were the other prisoners.* 

Om, * he expressed . . . misfortunes.* 

[/. ISO (6)] For 'so it was justice . . . taken from him * rtad * so that he 
thought all that he did was but a just revenge.' 

After < the oath ' add ' to defend the protestant religion.' 

After ' dignity ' add ^ by which he concluded that a papist who could not take 
the oath could not be the legal king of Scotland. He expressed a great zeal for 
the protestant religion, and a very serene constancy of mind at his execution.* 

Om, * He desired . . . firmness *.' 

For * He said, he had not laid . . . administration ' read ' He discovered the 
whole secret of his affair, and how he had got his money with which he bought 
the arms, so he died generally pitied of all men, but esteemed by few.' 

Om. * When the day . . . serenity.' 

Om, from * at parting ' to * designs of this kind.' 

For * several stabs ' read * 6 or 7 * ; and om, * it being believed . . . discoveries.* 

For * was he that dwelt . . . king ' read ' suffered next ; he shewed a wonder- 
ful resolution.' 

For *the truth of that conspiracy* read * absolutely the Rye conspiracy,' 
and om. * He did not deny . . . resolved on.' 

After * Cochrane ' insert * was to go next, but* 

After ^ made. But ' insert ' because it would look a little odd to suspect 
[?see such] an eminent rebel i>ardoned.' 

After * pardoned him ' insert ' Everybody expected to see him set up for an 
evidence to hang other people, but when nothing of that appeared, then.' 

After ' negotiations with ' add ^ foreign princes in particular, with.' 

For * The secret . . . after ' read < I have since understood the true secret of 
this matter.' 
* Om. * but could draw . . . repartee.* 

For 'nephew . . . children ' »va</ ' cousin-germane to the duchess.' 

For * which would . . . with the rest' read * [but] he suffered at Tyburn *.* 

[Few suffer in Scotland; insinuation against Argyll^ 

[/. 121 (^i)] •And thus was the rebellion in Scotland dis- 
sipated with the effusion of very little blood either in the field 
or on the scaffold. The greatest number of those who joined 

• Hist, i. 632. 

^ As Charteris did not die till 1700 Argyll's last hours. 

{Hist. i. 216), it is probable that * Original note (qu. in hand of 

Burnet after his return from Holland f. 2 ?), ' Mistake, it was over against the 

obtained from him the account of Temple ' (Transcript B, f. 167 (a)). 

i6o Burnetts Original Memoirs [1685 

with Argyll were Highlanders, whose following their lord 
was so suitable to their way of living that the government 
thought it fit to be gentle to them\ And for the other 
gentlemen, they had got away, so that none were taken that 
could make any great discoveries. And the truth was the 
council fancied that Argyll must needs know all. And so 
when they saw by him that he had no correspondence with 
any in Scotland upon that matter, they concluded that there 
was nothing in it ; so that many men's lives and estates were 
saved who would have been very probably ruined if Argyll 
had drawn all Hume's secrets out of him. 

A parliament in Scotland. 

Cf. Hifit 636-7 {from 'The parliament* to end of paragraph). 
^ Om. * no opposition was made ' and * and was looked on . . . church of Rome.' 

For * This put men . . • pleased * read * by which any man may be taken up 
and examined upon oath to any matters of which he may be suspected.* 

After * Campbell ' add * of Cesnock ' ; andafUr * Melfort * add * Perth's brother.* 

Om. ' of about ^ijooo a year.* 

For * any of the * read * two [of the].* 

After * attainted ' add * without any further process.' 

For ' four * read * two.* 

After * Carstares* deposition ' add * (though it was not mentioned).* 

For * Upon this . . . executed* read only * Upon this they were both con- 
demned but not executed, for ' ; and om, * then near eighty,* *■ and that he 
was condenmed . . . manner,' and * upon this . . . upon all this.' 

[/. lai (*)] For * So it was pretended . . . pardoned' read * Upon his con- 
fession he had his life and liberty.' 

For * and very probably . . . conclusion of read ' which was certainly pre- 
cipitated by his long and hard imprisonment.* 

For * which was so universally . . . believe it possible * read ^ A man must 
be presented with a very hard opinion of a government before he can believe 
it capable of such acts of tyranny. An agreement is made with a man in torture 
to persuade him to tell all he knows, and one part of it is that he shall never be 
brought to be a witness against any person. And yet so barbarous an act of 
(Mirliament Is made to bring about that under the colour of law, which is so 
plainly contrary to all law. And thus a noble family and one of the ancientest 
and worthiest genUemen of Scotland was destroyed, though he was not 
executed upon it.* {This passage, as it precedes the two last, will be found on 
f lai (a).) 

The duke of Monmouth* s rebellion, [i. His preparations.'] 
Cf. Hist. i. 640 (* As soon as lord Argyll . . . ill-designed invasion *), readittg 
for this [/. 121 (6)], * But now I return to the affairs of England, and to the 
duke of Monmouth's business. As soon as Argyll was gone he set about his 

• Cf. Hist. i. 63a. 

1685] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 121 (a)-i22 {a) 161 

voyage with all the haste possible ; he wanted money extremely, and none was 
remitted to him out of England, from which some about him endeavoured 
to convince him that things could not be so ripe as some hot people that came 
over studied to persuade him.* 

Then return to Hist. L 630 (* He had been indeed much pressed ' /o p. 631, 
' freighted for Spain ') \ 

For * He had been indeed much pressed ... to venture * read * The lord Grey, 
Mr. Wade ^, and Ferguson pressed him vehemently to venture ; and some others 
that were poor pushed him on.' 

For < He could not have two armies . . . equal terms ' read ' They reckoned 
that if the king sent forces against him, the city, being thus left to itself, would 
rise ; and with these imaginations they pleased themselves ; all which they 
enforced the more since Argyll and his friends were gone to try what could 
be done in Scotland ; so that they thought it unworthy of the English nation 
to see such an attempt made by the Scotch without vying with them in the like 

jifler * Fletcher ' add * of Saltoun, a Scotch gentleman of great parts, but very 
hot and violent, and a most passionate and indiscreet as^ertor of public liberty 
[cf. Hist, i. 630, 5M^m], was now much in his favour. I, that bred Fletcher ', 
should have expected that he should have driven him on to the mad attempt 
be made, but I know the contrary.* 

After * much against it ' add * both in private with Monmouth and in their 
little councils.' 

After * reason ; but ' add ^ he told him * ; and om, ^ in his enthusiastical way.' 

After ' subject ' add * So Fletcher told him he would run fortunes with him, 
though he could not hope for great matters.* 

For * But Argyll's . • . Spain ' read * Then Monmouth pawned all his jewels, 
and raised a stock of about 10 or 12 thousand pounds. He bought his arms 
and provided himself of a ship.' 

[2. He sai/s.] 

Cf. Hist, L 640 ('The whole company' to p. 641, 'brought from the 
Hague *). 

After * eighty-two persons' add ' a small number to conquer a kingdom.' 

For * some spies . . . arms* read 'yet Argyll's business had given such an 
alarm, that Skelton, the king*s envoy in Holland, got some hint of this. He was 
a very insignificant minister, who, notwithstanding his long practice in foreign 
affairs, had as little capacity for them as he had either good judgement or probity.' 
(Cf. Hist, i. 623.) 

[/ 122 (fl)] Ow. * those on board , . . favouring them ' ; attd for * got . . • 
Texel ' read * sailed away.' 

* The reader will observe how very 
carelessly Burnet's revision has been 
made at this point A passage which 
should have been continuous is not 
only divided in the printed version, 
but in so hasty a manner that a passage 
concerning the sale of Monmouth's 
jewels and the purchase of arms ap- 


pears both on p. 631 and p. 640. 

^ Nathaniel Wade's confession 
(Hari. MSS. 6845, ff. 260-74) is one 
of the best and most trustworthy con* 
temporary versions of the afiiur. He was 
a lawyer, who had been implicated in the 
Rye House Plot and had fled to Holland. 

' See p. 89, supra. 


i62 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1685 

After * Hague ' add < Thus the ignorance of the king's minister exposed his 
master to all the danger that he run in this matter, which was much greater 
than could have been imagined.' 

[3. His first steps^ 

Cf. Hist, i. 641 (^ Upon the duke of Monmouth's landing ' to p. 643, ' acknow- 
ledgement and kindness '). 

For * He had quickly . . . arms ' read ' He found that if he had brought ten times 
so many arms as he had, he would have found men for them. Many blamed him 
for not going straight to Exeter or Bristol, where he would have found much 
wealth [cf. Hist. i. 643], and if he had been master of those places he would 
very probably have been able to have made a war of it' 

Om, * as lord lieutenant of Devonshire.' 

After * deserted ' atld * others went over to the enemy.* 

For * that he was master . . . possible ' read ' and if it is certain he erred 
extremely in the main of his conduct yet the de[tail] ^ was admirable. He 
shewed much temper and a good judgement in all he did.' 

After * rigour ' add * and [what it was] to be alone, without officers, arms, 
ammunition, or bread ; and (which was the cause of all the rest) without 

Ont. the greater part ofp, 6^2, frotn < Soon after their landing' to * preserved 
for that time/ beitig the episodes of Grey (given later) and Fletcher (omitted 

For ' enraged man, that affected . . . dry' read only ^ enraged preacher.' 

After * error, was that ' insert * seeing so few of the gentry come in to him.' 

For * and then march . . . Lime ' read ^ and that he did not fight those that 
were gathering the militia against him, for the beating of them would give him 
a great reputation ; and being spread abroad might induce many to come to 
him that would not declare till they saw some probability. He might well have 
ventured countrymen that had made themselves desperate against other country- 
men that were less zealous for their side than his men were. His lingering 
ruined him ; for [by this means] the king,' (y'c. 

Before * English and Scotch ' add ' six.' 

For 'and offered . . . necessary' add '[and] sent over Mr. Bentinck 
to offer his person, and ever3rthing that depended on him, to the king's 

[T/te kin^s dileviviai\ 

•And no doubt the king was then in great straits in his own 
thoughts ; for if Monmouth had got any advantage, so that it 
had gone to a formed war, the king must either have taken 
help from the prince of Orange or the French. If the former 
had once been at the head of his troops he would have been 
master of his councils, and been able to have set laws to him, 

• Cf. Hist, i. 643. 
^ Both transcripts read, erroneously, *■ debate.' 

i685] HarL MSS. 6584, ff. 122 (a)-i23 (^) 163 

and in that case the French no doubt would have supported 
Monmouth. But on the other hand, though no doubt the 
king's heart lay more to take help from France, yet by doing 
so he would have lost the whole English nation. It was 
visible enough that the king was all this while in great dis- 
orders, for how high soever he affects the reputation of an 
extraordinary courage, all that have been about him in great 
dangers have assured me he [/. 122 {b)"] was as fearful as 

other men. 

[Pariiament in England,'] 

Cf. Hist, i. 638 {from * At last * to p. 640, ' certainly passed '). 

For * At last ' read * Some weeks before Monmouth's landing.' 

For * term of years ' read * from three years to three years.' 

Om. ' the revenue was granted . . . public treasure.' 

Om. < and the tide . . . opposition.' 

For ' and set up . . . commons ' read ' and was in full hopes of succeeding the 
earl of Sunderland, whose dbgrace was still looked for, resolved to merit the 
king^s favour.' 

For ' even . . . matters ' read ' even for their religion, which was dearer to 
them than their lives.' 

For *■ court flatterers ' read ' other flatterers.' 

For ^ So in ... to them ' read * and the house went into it ; so that both the 
revenue that the late king had and isome other additional revenues were given 
to the Idnglvide Hist, i. 638, supra], and no new law was asked for religion, the 
house in their address of thanks for his speech having declared that they would 
rely upon his word.' 

For * When this ' read * When the main business.' 

Om, 'He said, it concerned . . . would not do.' 

For ' This had no effect • . . debate ' read < So here was a brave attempt made 
but spoiled in the management, so that it had no effect' 

For * The courtiers . . , designs ' read only * There were several other laws 

For ^ by which words . . . modelled ' read * The main point was whether 
words should be made treason or not. L'Estrange, and all the violent men, 
pressed this most vehemently ; but.' 

Om, * and were apt . . . variation.' 

For * in drink ' read * rashly.' 

For * therefore he hoped . . . intentions ' read * therefore nothing ought to be 
made high treason, but that in which a man's mind did evidently appear.' 

After * insisted ' add ^ that words discovered men's thoughts, and.' 

For * he brought . . . words ' read ' he told them he would convince them more 
fully out of a book which perhaps these gentlemen did not much study, but yet 
it had a good authority in the world ; the title of it was, The New Testament ; 
in it they would find that by a very small alteration treason was made out of 
our Saviour's words ; when it was sworn that he had [/ 193 (a)] said.' 
Om, < pronouncing it • . . imperceptible.' 

M 2 

164 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1685 

After * crimimd ' add ' among the Jews,* and om. ' This made . . . time.' 
For ' But if the duke of Monmouth . . . certainly passed ' read ^ But if the 
parliament had got time to sit, the act would have passed ; and as it was 
drawn it would have brought everything that any man had said against any 
of the king's proceedings within its compass,' (Cf. Hist i. 639, supra.) 

[Proceeding's relative to the popish plot.] 

Cf. Hist. i. 640 (' The most important . . . Stafford *). 

For * The most important . . . lords * read * Another thing that was set on 

After * lord Stafford * add ' which was so prepared as to carry it in [? in it] 
a total discovery [T discrediting] of the whole popish plot. For Oates had 
been attainted/ ^c, as from Hist. i. 637, 'Oates was convicted/ to p. 638, 
* hanged for it' 

After ^ formerly. So ' add * a most terrible sentence was laid upon him. ' 

Om, * he was condemned . . . from him.' 

After 'rigour* add 'the hangman being no doubt ordered to lash him to 

After 'guilty' add 'which I doubt [L e. fear] he was.* 

Om, ' and was illegal ... a precedent' 

Om, 'that I may join . . • distance of time.' 

After ' And the king ' add * resolved to shew an equality i n his justice, for he.' 

Revert to Hist. i. 640 (' It was said for it . . . session to a conclusion '). 

For ' said for it ' read 'said.' 

For ' house of lords ' read * house of commons,' and om. ' that they might . . . 
house of commons.* 

After ' liberty ' add ' (so easily are great matters brought to a conclusion at 
one time which cannot be compassed at another).* 

For ' the lords had no mind ' read ' there were many in both houses would 
have been much troubled if they had been put.' 

[The duke of MonmoutJCs mani/esto.l 

Cf. Hist. i. 641. 

Om, 'which was both . . . fulsome' and 'that the king's religion . . . 

Om, 'very odiously . . . of style.' 

[/ 133 (*)] Om. 'both in temporals and spirituals.* 

[His attainder,] 

Ibid, supra. 

Begin ' Upon this the parliament passed an act of attainder/ and om. * both 
houses . . . one day.* 

Om. 'Some small opposition . . . severe a sentence.' 

For 'which was no small . . . hurt' read \and cf. Hist. i. 639-40) ' which was 
so great a happiness to Che nation that some will ever reckon Monmouth's landing 
to have been our preservation ; for it was plain that in the first heats of the 
parliament's loyalty it would have been hard to have stemmed the tide for any- 
thing the king would have asked.' 

1685] Harl MSS. 6584, ^ 123 (a)«i24 (a) 165 

[TAe cofptmand of the arpny^ 

Cf. Hist i. 643 (* Prince George , , . army lay divided'). 

Before * Prince George ' read * In a few weeks* time the king had an army 
ready to send against Monmouth ; and he gave the command of it to the earl 
of Feversham.* 

After 'neglect* add'uid indeed.' 

Otn, *■ who was a Frenchman . • . conceived.' 

After ^ service ' a<id ' but the greatest of all was that when he was within a 
few hours of Monmouth/ and om, ' and was almost . . . disorder/ reading only 
* so that the duke of Monmouth had almost/ ^c, 

Monmouth's defeat [and death], 

Cf. Hist, i. 643 (* He now saw his error' to p. 646, *and to favourites *). 

Begin 'I am not well enough informed to describe the particulars of the 
action, and I will never forget an advice which the mar^chal de Schomberg/ &*c, 
as Hist, i. 49. * All that I will say is that the duke of Monmouth saw now his 
error/ tfc. 

For 'and to be so straitened that* recui 'and so could not keep his men 
together long. Therefore.' 

For * and when he came near . . . ditch ' read * and he could not get his men 
to venture the passing of a very inconsiderable ditch.' 

For 'that the officers . . . dressed' read 'otherwise by all appearance he had 
quite surprised the king's army and routed it ; but' 

For ' longer . . . expected' read ' long and fought well.' 

For ' upon the first charge . . . Grey ' read ' which some imputed to the lord 
Grey's treachery, and others to his ignorance and cowardice.' 

Be/ore ' About a thousand ' add ' yet above.' 

After * prisoners ' add * the rest dispersed themselves.' 

For * between five . . . thousand * read ' about 5,000 foot and z,ooo horse ' 
(Jkis sentence occurs further on uponf, 194 (6)). 

For ' a man of courage * read ' a man of his courage/ and omit remainder of 

Om. * whom . . . him.' 

[/ 124 (a)] After ' posture ' add * This was a great fall from having a few 
days before suffered a foolish pageantry of a coronation made, and had assumed 
the title and state of a king.* (Cf. Hist, i. 644, supra,) 

For * and his mind . . . low, that * read ' and this perhaps made him sink so 
much in his courage, for.' 

For ' The king's temper . . . letters ' read ' It was a great weakness in him if 
he fancied his life was a thing that could not be attained, and it was as great a 
meanness in him to ask that which could not be expected. In the injurious 
manner in which he treated the king, and after the rebellion that he had raised, 
he had put himself beyond mercy, even though the king's inclinations had been 
more gentle than they were.* 

Om. ' But he called . . . Tenison.' 

After ' his mother. This' add * when they desired him.' 

For ' He shewed . . . duchess and ' read ' It is not likely that he considered 

i66 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1685 

his wife much in anything that he did ; for as he had for some years lived in a 
scandalous familiarity with lady Henrietta Wentworth, the heiress of the lord 
Wentworth's family, so he and she had been long in ill terms ; and upon this 
occasion either'; om. 'her sex and*; and after 'circumstances' add 'or she 
was very careful to preserve herself.* 

For ' would have witnesses to hear * read ' brought the earl of Clarendon 
along with her to be the witness of.' 

For * to justify . . . family ' read ' She desired him likewise to declare if she 
had been anyways privy to the last attempt of his ; in this he vindicated her ; 
but since he saw she was more concerned [/ 124 (6)] in herself than in him, 
the conversation was soon at an end.' 

For 'very coldly* read 'a little too indifferently on both hands.' 

For 'They next charged him vnih* nad*They fell upon another head that 
was no less unpleasant to him.* 

After ' consent ' add * so he did not think himself tied by that marriage/ 

After * as they did ; for ' add * though we do not practise confession, yet after 

After ' as little in him * read ' for they refused to give him the sacrament, 
since he expressed so little repentance for two such heinous sins as rebellion 
and adultery ; but they prayed oft wiih him.* 

Of9t, ' He was much better pleased . . . dying man.* 

After ' begged * add * them to move the king for.' 

After 'that * om, 'as/ and for 'so it gave . . . anything* read ' and it was 
thought he owed so much to his brother as to oblige him to grant this small 
favour to one that had been so near and so dear to him.' 

Om, ' He4>rayed . . . unknown.' 

After 'nation ' add' He also said somewhat in justification of lady Henrietta.' 

[/ 135 Wi P^^ 'and understood . . . too much given' read 'but if he had 
obtained what he aspired to he would have given himself up.' 

{Reflections on his fate^ 

If he had not been hurried on to this business by the lord Grey 
and Mr. Wade, and forced to it at this conjuncture by Argyll, 
so that he not only came to England unprovided of men, arms, 
and money, but came at a time when, by reason of a session of 
parliament and the term that was sitting, most of those who were 
inclined to run fortunes with him were at London, and so were 
clapt up (the court having good hints of his design both by what 
Argyll was doing in Scotland and by some other discoveries), 
this fire had not so easily been quenched. He also com- 
mitted great errors; •his landing in daylight discovered the 
smallness of his company • and made it contemptible, whereas 
if he had landed in the night, as his true number would not 

• Cf. Hist, i. 641. 

1685] HarL MSS. 6584, ff. 124 (^)~i25 {a) 167 

have appeared, so fear and darkness, that multiply their objects, 
would have given the first impression of this matter with 
more advantage ; ■ and if he had marched straight either to 
Exeter or Bristol he would have been soon out of those ex- 
tremities that lay so heavy upon him •. If he had fought the 
trained bands, or had his men pursued the advantage that they 
had at Philip's Norton, matters had gone much otherwise; 
but, above all, if he had not been so extremely deceived as he 
was in his opinion of the lord Grey, whom he took to be 
a man of courage, and ^ to whom he gave the command of his 
horse ^ this flame had not been so easily extinguished as it 
was. ^ He sent out Grey with the first party that he ordered 
and composed of some horse and foot, but Grey ran away 
as soon as he saw the enemy, and was with the duke of Mon- 
mouth the first of all ; he told him a false story, that their men 
were defeated and had run for it ; but when it appeared after- 
wards that the foot had stood, and beat ofT the enemy, and that 
he only out of fear had run away, Monmouth was strangely con- 
founded when he saw that he was such a coward *'. Afterwards, 
in the engagement at Sedgemoor, he shewed that he had neither 
courage nor conduct, and not only lost the whole business, but 
came and persuaded Monmouth that all was gone, so that it 
was necessary for him to study to preserve himself, in which 
he prevailed upon the easy nature of the other ; so that it was 
no wonder ^ he got his pardon <*, for his cowardice did the king 
more service than the courage of any of his own officers had 
done him. 

The executions of prisoners, 

C€ Hist, L 647 (' The king was now * to p. 648, ' into those indecencies '). 

For *• The king . . . beginnings * rtad ' Now the rebellion was subdued, and 
the court was so lifted up upon it, that by their way of managing the advan- 
tages that they now had they lost the hearts of the nation, and quite spoilt 
their design of changing their religion and subverting the government of 
England; for.' 

For 'execution' rviu/ ' prosecution in the way of justice.' 

For * such persons as ' nod ' those few that * 

Jftir < examples ' add * while the thing was yet warm in the spirits of the 
nation. ' 

• Cf. Hist, I 642. »» IM. ' Ibid. d Ibid. 646. 

i68 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1683 

For *■ and if he had but covered . . . designs ' rtad * this had given such an 
impression of the king and of the counsels, that it might have produced very 
fatal effects to the nation.' 

For ' But his own . . . him lose ' read only ^ But the king's temper appeared 
too visibly upon this occasion, so that he lost ' ; and for ' that were . . • recovered ' 
iYa</ 'which it is not like he will [/ 125 (A)] ever recover,' 

Onu * The army . . . counties where' ; and for 'lived as in' mu/ ' committed 
such \nolences even upon those who were no way guilty as if they had been. ' 

For * and treated . . . violence ' rtad * and no complaints were so much as 
heard that were carried to the superior officers.' 

After * of law ' add * I have been told they were above twenty whom he thus 
murdered ; and to add to the barbarity of this fact, which was never before 
practised in England, he did it at the door of the room in which he received 
an entertainment.' 

For ^ and they were so brutal . . . called for ' read only ' and all the while 
that those miserable people %\'ere thus destroyed he was in riot within, and 
had his music about him.' 

For ' And it was said ' rtad * Russell \ that was once a bedchamber man to 
the king, assured me.' 

After * manner of it ' add ^ It is hard on the one hand to believe that the 
king should have given him such an order ; yet on the other hand it is no less 
hard to imagine how a chiding was all the displeasure that was expressed upon 
it, if it was done without any order. ' 

Ont. * (Some particulars . . . mentioned by me.) ' 

After * sent ' add * two months after.' 

For * His behaviour . . . nation' rtad '[He proceeded] in a way little less 
barbarous than Kirk's had been ; no judge behaved himself in such a manner.' 

Ont. * liker a fury . . . judge.' 

For *he shewed no mercy' rtad *[he] threaten[ed] the juries [for not 
bringing prisoners in guilty] when they saw such clear proofs.' 

After 'distinction' rtad '[These] were all originals, and things which posterity 
will hardly believe.' 

Offt, 'The impieties . . . treated them and' and 'that were well affected 
. . . prisoners.' 

Om. * England . . . reckoned up.* 

For ' But that which . . . and he * rtad ' But that which brought this matter 
near home to the king, was that he.* 

For * that he wondered . . . indecencies ' read ' to his great regret.' 

Onu remainder of paragraph. 

Two women executed. 

Cf. Hist. I. 648-50. • 

For ' The king apprehended . . . those who had served ' rtad ' The king had 
a great mind to catch some prisoners that had escaped, and in particular 
Ferguson and some other preachers who he thought might be able to make 
great discoveries of those that had correspondence with Monmouth ; for though 
the court had occasion enough to satiate [/ 196 (a)] themselves with a great 

^ Mr. Russell, afterwards admiral. 

1685] HarL MSS. 6584, ff. 125 (a)-i27 (a) 169 

deal of bloodi yet all this brought in no booty to them ; for there were no men 
of estates found to be engaged in it, yet it was thought the preachers could make 
great discoveries of some rich citizens. ' 

Om, * He went about . . . king had said.' 

For * her maid . . . house ' retul *• [there were] some other presumptions.' 

Om. ' But though , . . criminal part.' 

For * as the law directs . . . treason * rtad ^but she was first strangled.' 

Om, ^as well as faith . . . enemy.' 

For ' And behaved . . . manner that ' read * [and] he never saw so much com- 
passion in the looks of the spectators as appeared upon that occasion for.* 

Om, * desperate ' and ' hoping . . . fortune ' and * into France. * 

For ' piety and charity ' nad * charity, and by consequence much esteemed 
in her country, so ' ; /or * Hickes . . . Nelthorp ' read ' two that had been in the 
rebellion. ' 

For * She knew Hickes . . . Monmouth ' riad ' One of them was a preacher ; 
their names were put in no proclamation, so she knew nothing of their guilt ; 
but after supper they ventured to talk of it indiscreetly. ' 

After < begged it ' read * and because her husband's guilt was like to lie 
heavy upon her, proof was offered that she had expressed as great horror of 
the old king's murder as any in England had done ' ; and/or ' so ' read 'yet.' 

[/ 126 (6)] Om, *and though . . . guilty yet.' 

Be/ore * not guilty ' read ' twice,' and after add ' because there was no evi- 
dence to prove that she knew anything of their crime ' ; for * But the judge . . . 
attaint of jury ' rtad only * upon which Jeffreys threatened the jury so heavily.' 

[The behaviour of others^ 

a. Hist, i. 650-1 (Jo * impetuous and cruel temper *). 

For * most of those ' read * And indeed all those many hundreds.' 

Om, * and such a zeal . . . danger.' 

Om. * who had been . . . sherifi*,* and after * Cornish ' add ' that had been 
sheriff of London.' 

Om, * and also said that' 

After * temper ' add ' who soon after had that reward of it to which he had so 
long aspired ; for lord North, whose spirit as well as his credit at court was 
much sunk [cf. Hist, i. 665], died, and Jefi'reys not only had the g^eat seal, but 
was made both lord chancellor and a peer ^ of England [cf. ibid,], and this was 
the price of all the blood he had shed.' 

Preparations for a new sessions of parliament, 

Cf. Hist. i. 651 {from • The king had raised' to p. 65a, * so the motion fell '). 

Begin * But I must now turn from this dismal scene to give an account of the 
session of parliament that came on in November.' 

For 'raised . . . and* r#<i</ * during the rebellion.' 

[/ 137 («)] For from * the first ' to p. 65a, * it was said to be,' read only * that 
it was.' 

^ Original note on f. 181 (b) (m illegible].' See also Routh's Burmfs 
the same hand as f. a 1), ' A mistake ; James IIj p. 99, note. 
he was a peer before [two words 

170 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1685 

After ^ idolatrous ' add * these were the commonplaces of all the flatterers at 

Om, eniirtly ^On the other hand . . . much altered.' 

For ' did move ... or not ' read only * spake of it twice at the council board. ' 

Om,from * so the motion ' to end of paragraph, 

[Same subject cofUinued,] 

Cf. Hist. i. 654 (JroM * The king after he had declared * to p. 655, * pursue 
them too far '). 

For * called for the marquis . . . turned out ' read ' and because Halifax was 
the man of the greatest weight that was like to be on the contrary side, the 
king pressed him to give assurances of his concurrence ; and upon his refusing 
to do it, he was turned out ; yet the king did it with as great a grace as the 
matter could bear, and assured him he would never forget his past services.' 

Om, 'And the earl of Sunderland . . . isle of Britain.' 

For <The Irish . . . household' read Mt was expected that Ormond should 
be turned out next, but the recalling him out of Ireland was thought disgrace 
enough, so he continued still lord steward, and this was left him in considera- 
tion of his old age and his great services.' 

For * So sir Charles . . . pursue them too far' read * And so one Porter, who 
had got into some practice in the chancery in England, and was a funous man 
for the court, was of a sudden made lord chancellor, and was generally looked 
upon as a person raised to this height on design to destroy the settlement of 
Ireland, in which he has since that time disappointed the expectations that were 
had of him. But at this time the king said he would maintain the settlement 
of Ireland ; though his promises now began less to be built on than they had 
been formerly.* 

T/te affairs of Scotland; [king Charles^ papers^. 

And that all his three chancellors might be of a piece, * the 
chancellor of Scotland came up at this time ; he had fallen 
out with Queensberry, who is indeed naturally very insolent, 
and they came both up together to complain of one another. 
It appeared clearly that Queensberry had the better in all the 
points upon which they had quarrelled*; but upon that 
Perth and his brother Melfort resolved to have the better of 
him in one point, by which they reckoned they would carry 
all the rest. ^ The king began now to shew two papers that 
he had found in his brother's strong box, ® all writ with his 
own hand ''j in which the necessity of an infallible judge was 
argued upon the common topics, but in very few words and 
very well expressed. ^ It was plain enough to all that knew 
the late king that there was too much art and too much 

• Cf. Hist. i. 652. ^ Ibid. c But see ibid. 615. ^ Ibid. 

1685] Harl MSS. 6584^ ^ 127 (a)-i27 (b) 171 

scripture in these to be of his production • ; and they had not 
the natural [/. 127 (d)] nor lively way in them in which he used 
to express himself, ^ He had to myself in discourse mentioned 
several arguments that I find there almost in the same words ^ ; 
he proposed them to me as objections to our doctrine, and he 
had seemed satisfied with the answers I had made to them. 
I fancy ^^ either Bristol or Aubigny writ them, and that they 
prevailed with the king to copy them in order to his consider- 
ing them well, since it might have been made a great crime if 
such a paper had been found about the king writ in any other 
man's hand. ^ But now the king began to shew them, and 
Perth and his brother resolved to shew a new strain of court- 
ship, and seemed to be converted by the force of those papers, 
which drew a repartee from Halifax that became very public. 
It happened that at the same time he was falling in disgrace, 
and that Queensberry was found to have the better of Perth in 
their contest ; so Perth, meeting Halifax, made him a compli- 
ment as if they two were like to suffer both at the same time ; 
but Halifax answered him, * No, my lord, your faith will make 
you whole,' and it proved so. 

[Fate of Queensberry^ 

Cf. HisU i. 653 (' Before he declared . . . made him a sacrifice '). 

For * So well satisfied with ' nad < more inclined to * ; om, ' that he was 
resolved . . . dismiss him.* 

Om, * not to be too much ... at once.* 

For • between . • . Melfort * rtad only * [with] Perth.' 

After * sacrifice ' for * This sudden hatred . . . relation to religion ' read * So 
lar does the king depart from a branch of his brother's character, as Shaftesbury ^ 
expressed it in one of his speeches ; that under him the unfortunate fell genUy.' 

[Reniarriage of the earl of Perth; a tumult at Edinburgh, ^ 

Cf. //is/, i. 678 {from *The earl of Perth prevailed' to p. 679, * as much 
detested '). 

Begin * Perth's lady died about this lime* ; a»id for* The earl of Perth . . . 
dying to change ' read * And they forced from her, while she was in her last 
agonies, a declaration of her changing.* 

For * for many years * read * they being both in a married state. [He] was 
resolved to legitimate that matter ; for both were now in widowhood.* 

Om, * The pope said . . . such importance. So.' 

• Cf. Hist. i. 615. t /6,v/. • Ibid. Ibid 653. 

* Original note on/ 181 (6) (same hand as f. 2 ?), ' Anglcsca, qu.* 


Burnet's Original Memoirs [1546-16% 

[/ laS (a)] For * The earl of Perth set up . . . alarmed at this. And ' read 
only * Some time after this Perth, being at mass, very publicly*.' 

For * Mr. Macom . , . weak man ' read * The minister is to my knowledge 
a yery honest man, but, as it will appear by the management of this matter, he 
is a very weak man/ 

[A fatal year to the Protestant reii£^on,'\ 

Cf. Hist, i. 655 {fivm * This year ' to p. 656, * fifth great crisis of the protestant 

Preface it thus : < But here I leave the affairs of Scotland and return back to 
England ; the parliament was now to be opened [cf. Hist, i. 663], and the 
popish party was so confident that I saw by some long letters writ to cardinal 
Howard, and which he shewed me, for I was then at Rome, that they reckoned 
the matter sure [cf. ibid, 661]. Yet a remarkable revolution fell out in France 
that contributed not a little to the bringing the English nation back to their 
wits again [^ibid. 664].* 

After ^oi Nantes* add 'and began that terrible persecution which has made 
so much noise in the world.' 

The several critical times for the protestant religion *. The first, 

Cf. Hist, i. 310 (*The first crisis '\ 

Begin * And I hope the reader will pardon my digression if I lead him to 
look back on the former four.' 

The second crisis *. 

CC Hist, i. 311 {front the words * the third crisis' to end of p, 313). 

[/ ifl8 {b)] For * And Spain . . . stead ' read ' And the conquest of England was 
then looked on as assured. For the opening of this I will acquaint my reader with 
some very curious transactions relating both to Scotland and England. The 
house of Guise and the king of Spain both agreed in their design of destroying 
queen Elizabeth and of setting up the queen of Scots, who was niece to the 
great duke of Guise ; and as queen Elizabeth gave the chief support both to 
the protestants in France and to the States, so it was equally the interest of the 
king of Spain and the house of Guise to destroy her, and to set up Mary of 
Scotland that was the heiress.* 

After * invincible armada ' insert the following : — 

• It was of great consequence to this design to engage the 
king of Scotland in it, so his cousin, whom he aftenvards 
made duke of Lennox, was sent out of France to insinuate 

• Cf. Hist. L 6. 

^ It is a curious testimony to the 
carelessness of Burnet's revision, that 
while, on p. 656 of the first volume, 
Burnet's original computation is pre- 
served, and the year 1685 represents 
the fifth crisis ; yet in an earlier part 
of the work a different division is 
adopted ; and on pp. 310, 321 the year 
1679 begins the fifth crisis. Throughout 

this part of the History (Burnet being 
no authority with regard to it) slight 
differences of statement are here 

* On p. 3x1 of the printed History ^ 
the second crisis is placed in the reign 
of Mary I of England ; the second crisis 
of the original forming the third of 
the revised version. 

X586-8] Harl MSS. 6584, jf. 128 (a)-i29 (a) 173 

himself into his favour and to engage him into the project. 
He and the French ambassador • were always representing to 
him the barbarous usage of his mother, and how much it was 
against nature for him to be in the interest that had first 
defamed and then dethroned her, and that kept her now for 
so many years a prisoner • ; they offered to assist him not 
only with great pensions from France, but to engage his 
mother to receive him next to herself, both in the crown of 
Scotland and England ; and by these things they prevailed 
so much upon him, that was always easy to favourites and 
flatterers, that I find the ^ court of England were very appre- 
hensive of his being prevailed on at last ; "^ and in a paper of 
Walsingham's I find they thought he was likely to turn papist 
or to fall into a contempt of all religion ; upon which queen 
Elizabeth took very subtle methods to give him so much work 
at home that he should not be able to hurt her. She employed 
both instruments and pensions to alarm all the most zealous, 
both of the nobility and clergfy, with the prospect of their 
danger. ^So that all that insolence of the assemblies and 
ministers of Scotland which archbishop Spottiswood sets out 
as the effect of their violence flowed from queen Elizabeth's 
agents, and the great jealousies the king's conduct gave this 
nation, as if he had been going into the interests [/. i ag (a)] of 
the house of Guise, and gives another view of all that matter**. 
But queen Elizabeth was not satisfied with this. • There was 
one sir Rich[ard] Wigmore, an English gentleman that was 
a lover of hunting and a man of honour [? humour], so that 
it was likely he might insinuate himself into king James. He 
was neglected and ill-used by the queen, so that he, pretend- 
ing discontent, went and lived in Scotland ; but all this was 
artifice, for he was underhand sent by the queen and received 
a long papeF of instructions from secretary Walsingham ®, of 
which I have a copy ^ ; which are indeed liker a book for their 
length than a memorial of instructions, and in these all this 

• Cf. Hist, I 6, s«/ni. ^ Ibid. 7. « Ibid, infra, ^ Ibid, 8. • Ibid, 7. 

^ It is among the Burnet Papers if. 213-99. (For other copies, see 
in the Bodleian, Add. MSS. D. 93, Mr. Airy's note in loco,) 

174 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1586-8 

design is very plainly opened. I have also the copies^ of 
most of the French ambassador's letters (which it seems some 
of the court of Scotland that were in pension to queen Eliza- 
beth opened and copied for Walsingham) ; by these I see • the 
court of France kept king James long from marrying *. Both 
queen Elizabeth and his own subjects pressed his marriage, 
hoping that if he married to some protestant this would fix 
him the more to that interest. But the French, as they saw 
they could not engage the king to take a wife of their nomina- 
tion and religion, so they resolved to divert him as long 
as they could from marrying, which was all that could be 
done at that time. Yet the French were still distrustful of 
the king, for he complied sometimes with so good a grace 
with the creatures of the court of England that they thought 
they had lost him, ** of which the ambassador gives this instance 
in one of his letters. 

Htn instrt antcdote ofSitwarty Hist i. 312 (* king James sent . . . bedchamber,* 
omitting *But in one . . . resolutions'); and then revtrt to p. 311 (*A11 Europe*) 
andprocadto 'fatal to the queen of Scots ' [/ 129 (6)] ; and continue from p. 319 
(*As for the pompous embassy') to 'he would do nothing upon it,' and frotn 
* But the court of England ' to end of p, 313 ; with these alterations on p. 313 : — 

After ' so powerful a fleet ' add * though after all it was built with very little 
judgement, since it was to be sent into these narrow seas ; the ships being 
extreme heavy, so that it was not possible to work them.' 

After * London ' add ' who had a vast trade in Spain.' 

For * undertook it' read 'brought this about in so ingenious a manner that it 
is a pity that his name is lost^, which indeed deserves to be immortal.' 

[/ ^dP («)] ^o*' * with which the great designs of Spain fell to the ground ' 
read ' and established the liberty of the protestant religion ; the duke of Parma 
made no progress after this time, and prince Maurice, though but a very young 
man when he was set at the head of the States, quickly changed the scene.* 

[TAe third cn'st's,] 

Cf. Hist. i. 314 ; ibid, la, 13 ; ibid, 314 ; ibid, 48-9. 

Begin from Hist, i. 314 'The 4th [3rd]' crisis was from the battle of Prague 

• Cf. Hist, i. 7. >» Ibid, 31a. 

^ Copies of papers in the State * Routh, note to Hist, in loco, identi- 

Paper Office relating to Queen Eliza- fies him with Thomas Sutton, founder 

beth's intrigues with Scotland are in of the Charterhouse, 

the Bodl. Add. MSS. D. a3, £f. 9oa<7. ' See p. 17a, note i, supra. 

1613-30] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 129 (a)-i3o (b) 175 

to the year 1630/ and then revert to the affairs of the elector palatine^ p. 12 
('[King James] married his only daughter') to p. 13, 'without any assistance ' ; 
with these alterations : — 

(p. I a) Ont. * one . . . sincere[st, but] ' ; retain Air^s * one of the weakest 
. . . aU/ 

Ow. * The eldest branch . . . joined to advance ' ; and for * the son of Charles 
. . . king ' read ' usurped the crown without an election.' 

Oni. ' But his government . . . protestants.' 

(p. 13) Om, * first to the duke . . . and then.' 

A/ier * elector palatine' ont, ' who accepted of it . . . establishment/ and read 
' Never was any design better laid. The cause of the Bohemians was just in 
itself, for they were an elective and free kingdom. — And at the same time and 
almost upon the same reasons Hungary also revolted and chose the prince of 
Transylvania their king. The elector palatine was son-in-law to the king of 
England and nephew to the prince of Orange, who was then the greatest general 
in the world, and had raised himself to a great height of power over the States. 
— And the protcstant cantons were very much in [the] interest [of the newly 
elected king].' {These sentences are not continuous in the MS,) 

Om, 'The English nation . . . support it* 

For ' was so possessed . . . dignity * read only ' hat[cd] anything that looked 
like a rebellion.* 

For * The jealousy . . . towards him ' read * The electors grew jealous of the 
greatness of the palatine family, since it had now two voices in the election of 
the emperor,' and return \_f, 130 (A)] to Hist, i. 314 (' not only the elector palatine 
fell . . . Austrian yoke ') ; om, * All attempts ... his people ' ; and after 
* Breda was taken ' add * and the Rhine was in the hands of the Spaniards. 
At the same time the war of the Rochelle broke out in France, upon which 
I must make another digression.' Then revert to Hist, i. 48, as follows : 

When the duke of Buckingham went over to France to end 
the match for the queen of England, • he made his addresses 
so secretly and successfully to the queen of France • that he 
obtained all favours of her, of which I know some particulars 
that are not modest enough for me to write. * This being dis- 
covered, he was not suffered to return again as he intended ^, 
who, what out of vanity, what out of amour, had resolved to 
continue that intrigue; and though he was in the chief 
ministry, and in high favour in England, yet he had a mind 
to have returned into France, but the court of France would 
not suffer it, and pretended some other reason for the refusal. 
^ This enraged him so much that he got all the queen of Eng- 
land's French servants to be sent away. But he resolved to 

• Hist. i. 48. »> Ibid. « Ibid. 

176 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1625-7 

carry his revenges further ; he shewed the king of England 
how much it was his interest to make the town of Rochelle 
rebel*, and to form itself into a commonwealth under the 
conduct of the duke of Rohan and the protection of Eng- 
land. It had anciently revolted from England to France, 
and so it was but just to try if it could be brought to revert 
again. This seemed easy to be effected ; France had then 
no fleet, and if this could be done the king would have 
France open to him, and the whole protestants to depend 
upon him. The design was great, and might have been easily 
executed if the king of England had been a vigorous prince. 
''The duke of Rohan was sent to^ who had all the qualities 
necessary for such an undertaking, being one of the greatest 
men of this age, both for the councils of peace and war ; and 
all the protestants of France, who began to be ill-used, de- 
pended on him. So he, who was then living in his country 
house and dreamt of no such thing, was easily engaged by the 
messenger that the duke of Buckingham sent to him to go into 
so great a design ; *^ but when the court of France saw this, 
cardinal de Richelieu, who was the master of the king's spirit, 
persuaded him to order the queen to write a cajoling letter to 
the duke of Buckingham, telling him that if he would let the 
business of the Rochelle fall, the court of France would enter 
into great confidences with him, and he should be suffered 
to come over® as oft as he pleased to the court of France. 
This letter had so powerful an effect on him that he not only 
suffered some of the king's best ships to be hired by the 
French, but ^ he went on so slowly and feebly that he did 
nothing considerable the first year ; but finding that the 
cajolery of the court of France was intended only to deceive 
him, he resolved to have followed that design with more 
vigour next year, but was prevented from executing it 
[/• 13 ^ W] by being stabbed at Portsmouth*; and so that 
business of the Rochelle miscarried, and they were forced to 
make the best terms they could with the crown of France, by 
which they not only lost their own liberties, but by this rash 

• Cf. Hist. i. 48. »» Ibid. c Mnd. ^ Ibid, 

1620-30] Harl. MSS. 6584, jff. 13P {byiy. (b) 177 

undertaking the whole protestant party was now so exposed 
to the indignation of the court, as well as become destitute of 
all means of defence, that it is very probable the matter would 
have been carried further against them if the exaltation of 
the house of Austria and their successes had not determined 
cardinal Richelieu, who was no bigot, to settle all matters 
in France by a new confirmation of the edict of Nantes, 
that so he might apply himself wholly to the affairs of 
Germany. Thus it appears that there was at this time 
a great crisis upon the reformation, but all this went off by 
a hand whence it was least looked for ; * the great Gustavus 
came in • with a very small but very good army, and as he 
had great successes (most of the German princes declaring for 
him), so if his own unhappy fate had not cut him off while he 
was in so triumphant a progress he would very likely have 
given matters a great turn the other way ; yet he did enough 
to break this whole storm, so this crisis went over very happily. 
One great design did indeed miscarry by the king of Eng- 
land's feebleness. 

Hete give the episode of the Spemish Netherlands from p. 48, * When Isabella 
Clara Eugenia,' to p. 49, ' lost his head for it.* {The details are a little differmt.) 

For ' stolen from him ' read * stolen out of his pocket or cabinet (which befell 
him often, and which I am apt to believe is the truth of the matter).' 

After *head for it ' add* Sind the king of England's honour suffered extremely 
in that matter ; and so far have I carried my reflections on the third crisis. ' 

\The fourth crisis s passage introductory to //.*] 

Cf. Hist, i. 321 ; 314-6; 14; 316-7 ; 15 ; 317-8. 

Begin * I now come to the fourth, which was in the year 167a [cf. Hist. i. 
391], when the crowns of France and England were united for the destroying 
the protestant religion [/ 131 (6)], first in Holland, and then both in France 
and England : I have said ^ so many things concerning this formerly that I . 
may have seemed to have satisfied my reader about it ; yet I have still a 
reserve of many particulars for a new digression : I will not run so far back as to 
mention things so well known as the wars of Holland, and the character of 

• Hist. i. 314. 

^ The fourth crisis of this version includes however much that was sub.- 

(167a) is the first part of the fifih sequently ranged under the fourth 

crisis in the printed History^ vol. i. crisis of the printed /ffis/orv, 1620-30. 

p. 321. As material prefatory to ' i. e. sub anno 1672, in the lost 

the fourth crisis, the original version portion of the original narrative. 


178 Burftet's Original Memoirs [1620-30 

William, prince of Orange' ; attd then nvert to Hisi, i. 314 and proceed frwn 
'All agree * to p. 316, ' predestination firmly/ omitting ' but as he left . . . popery.* 

Om, ' It seems he designed . . . prince's hands.* 

For * This was much opposed . . . methods ' read * There is a strange thing 
in the spirit of churchmen of what side soever they may be, for they go always 
into violent and cruel methods ^* 

Onu * Their ministers . . . write afterwards.* 

For < When the queen . . . Leicester ' read * So, since the earl of Leicester was 
so much in queen Elizabeth's favour that it even gave matter to censure, they 
offered him a new power which began and ended with him.* 

Be/ore ^ he as . . . landed ' add [/. 139 (a)] * He came over ; and though he 
was known to be a very atheistical man * ; om, * went . . . counsels, and * ; /or 
' people* read *■ [ministers].* 

After ^ Holland and Zealand * add ^ before [Leicester] got to the Hague. 
This was not inconsistent with the charge of supreme governor, though it was 
a great check upon it; and as Dudley was soon after as hateful as he was 
popular at first, so prince Maurice became the most celebrated captain of his age.* 

Om, rest of paragraph attd ^ Prince Maurice was for . . . political views.* 

For *■ Prince Maurice in private . . . Arminians ' read * Prince Maurice, that 
leaned more to Arminianism, headed the Calvinists ; at least he was as long 
a trying which of them upon the division was like to be the strongest, as the 
States had been in the beginning of their reformation in deliberating whether 
they should authorize the Calvinist or the Lutheran confession.' Then revert to 
Hist, i. 14 {Fabridus' story ^ derived from Charles Lewis ^ dector palatine), 

Om, 'the wisest . . . among them.' 

For * This that elector . . . himself had ' read only ' So little do most princes 
consider religion any other way, than as it may serve to advance their own 
ends.* Then return to Hist, i. 316, ' I will go no further,* to end of"^, 318. 

[/ 139 (&)] For ' He hated Bameveldt . . . hands,* insert the wh(de story as given 
in Hist. i. 15 (' The States having borrowed . . . wisdom ' *) ; in which for ' Soon 
after . . . secret article, he ' read only * Barneveldt.* 

For * and he came over . . . proposition ' read ' The sum and the interest of it 
was vast ; and king James* courtiers were glad to have so much money to be 
dealt among them. But his councillors thought there was no danger in a civil 
offer of delivering up those places when the money should be ready, for they 
fancied it would not be possible for the States, that were so deep in debt, to 
raise it' 

For*»n action . . . wisdom*' read 'but as soon as ever king James found that 
this had drawn on him, not only the contempt of all foreign princes, but of all 
his own subjects * {then return to p. 317, * according to the nature,* ^^c). 

After * carry it much further ' add * whether it was because ' ; after * horror' 
for * He studied . . . free state ' read * or because the great business of 
Germany was overturned (for though he had an ascendant over his nephew 
the king of Bohemia in everything, yet he could neither infuse his own sense or 
his courage into him), or whether he really had no further designs, I cannot 

■ Airy's ed., i. 565, note a. 

2 Ed. 1833 gives last clause wrongly to Onslow. 

1650-72] Hart. MSS. 6584, ff. 131 (^)-i33 {b) 179 

Om, * quickly settled . . . tenets. He/ tutd [/ 133 ^a)] * The States . • . rich.' 
Om* * much to the honour • . • myself have to it.' 

For ' It was a common ... his widow was * read * which did not at all please 
the princess royal, for she had no mind to make way for the widow.* 
Om, ' and it struck his fancy . . . stadtholdership.' 

[Passage prefatory to the fourth crisis continued ^ 

John de IVi/t.] 

'^Upon the prince's death, those who had been sent to 
Loevestein had so great credit that the government fell into 
their hands, and De Witt the father got [/. 133 (bj\ his second 
son John, who was then a young advocate of twenty-five years 
of age, made at first pensioner of Dort, and after little more 
than a year made pensioner of Holland •, who continued for 
twenty-two years in the ministry with the greatest applause, 
but ended it with the greatest misfortunes possible. 

I?e Witfs character, 

I will give his character as I had it from Mr, Halewyn, 
who knew him well and valued him highly. His being so 
early brought into the government gave him not time for 
making any great compass in learning, so that as he had not 
travelled in his youth **he had never time enough to read 
history '*, and even in his own profession he rather ^ knew the 
practice of the law ® than the principles and history of it ; so 
that as to all acquired dispositions for the chief ministry, he 
was as ill furnished as ever man was. ^ His strength as to 
learning lay in the mathematics^ in which he was one of the 
greatest men of the age, and made a progress in them which 
astonishes all those who have been able to understand his 
EUntenta Curvamm^, and his Loca Geonutrica\ for it passes 
imagination to see a man in the midst of so many affairs 
carry his thoughts so far into abstruse matters. But to 
balance all his defects he had a vivacity of apprehension and 
a strength of judgement that were indeed amazing ; ®he made 
himself quickly master of everything that was laid before 
him, and scarce ever took things by the wrong handle ; he 
had much patience in hearing everything® that was said to 

• Cf. Hist, i. 220. »» Ibid. ^ Ibid. *» Ibid. • Ibid. 

N 2 

i8o Burnet's Original Memoirs. [1650-72 

him, and was neither guilty of pride, passion, nor revenge ; he 
was not corruptible, neither by money nor other artifices ; and 
he was a man of undaunted courage, even in military matters, 
which IS not ordinary for a man of the robe. * He showed this 
in his going to sea in the year [i6]65 and [i6]66, where Mr. de 
Ruyter confessed* that he taught him many things in his 
own art\ in particular a new method of drawing up the fleet 
in bataglia ; and ^ as he had himself examined and sounded 
the sea near the Texel, he discovered so many new channels, 
that the ships could go out with many more winds than they 
thought they could have done formerly *». He laid the design of 
burning the English fleet at Chatham, in which he reckoned he 
was so sure, that in the orders that were to be opened at sea for 
executing it, the matter was not referred to a council of war. 
He was for many years as much the master of the govern- 
ment of Holland as any stadtholder had ever been, but he 
built his whole administration upon a very weak bottom. 

[His envr.] 

Cf, Hist, i. 319 {to ^ immediately to the States '). 

[/, 134 {a)] After * the States themselves ' add * of whom the greater part does 
not understand them.* 

\ReJUctUms (m this topic^ 

Now this seems to be the most essential error in the whole 
Dutch constitution ; for, as I have often seen it in a house 
of commons in England, ^ a great body is the most improper 
subject of power in their hands ® ; and the more numerous the 
body is the state is still the safer, there being less room for 
corruption in such an assembly ; for our house of commons 
acts and deliberates wisely, when they examine the conduct 
of the ministry, and upon that enter into the consultations either 
of making laws, raising money, or of examining the grievances 
of the nation; but whensoever the king thought fit to ask 
their advice, it was apparent how poorly they consulted if 
they happened to descend to more particular propositions. 

« Cf. Hist, i. 221. b Ibid, ^ Ibid. 319. 

^ See Hisi, i. 229. 

1650-72] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 133 (6)-i34 {b) i8i 

[De Witfs errors resumed,] 

Cf, Hist, i. 319 (* It had been happy . . . miscarriages on him '). 

After * of the courts ' add * of justice.* 

For * This raised . . . hands ' read * Another great error in his ministry was 
that he engrossed the secret of all afiairs, especially of foreign negotiations, 
wholly to himself/ 

After * miscarriages * add * in [i6]7a/ 

[De JVi/fs character resumed^ 

There was no part of the ministiy in which he was so 
exact as in the conduct of the revenue ; for * he had digested 
that into a little table-book, that he carried always about him, 
so exactly that upon all emergencies he knew what the 
state could do ; and how far their revenue would carry them 
in any proposition that was made to him *. Having given 
De Witt's character so largely I will not enter further into 
the particulars of his ministry, neither will I say anything 
of the war with Cromwell, nor of the peace made upon it, nor ^ of 
the exclusion of the prince of Orange, and the perpetual edict 
made against having any more stadtholders ^ ; nor will I say 
anything more of ®the war that he managed with the late 
king of England, in which he acquired so much reputation 
both as a statesman and as a commander, that the war ending 
with [/. 134 (^)] so much advantage and honour to the States, 
all this raised his credit extremely, which was then so much 
shaken by the factions that were formed against him ^, that 
a misfortune in that war had certainly sunk him. 

[Neglect of the prince of Orange,] 

All the world was ^amazed to see the court* of England 
take so little care of the prince of Orange's interests, as never 
to interpose for him : ® for the Triple Alliance gave England 
a great credit in the Dutch counsels as long as our court was 
true to it; and that the prince was then growing near his 
majority, yet no endeavours were used to open a way for 
his coming into the government of Holland. ^The prince 
went over in person to try what could be hoped for from the 
court of England ; he had also a private business to solicit, 

• Cf. Hist. i. 220. ^ Ibid. 320. • IM. 319. ^ Ibid. 320. « Ilfid. 321. 
' Ibid,2-j^, 

i82 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1670 

which was the payment of that great debt which the king 
owed him*, which amounted to some millions; but he suc- 
ceeded equally ill in both. It seemed very strange, to all that 
observed this coldness of the court of England in his concerns ; 
for it was certainly very much the king's interest to raise one 
to the government of Holland, who, as might be naturally 
imagined, must needs continue still in a great dependence 
on him, and need his assistance very much; since this one 
thing must have raised the figure that the king made in the 
affairs of Europe more than all the other projects that he 
ever engaged in. I have often talked of this matter with 
those who were then in the ministry and could not wonder 
enough at the king's not seeing his own interest in this matter. 
I knew his majesty's temper too well to wonder at his want 
of natural affection to his nephew, or at his want of gratitude 
for all the obligations that had been put on him by the 
prince's father and mother during his exile; in such things 
the king had taken such care to let his nature be known, that 
nobody could be surprised with new discoveries of it. But 
here his interest lay so visibly that it was indeed strange to 
see him mind it so little ; but all the answer that was made 
to me upon this question was that the king's recommending 
the prince to the States would rather have set him backward 
than forward ; for if the States intended to bring him into 
the government, they would make it their own act, and have 
him beholden for it to them only, and not be contented that 
he should owe any part of the obligation to a foreign prince. 
This looked rather like an excuse than a reason ; for though 
it is very probable that a public recommendation might have 
been a prejudice to him, yet secret and vigorous offers under- 
hand could not have hurt him. But the true reason was that 
France, that still had its eye upon the conquest of Flanders, 
saw that nothing could oppose them in that but the exalta- 
tion of the prince of Orange, which would naturally put the 
land army of the States in another posture, and have animated 
them into a .more martial disposition. And since it was the 

• Hist. i. 373. 

1670 2] HarL MSS. 6584, ff. 134 (6)135 (^) 183 

interest of France to have this so laid that it might not be an 
obstacle to their desigfns, our court resolved to sacrifice the 
interests of a nephew to so [/. 135 {a)] dear a friendship ^ 
• Perhaps the prince's firmness to the protestant religion had 
a share in this aversion ; ^ for he told me himself that when 
he was first in England, the king discovered very plainly 
to him that he was a papist, and insinuated to the prince 
his advice to him to be of the same religion, which surprised 
the prince extremely; and he has often wondered how the 
king came to trust so young a person with so important 
a secret^'. As for his debts, our court, that was so lavish in 
all its expense, never troubled itself with such matters ; for 
though a recommendation of that to the parliament for many 
years together would have easily procured a much greater sum, 
yet our court had still so much occasion for all the money 
that could be raised from a house of commons that they were 
never in a condition to do justice to any or to pay their debts ; 
so that the prince was abandoned by his uncle, and therefore he 
was to try how to insinuate himself into the hearts of the Dutch. 

[Youth of the prince of Orange,] 

Cf. Hist i. 3^0 ('The prince was left much to himself* to end of paragraph]. 
For * yet as his natural . . . recommended him much to ' read 'yet he behaved 
himself so discreetly in his youth that he gained great ground, especially with.' 
For ' to raise . . . happy * read only * for the making a party to him.' 

[The fourth crisis y elevation of the prince ; invasion of the provinces^ 

Cf, Hist. i. 320 {from * When he was of full age * to p. saa, * Pomponne and 
Louvois '}. 

For * When he was of full age * read * At last the wars with France came on. 
and then.* 

Offt, ' could only be meant . . . army ; but/ and ' The court of England ... in 
their affairs.' 

For 'cold . . . depend upon him' read ' civil and cold ; so that he saw his 
friendship was no more to be depended on/ 

j4ftcr ' age ' om, * and he believed . . . faithfully/ and add *■ Soon after that 
followed the vast progress that the French made ; for whereas.* 

[/. 135 (6)] For * nor practice . . . spirit nor courage left ' read only « and 
a long peace at land had put them out of all practice.' 

After 'to be done' add *but their delivering themselves so shamefully as 

• Cf. Hist, i. 373. *» Ibid, supra, 

' His interests were not ignored in the Treaty of Dover. 

184 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1672 

they did brought not only infamy on themselves, but the greatest danger 
possible to the States, for all was set open to the king of France, who/ ^c. 

For * the Dutch with so ... up to him ' read * such a terror in the country, 
that their not being wrought on by that panic fear to deliver all up to him is one 
of the wonders of the age, and the driving back such a torrent looked like the 
effect of some happy star that was over the prince of Orange.' 

For ' than to his own conduct ' rtad * than either [to] his own valour or 

For ' that, when that year . . . may be * re€ui *■ that I make no doubt to make 
it appear when I have memoirs to enable me to write more particularly of 
that matter.' 

After *■ preserve himself* insert * If he had either followed the prince of Condi's 
or Mr. de Turenne's advice the thing had been sure ; but he would examine the 
matter rather with the ministers than with those two great captains. His army 
was indeed reduced to a small number by his keeping so many places which he 
ought to have dismantled' (cf. Hist. i. 33a). Insert capture of Noerden and 
Muyden (cf. Hist. i. 333, * The French,' to p. 334, * preserved Amsterdam *) ; 
then return to p. 32a, *■ When he came.' 

For ^ Pomponne and Louvois ' read *■ Louvob,' and add * and the king was im- 
patient to return to Versailles^ (cf. Hist, i. 33a to *• preparing for him there ') ; and 
proceed ' He left behind him the brutalest man and the most unfit for softening 
the spirits of his newly conquered places that could be found, in Mr. de Luxem- 
bourg • (cf. Hist, i. 333). 

[Despair at the Hague; mission sent to England.l 

Cf. Hist. i. 323 (^ It may easily be imagined ' to p. 325, ' gained the court *). 

Om. *The French possessed . . . extremities of despair' {see supra, 11. 16-7). 

After ^ garrisons in them ' atki * so that they had not above 7,000 men left for 
their defence.' 

Om, * and the bishop . . . spirit was left.' 

Beft)re * Montbas' insert ' [It] gave some ground to [these] jealousies that' 

For * married . . , sister * read * [was] brother-[/ 136 (a)] in-law to Mr. de 
Groot (or Grotius), who had been ambassador in France the former winter.' 

Om, * which was to defend . . . sanctuary,* and /or *■ and the States were so 
puzzled . . . and followed it ' read ^ and cried out for a peace ; and since it 
might be hoped that the setting up the prince would separate England from 
France, which was the only thing in which they could trust.' 

Om, < And the morning in which they were dispatched away.* 

For ' the prince . . . stadtholder ' read ^ the raising the prince of Orange.' 

Om, * lord Ariington . • . doing it, that.' 

After * press that on them ' read ^ They were ordered to see what it was that 
would content the king ; but they had no power to conclude anything. Mr. de 
Witt, who did not take so much care as was necessary to have good intelligence, 
fancied that the court of England would insist on making the prince stadtholder.' 

For ' When they came over . . . gained the court ' read * And when Boreel 
came first to them he seemed likewise assured of it ; but he quickly found his 
mistake ; and indeed the ambassadors were amazed when they found that the 
court of England was not concerned at the prince's interests, and that it was 
not possible to separate them from France.* 

1672] Harl. MSS. 6584, Jf. 135 (byi^G (a) 185 

7^/t€ States treat with France. 

^ So the States were forced to treat with the king of France ; 
but the debate falling out between Mr. Pomponne and Mr. de 
Louvois *, the last carried it, very happily for the Dutch. The 
former proposed the danger of making the Dutch desperate, 
and of engaging all Europe and perhaps England at last 
in the war (since the people of England were against them, 
though the king was for them). He therefore * moved that 
the king should restore all that belonged to the seven 
provinces, and only ask the places that they had out of 
them ^ ; that the States being brought so low, and without an 
army as well as without all places, they would no more 
provoke the king, who might by that means c easily make 
himself master of the Spanish Netherlands, and after that 
the States would be at mercy. If the king had followed 
this counsel it is not likely that the Dutch would have 
refused to comply with it ^^ and it would have certainly turned 
to their utter ruin within a few years. But Mr. de Louvois 
drew up the most extravagant terms that could be imagined, 
in which he complied both with the bigotry and the vanity of 
the French king; for * besides the public exercise^ that he 
asked for the popish religion, he moved that the States should 
send once a year an ambassador to the court of France with 
a great medal acknowledging the protection that they had 
received from thence. The extravagance of this ^ made both 
it and the king as ridiculous as the other articles were 
insupportable to the States: for they would not have been 
a people if they had accepted them. But now the aversion 
that the Dutch had to the De Witt family and their inclina- 
tions to the prince came to a crisis. For the populace began 
everywhere to make tumults and to complain of the govern- 
ment, and this at last produced that great change which has 
been so copiously set out that I can add nothing to that which 
is generally known concerning it. 

• Cf. Hist. i. 323. »> Ibid. Ibid, d /6«/. 

' A gUnce at Mr. Airy*s note, Hist version is here more accurate than 
in loco, will shew that Burnet's original the revision. 

i86 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1672 

The prince of Oranges exaltation, 

Cf. Hist^ i. 3^6 (' I need not relate . . . carry it any further*). 

For ' I need not relate . . . bound by it ' read ' The government of the towns 
was changed, and the prince of Orange was declared stadtholder, and this 
dignity was to descend to his posterity by inheritance ^* 

Afttr * their town ' add [/ 136 (6)] * which was carried to him by Ho[o]ft ; 
and no doubt it would have been followed by all the other towns.' 

\Retum of the mission sent to England^ 

Cf. Hist i. 335 ('The Dutch . . . agiution'). 

Begin * The ambassadors that were sent to England, finding that they could not 
prevail with the court, returned ' ; but' 
For ^ ran together . . . numbers ' tead ' above aoo men got together.' 
For ^ for they heard . . . Brill ' rwd ' which had been infallibly executed.' 
For * the next day ' read * that very day.* 

{Murder of the De Witts.\ 

Cf. Hist, i. 335-6 {to * greatest horror possible ')• 

Begin ' I love not ... so often printed {as on p. 396) ; t/ien ptxxeed {as on 
P* 3^5) ^o 'A' accusation of Cornelius^ for ' At the same time . . . prince. There 
were ' reading *■ The barbarous ' accusation against Cornelius de Witt had ' ; 
for *■ which was supported . . . circumstances ' read * that I have heard many say ' ; 
and for ' Yet Cornelius . . . innocence ' read * though he was a violent obstinate 
man, who had neither his brother's abilities nor virtues. * 

Revert to the attack on fohn de Witt (p. 325), for * De Witt was once . . . 
spectators ' reading * The attempt made on his brother's person, who showed as 
much personal courage as presence of mind in defending himself from it, was 
too severely punished, for though the crime deserved death, yet De Witt ought 
to have considered better than he did what the time would bear; for the 
execution of that assassin inflamed the people more against him ' ; then proceed to 
* De Witt's going ' (p. 326). 

For ^ the prince spoke of it * read * he speaks of it.' 

Conduct of the preachers. 

^Some of the ministers shewed upon this occasion that 
violence which belongs to their character*. Des Mares of 
Groningen^ in some printed theses insinuated that the 

• Cf. Hist. i. 3a6. 

^ This statement, erroneous as to Samuel des Marets of Groningcn, who 

date, was corrected in the final re- died there May 18, 1673. SeeaM/r,p.9i, 

vision ; see Airy, note a, Hist, in loco* note a. He is said to have written 

* The History says they were sent a Catechesis Pnblica which appeared 
back. at Groningen in 167a, and a Brevis 

' Qu. 'barber's'? Disatrsus^ dated August 93, 167a. 

* i. e. their function ; see supra^ Queo' if these are the works men- 
p. 178. tioncd? As regards responsibility for 

^ This probably refers to the famous the republication, Burnet clearly con- 

1672-7] Harl MSS. 6584, f. 136 (a)-i37 (b) 187 

judges had been corrupted who had not carried the judge- 
ment against Cornelius de Witt further, and spoke so in 
a sermon that he preached soon after at the Hague; he 
insulted upon their death, and compared them to Haman ; 
and though it was too much to have said this at that time, yet 
he has carried [/. 137 (a)] this further, and has not struck out 
the virulent expression, but has printed it among his sermons 
a year ago, 

[Heroism of the prince^ 

Cf. HisU L 326 {from *The prince's advancement put new life* io p. 327, 
emi of paragraph). 

For ^ The prince*s advancement ' read ^ The state of affairs in Holland took 
another ply ; all that were in the former administrations had lost their credit 
with the people ; but the great confidence that they all put in the prince.' 

For * tried to bring. . . very little ' read ' were sent over to mediate the peace.' 

After ^ so high ' insert < and the English were so true to him. ' 

For * That duke ... as of his own ' read *■ Buckingham told a passage relating 
to the prince to a friend of mine that cannot be enough commended ; he said 
that when he was once pressing him to come into the French project, by shewing 
him the advantages that he himself might find in it* 

For * and he would never ... of his own * read * and he would only consider 
their concerns, and not make so infamous a bargain as to sell them for his own 

After < ditch ' add ' This had indeed much of the hero in it. I will not carry 
this matter further, my design in all this digression having only been to shew 
how that by so unpromising a revolution as the exaltation of the prince of 
Orange this great crisis that was at that time upon the protestant religion 
went over.'* 

[Excursus on] the princess marriage, 

Cf. HisU i. 408 * ([Danby] got the prince of Orange ' to p. 409, * very ill conse- 

For ^ He got . . . campaign * read * But the affinity of the matter leads me to 
set down here the secret of the prince of Orange*s marriage, since upon it 
the next probable revolution of Europe is like to turn ; and it was told me in 
all its circumstances by Montagu, who was upon the secret of it {ste p. 411]. 
After the campaign in the year 1677 broke up Danby advised the prince to 
offer to come over to satisfy his uncle of his conduct, who was highly dis- 
satisfied with him for opposing the peace.* 

After * marriage ' add * and sent [/ 137 (A)] over an express to divert the king 
from it, at least to keep him to that of giving the prince the hopes of the marriage 
only after the peace was made.' 

fuses Samuel with one of his sons, 89, and a favourite of the Prince of 
presumably Daniel, the younger, who Orange (see Van der A a, xii. aia.) 
was a preacher at the Hague i66a* 

i88 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1677 

Om. * The campaign . . . over.* 

For ^ But they could not . . . left to him * rtad * Danby had desired him never 
to movcthe marriage, but to leave that wholly to his care. The prince, after he 
had stayed some weeks in England, seeing no fruit of his journey neither as to 
public nor private concerns, began to grow impatient ; at last Danby took his 

For 'after he had taken . . . directed* read 'he told the king that all his 
friends over England had signified to him that the king had now an occasion of 
getting out of all his troubles, and that if he let it slip out of his hands, be 
would hardly ever recover it again.* 

For * the king would lose . . . thanks of it ' read * the prince would owe the 
obligation to the parliament.* 

For 'even . . . consequences' read Mt would give greater jealousies than 
were at present, and would spoil all the king's affairs.' 

[Dandy urges an immediate marriage^ 

* In short he pressed this with so much force on the king, 
that he agreed to it *. Upon that Danby insisted, and shewed 
the king that if he intended to do it, the best and easiest way 
was to declare it immediately; otherwise both the court of 
France and his brother's priests would use all possible means 
to obstruct it. Now an easy way of doing a thing had 
always a charm in it to gain the king. Perhaps another 
consideration that Danby offered had great weight, because 
there was somewhat like art and artifice in it ; he said that 
as the king's doing it before a session of parliament would 
prepare a way to compass all his other designs, so he added 
that he saw the prince was of a temper not to be wrought on 
by ill-usage ; but if he used him kindly the king might gain 
such an ascendant over his spirit, as to govern him, and by 
that means he might govern all Europe. To all this the king 
yielded so frankly that he resolved to put an end to it before 
anybody thought that it was begun, so ^ he presently sent for 
the duke, and told him that the treasurer had proposed 
a matter to him that he saw was extremely for both their 
service, that therefore he expected that he would concur 
heartily with him in it, and that he would give him in this 
a mark of his friendship in agreeing with him. The duke, 
who did not know where all this would end, said that the 

* Cf. HisU u 409. 

1677] Harl MSS. 6584, #. 137 (6) -138 (a) 189 

king knew how ready he was to obey him in all things, so 
that he needed not use so much preamble with him ; upon 
which the king named the marriage. Danby saw a concern 
in his looks ; *yet he complied in words heartily enough how 
averse soever he might be inwardly to it. Upon this Danby*, 
who would not trust the king by himself till this was past 
recalling, since the miscarriage of it would have been infallibly 
his own ruin, ^ sent for the prince of Orange \ who was surprised 
at this proposition, which was now [/. 138 {a)] further advanced 
than he could have imagined. ® Danby put the king further, 
and moved that an extraordinary council might be presently 
called, which was done; ^and there the king declared his 
designs, and then carried the prince to St. James' and pre- 
sented him to his niece, 

[French reception of the news.] 

Cf. Hist, u 410 {from ' Barillon was amazed ' io p. 411, ^ above two hours*). 

For ' had ordered . . . husband * read only ' besieged him so that it was im- 

For ' when was the marriage . . . forsaken him * read Mf he had no news 
from England? And when Montagu told him he had none, the king told him 
the news.' 

For 'on the duke's part* read 'of the duke*s failing to him, and of his 

For ' The prince had no mind . . . satisfied with them ' read only ' though the 
last was but a general compliment.* 

Om. * As he would have done . . . army ; and.* 

After ' two hours ' add ' and so he told him how he managed it * ; and om, 
remainder 0/ paragraph. 

[Montagu accuses Danby.] 

A few months after that Montagfu and Danby fell out 
most mortally ^ ; and in an expostulation that they had 
together in the king's presence, Montagu thought to give 
Danby a severe blow by telling the king that he had not 
misrepresented himself worse to the king than he had done 
the king to himself; since he assumed to himself the whole 
praise of that marriage by which the king ought to have been 

• Cf. Hist. i. 410. »» Ibid. « Ibid. '» Ibid. 

For this affair see Hist. \. 391, 42a, 439, and Mr. Airy's notes in locis. 


Burnet's Original Memoirs [1686-7 

recommended to the affections of his people ; but he told mc 
the king was no more affected with it than if it had not at all 
concerned him. I have told this story more particularly than 
perhaps was necessary, but my design is to shew that the 
greatest affairs upon which the greatest consequences depend 
are sometimes brought about with less labour than perhaps 
would have been needful for the procuring the smallest office 
in the court. But having said so much of the prince of 
Orai^e, and it being likely that if I have long to continue 
this work * I may have occasion to say much more both of 
him and the princess «*, I will here give their characters. 

The character of the prince of Orange \ 

The prince has shewed by his conduct and action that not- 
withstanding all ** the defects of his education **, and his total 
want of literature, nature is capable of producing great 
matters, even when she is not at all assisted by art. ® He 
has a great application to affairs ^, and turns them much in 
his thoughts, and indeed perhaps too much ; for his slowness 
in coming to a resolution is much complained of; but if he 
is slow in taking up a resolution he is as firm in adhering 
to it. ^He has a vast memory, and a true judgement^, for 
he [/. 138 (^)] sees presently the critical point of any matter 
that is proposed to him. * He is the closest man in tlie 
world ®, so that it is not possible so much as to guess at his 
intentions, till he declares them : he is extreme calm both 
in council and actions, and hears very gently things that 
are said to him, even when he is not pleased with them 2; 

» Cf. Hisi. i. 691. ^ Ibid. 689 ; and iu 304. ^ Ibid. i. 689. ^ Ibid, 

ii. 304, * Ibid. ; and i. 689. 

^ This character, which from its date 
(1686 or 1687) is of particular value, 
should be compared not only with the 
two characters mentioned above, but 
with the additional passages quoted in 
Dr. Routh's Burnetts History 0/ James 
//, p. 147 note. Those features were 
probably deleted, simply to avoid 
repetition, as they occur in the more 
elaborate character sub amto 1702. 

* The reverse is asserted in Hist. ii. 
304 ; the fact no doubt being that 
William after the Revolution openly 
resented Burnet's interference (see 
infra). Cunningham distorts this love 
of intermeddling into a restless ' pur- 
suit of dignities/ and affirms that he 
blackened William's character in re- 
venge (i 254). 

X686-7] Harl MSS. 6584, f. 138 (a)~i33 (b) 19^ 

but he has the haughtiness of a great mind "not to forget 
too soon injuries done him, but he has never been observed 
to affect revenges*, only he does not easily return to con- 
fidences with those that have offended him. ** His courage ^ 
is indeed greater than it ought to be, and though it was 
very fit for one that had the ambition of arriving at the 
reputation of his ancestors to hazard his person sometimes, 
that so it might appear that he was a soldier as well as 
a general, yet his great carelessness of all personal danger 
both in time of peace and war has been censured as exces- 
sive ; for to *-• see him go about with a footman or two ® when 
so much depends on his life has been called rather a tempting 
of providence than a trusting to it. This some have ^ ascribed 
to his belief of predestination, as if that pushed him on head- 
long in this confidence that all things will be as God will have 
them. But though * he is firmly persuaded of predestination •, 
yet he said to me, he never reflected upon it in any of his 
counsels before things fall out; but he owned to me, when 
things fall out, the belief that God would have them so 
quieted his mind much, and has helped him to bear many 
misfortunes and disappointments very easily. This is his 
peculiar carriage and the nature of his courage, that it does 
not sink with misfortunes ; for when things have miscarried 
in his hands, he has been observed to have the same calm 
equality that he had upon happier occasions. He under- 
stands the government of Holland exactly, and if he does 
stick in some things too close to his rights as he is stadtholder, 
yet he has often assured me that he has never gone beyond 
them. He has great virtues; he is temperate and sober; 
if ' he has been guilty of any of the disorders ' that are too 
common to princes, yet he has not practised them as some 
to whom he is nearly related have done, but * has endeavoured 
to cover ^ them » ; though let princes be as secret as they will 

• Cf. Hist iu 305. »» Ibid, 304. « Ibid. i. 689. ^ Ibid, in/nt, • Cf. 
ibid, and ii. 305. ' Cf. Hist. i. 690. > Ibid. 

^ Burnet's clumsy endeavour to ing portion of the printed History has 
soften this charge in the correspond- laid him open to the most sinister 


Burnet's Original Memoirs [1686-7 

in such matters, they are always known. But a sincerity and 
a round plainness is of all his virtues that upon which he values 
himself most ; and that justly, for he is very eminent in it 
even for a private man ; and this is so extraordinary a virtue 
in a prince, that it is the more singular in him, since he has 
very little of it round about him. • He seems to have a real 
sense of religion, and looks like a man that is in earnest when 
he is worshipping God *. He is a hearty enemy to popery, 
and in particular to the cruelty of it; for ^ he is a great 
enemy to persecution on the account of religion. ® He thinks 
the church of England ought to be maintained, but softened 
a little both with relation to the nonconformists at home and 
to the foreign churches beyond sea ^. He has a coldness in his 
way that damps a modest man extremely, for he hears things 
with a dry silence that shows too much of distrust of those to 
whom he speaks. He seems to have made it a maxim to be 
slow in everything of resolution he takes, and this he carries 
too far, that he makes those to whom he intends to shew 
favours wait on so long that the grace of giving them is much 
lost by the slowness ; and he does not seem enough to con- 
sider the sourness of spirit under which men languish that are 
perplexed with incertainty and want. ^ He has a true notion ^ 
of government and liberty **, and does not think that subjects 
were made to be [/. 139 {a)] slaves; but after the laws and 
foundations of government are overturned by those who 
ought to maintain them, he thinks the people may assert 
their freedom. He is a close manager of his affairs, and 
though ®he spends much in building®, yet he is not thought 

• Cf. Hist. ii. 305. 
• Cf. ibid, ii. 305. 

»» Ibid, 

Cf. ibid, i. 691. 

<» Ibid. 

misconstructions. He has been sup- 
posed to insinuate a secret love of 
dram-drinking, while yet darker in- 
terpretations have been freely haz- 
arded by political partisans (as for 
instance by Swift, ed. 1824, iv. 218 ; 
A Short Review on,.. Burnet- s History ^ 
by a Gentleman^ 1 724, p. 35 ; Cunning- 
ham, i. 254). The context here how- 

ever shews that he had in view the 
princess intrigue with Elizabeth Villiers. 
See Onslow*s note to Hist. ii. 240. 

^ This seems to mark again a con- 
siderable alteration in Burnet's views 
since the year 1683 ; though it is not 
by any means so strong as Burnet's 
subsequent version of his own views 
at the time. Hist. i. 691. 

1686-7] tiarl MSS. 6584, J. 138 (6)-i39 (^) X93 

so free-hearted and generous as a great prince ought to be. 
His martial inclination will naturally carry him, when he 
comes * to the crown of England, •to bear down the greatness 
of France • ; and if he but hits the nature of the English nation 
right at first he will be able to give laws to all Europe ; for in 
this single point the greatness of England may appear, that 
not only it is full of wealth and people, but that in time of 
war the only expense to which the nation is put is the 
keeping a great fleet at sea, by which the money circulates 
within the kingdom ; but the defensive part costs the nation 
nothing, no garrisons nor strong places being necessary. So 
that a king of England that governs well at home may make 
war against all Europe together, and neither be exhausted 
nor endangered by it. But if the prince does not in many 
things change his way, he will hardly gain the hearts of the 
nation ; ^ his coldness ^ will look like contempt, and that ^ the 
English cannot bear ; and they are too impatient to digest 
that slowness^ that is almost become natural to him in the 
most inconsiderable thing^s ; and his silent way will pass for 
superciliousness. But that which is more important, he will 
be both the king of England and stadtholder; the Dutch 
will perhaps think a king of England too great to be their 
stadtholder, and the English will hardly be brought to trust 
a prince that has an army of 30,000 men at his command so 
near them. If this matter is not settled upon the first opening 
his succession to the crown of England, there will arise a train 
of jealousies upon it, that being fomented (as they will 
certainly be) from France, may throw us into a mistrust 
that will perhaps never be healed. This and another par- 
ticular, that is too tender to be put in writing ^ are the only 
things that can hinder him from being the greatest king that 
has been for many ages. 

• Cf. Htst. ii. 305. »> Ibid. i. 690. • Ibtd. 

* Le. in due course, as husband of ' The allusion may be to the Villiers 
the heiress- presumptive. intrigue ; see p. 191 and note, supra. 


194 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1686-7 

The princess's character. 

The princess was born with all the advantages of nature, 
• [? dignity] ^ and sweetness mixing almost equally in every- 
thing that she did or said. ** She has a vivacity of thought, 
a liveliness of apprehension, and a correctness of judgment 
that surprise all that see her ; ^ she has all the cheerfulness in 
her that becomes her age ^, but tempered with such an exact- 
ness of decency ® that those who had observed her deportment 
long, with a sort of malicious criticalness, wishing to find 
somewhat to censure, have protested they could never find 
it. ' In her devotions there is a solemn gravity that edifies 
all that see her ; there is no sort of affectation in it, but yet 
there is an exactness both in her secret and chapel devotions 
and at sacrament that shows that she does not think the 
sublimity of her rank exempts her from the strictest duty 
of Christianity. •She has accomplished herself by reading 
a great variety of books, both in divinity, history, ^and poetry, 
and she forgets very little of whatsoever she reads. ^ She has 
a modesty and humility in her that wants a name, and that 
gentleness with which she charms all people is of so peculiar 
a composition, that at the same time she seems to invite them 
to a familiarity, she inspires them with respects s. She is much 
animated against popery, ^ and seems to have a true notion 
of government, that the chief end of power ought to be the 
doing [/ 139 (i)] of good. * She is certainly in all respects 
the best wife that ever was *, the most united to the prince 
in friendship, confidence, and affection, and if she governs as 
well as she obeys, her reign will be the happiest that ever 
was. In short, considering her age, her education, and the 
company that has been always about her (who have never 
been able to exalt her), she seems to be a person raised and 

* Cf. Hist, i. 690. ^ Cf. ibid,\ and Essay on thi . . . lati Quhh (1695), pp. 
71-3. * Essay, 6r. ^ Cf. ibid, 97-9. • Hist, i. 690 ; Essay j 73, 78, 79, 
' Essay, 79, 80. > Ih'd, 68-71. ^ Ibid, 99. * Ibtd. 195. 

^ A word seems to have been omitted to Dr. Fall, which must belong to 1686 

here. -7, Burnet describes her as * the most 

* She was then about twenty-six. wonderful person that I ever knew ' 
In an undated and unpublished letter (Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 93, f. i). 

i68d-7] Harl MSS. 6584, J. 139 (a)-i39 (b) 195 

prepared by God Almighty to make the nations happy ; of 
which she herself thinks so little, that one * having • presumed 
to ask her if she knew her own mind so far as to apprehend 
how she could bear the king's having a son, she answered ^, 
she did not care to talk of these things, lest it might seem an 
affectation ; but she believed she should be very little troubled 
at it, for in all these things the will of God was to be con- 
sidered, and if it were not for the doing good to others, she 
said for her own particular it would be perhaps better for her 
to live and die what she was. ^ She is hearty to the church 
of England, but will never be drawn in to like the superstition 
and fierceness of some of our divines ; for she thinks we have 
aggravated too much the matters of conformity**. All that 
I can possibly set against this character is that ^she is the 
most reserved person alive, unto whose thoughts no creature 
can enter further than as she discovers them ® ; and that her 
goodness is too general without carrying her into the particu- 
larities of friendship with any person. Her closeness is the 
strangest thing that ever was seen in one of her age and sex, 
and gives some colour to fear there may be something under 
all this secrecy. Her engaging into no friendships may be 
justly enough resolved in this, that she has not yet had any 
ladies about her that were capable of it ^, otherwise it looks 
like a mind too much recollected within itself, when it does 
not flow out into some vigorous friendship. ^ I am sensible 
I have not set faults or defects ^ enough in opposition to all 
the princess's virtues ; but I protest I have taken all the 
pains I could to seek for them ; for I know the good I say 
of her would be the better believed if I had mixed more 
ill things with it, but it will appear almost incredible that 
one of her birth and way of breeding should have come into 

• Hist. i. 754. ^ Cf. Essay, 74. « Ibid. 61. * Ibid. 55-6, 89. 

* Burnet himself: he ascribes the ' Her principal ladies so far had 

incident to the year 1686— at a time included Elizabeth Villiers, her hus- 

when the queen had no expectation band's mistress from 1680 onwards; 

of offspring (see Hist, l 754). and Jane Wroth, who became the 

' Compare Letires et Memairts de mistress, and was at this time the 

Marie Reine d'AngUterre, x88o, p. 6a. wife, of Count Zulestein. 

O 2 

196 Burners Original Metnoirs [168S-7 

a strange country when she was but a little past fifteen, and 
that * during her ten years' stay in it she has never said nor 
done the least thing that has given any offence * to any one 
person whatsoever, and that neither the difference in religion 
nor the sorriness of the ministers or of some of the sects here, 
nor the factions that are i^inst the prince, have produced 
the least censure of any of her actions. ^When one talked 
once to her of this, she said it was a particular blessing of 
God to her, for she was confident there were many others that 
had fallen under much censure, that had as little deserved it \ 
I have been a little longer than ordinary on their characters, 
but the great figure that they are like to make in the world 
will well justify it. But to this I will add a short character of 
those who have the greatest share in the prince's confidence. 

BentincJis character, 

Mr. Bentinck was bred about the prince, and he observed 
in him that application to business and those virtues that 
made him think fit to take him into ^ his particular confidence, 
and to employ him in the secretest of all his concerns ^ as well 
as the looking to all his private affairs. He is a man of a great 
probity [/ 140 {a)\ and sincerity, and ^ is as close as his master 
is ^. He bears his favour with great modesty^ and has nothing 
of that haughtiness that seems to belong to all favourites. He 
is a virtuous and religious man, and I have heard instances 
of this that are very extraordinary, chiefly in a courtier. He 
has all the passion of a friend for the prince's person, as well 
as ® the fidelity of a minister in his affairs ®, and makes up the 
d^efects of his education in a great application to business; 
and as he has a true and clear judgement, so the probity of his 
temper appears in all his counsels, which are just and moderate; 
and this is so well known, that though commonwealths can 
very ill bear any inequality of favour that is lodged in one 
person, yet I never heard any that are in the government of 
the towns of Holland complain of him ; nor does he make 
those advantages of his favour which were ordinarily made by 

• Cf. £«ay, 122-4. ^ Ibid, 87-8. « Hist. i. 781 ; ii. 5, 306. * Ibid. 
306. • Ibid, 

1686-7] Harl. MSS. 6584, ^. 139 (6)-i4o (a) 197 

those that have access to princes, by employing it for those 
who pay them best. I do not know him well enough to say 
much concerning him ; but though I naturally hate favourites, 
because all those whom I have known hitherto have made 
a very ill use of their greatness, yet by all I could ever 
discern, the prince has shewed a very true judgement of 
persons in placing so much of his confidence on him. 

FageVs character, 

• The pensioner Mr. Fagel is profoundly learned in the law, 
and has quick apprehensions of things, and dispatches 
matters with great easiness • (which he had needs do, for he 
has a great load of affairs on him, and is very ill furnished 
with secretaries). ^ He has a very copious, popular eloquence, 
and is a very fit person for carrying matters before him in a 
great assembly, which made Mr. de Witt take great notice of 
him and bring him up from being pensioner of Haarlem to 
be the greffier or secretary to the States General, which is 
one of the best places in Holland. He continued long in 
a great confidence with him, and he concurred with great zeal 
in the making the perpetual edict, for he n^otiated that 
business with those of Friesland, who opposed it most ^ ; yet 
he turned to the prince's interests, and has served him ever 
since his elevation with great fidelity and zeal. ^ He is a pious 
and virtuous man, only he is thought too eager and violent % 
and one that pushes matters with too much force. He has 
not great notions, nor has he studied to raise men of merit so 
much as he ought to have done, but ^he is too partial to his 
family and kindred *^, who, being numerous, are raised up by 
him to the best employments of the state. 

DyckveldVs character, 

Cf. Hist, i. saS. 

For * Dyckveldt . . . interest lay ' rtad only * Mr. Dyckveldt was a man much 
trusted by Mr. de Witt, but upon the French prog^ss in the year [i6j7fl he.* 

Be/on ' Upon the French ' i»is€fi ' Yet after all that compliance lessened him 
so much that * ; and for ' left out * r§ad ' turned out.' 

After 'temper* add 'he being perhaps the smoothest man that ever was 
bred in a commonwealth.* 

• Hist, i. 327. ^ Ihid « Ihid. 3a8. ^ /^,v/. 

198 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1686-7 

Om, ^ and he had a great share . . . deserved it.' 

After ' Europe * add ^ and a long practice in the government at home.* 

For * and great practice . . . embassies ' read * He is very fit for embassies, 
and it is believed that he loves them.* 

For * He spoke ... He was ' read ^ He speaks long and slow, but with great 
weight ; he is a man of a [/ 140 {b)] good understanding, and.' 

Halewyn^s character'^. 
Cf. Hist. i. 3fl8>9. 

Om. ^ a man . . . Dort, and.* 

Place ^ was the person . . . most ' in present tense and om, ^ and was next . . . 

confidence * ; and continue in present tense. 
For 'but most particularly . . . authors* read 'and understands the state 

of Greek and Roman commonwealths beyond any man I ever knew, except 

Algernon Sidney ; so that the Roman authors, being equally dear to us both, 

have afforded us much matter of discourse.* 
Om. * He spoke . . . life.' 

For 'the best models . . . authors* read ^ the ancient Romans.* 
After ' justice ' add ' I believe his natural temper carries him to have quick 

resentments of auguries ; yet he governs this so, that I could never perceive it, 

though I have put him upon subjects to fish it out' 
After 'notions* insert 'of public liberty,* and om. 'Christian.* 
After ' and went in * insert '[to] the common maxims of that time [and].' 
After ' yet he ' insert * has told mc that he ' ; and after ' error ' insert ' in their 

present constitution.' 

After ' sovereign power ' insert ' together with the whole legislati\<« power/ 

For ' must be * read * can never be upon a sure |x)ttom till it is.' 

For ' He thought it ' read * And therefore he told me that it was.' 

After ' afiairs ' add ' and his own unacquaintedness with them.' 

After ' rank ; yet ' add ' he told me.* 

For ' He observed . . . always in * read ^ He also told me that he came to 

observe in the prince's whole conduct that he was in.' 

[/. 141 (a)] After * themselves' add 'and therefore, though he was one of the 

latest that engaged in his interests, yet he seems to be the most convinced of all 

that I see, that the interests of the prince and the country are now the same.' 

[Introduction to the character of Van Beuning\; the error 
committed by the town of Amsterdam. 

* Mr. Van Beuning has appeared so oft in all the courts 
of Europe, and has been so long in England, that his character 
is much known. ** He bore a great stroke in the affairs of 
Amsterdam for many years ^ ; but before I speak of him, I will 
give some account of the interests and maxims of that great city, 
where the security of harbour and its being so uneasily come 
at has brought together an infinite wealth, which is generally 

• Cf. Hist. i. 330. »> Ibid, infra. 

* See p. 383, infra. 


1652-6] Harl MSS. 6584, ^ 140 (a)-i4i (a) 199 

accompanied with much city pride, which is one of the haugh- 
tiest and most ungovernable things that can be imagined. It 
was their adhering so long to the Spanish interest in the first 
formation of the States that had almost crushed them in their 
first beginning. Since that time, as the vast disproportion of 
their wealth to all the other towns must needs give them 
a great share in the counsels, so their want of men who have 
studied or travelled enough to be statesmen, and whose views 
are wide enough for government and that are not measured 
by the small regard to a present interest of saving of expetise, 
has been the cause of many great errors in the conduct of 
affairs, of which I will mention some. The West India 
company was one of the best stocks of Holland: they had 
sixty good ships, and had procured a good establishment in 
Brazil. All the towns of Holland had a considerable share in 
this, but because the ruin of this company was the raising the 
East India company, of which Amsterdam had the half, and 
was the depressing of many other towns, they would not 
concur in the preserving it when the Portuguese, upon their 
revolt from the Spanish yoke^ studied to recover Brazil and 
to drive the Dutch out of it ; so ■ the company, not being sup- 
ported by the States, fell to nothing^ and Brazil was abandoned 
in the year 1652, to the great prejudice of the States. After 
the peace of Munster the town of Amsterdam forced the States 
not only to an excessive diminution of their land forces, but 
to such a neglect of the fleet that many of their men-of-war 
were sold. After that, when the late king went to Scotland, 
though it was visibly the interest of Holland to keep England 
embroiled at that time, and not to sufler it to form hsclf into 
a commonwealth ; yet they pressed that which is upon all 
such occasions the worst counsel, which was a neutrality in 
that quarrel, whereas it is plain that they should have either 
entered into an alliance with the new commonwealth or they 
should have openly supported the king against it, whereas they 
did enough to provoke England, but not enough to depress or 
weaken it. And upon this occasion I call to mind a severe 

• Hist, L fl9i, 330. 

200 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1658 

passage that is in a letter of cardinal Mazarin's, of which 
Mr. Brisbane^ shewed me the copy. It was writ from 
Bayonne when he was concluding the peace of the Pyrenees, 
and addressed to Mr. Dehome. He tells him that he had 
held some conferences with the king of England and his 
ministers, for he had gone thither to get himself to be in- 
cluded in that peace. The cardinal writes that his ministers 
were a [/ 141 (*)] set of men who, if he had a kingdom, could 
well help him to lose it ; but he saw none of them that bad 
any views to help him to get it. Yet he adds that he was of 
opinion that it would be the interest of both crowns to concur 
in procuring his re-establishment^ for if England could once 
form itself into a commonwealth it would soon draw all the 
trade and the wealth of the world to it, and therefore it was 
the interest of the crowns to take care to hinder that ; and it 
seems he thought there would be no great danger of that if 
the king were put in possession. And according to this 
maxim it was the interest of the States above all others to 
hinder the forming of the commonwealth of England. But 
now I return to the errors that the managery of Amsterdam 
has made the States commit. 

[Error with regard to Munster.l 

Cf. Hist. L 2a I, 'When the bishop ... up to the States/ omiiiing reftrtnc* 
to Wtstphalia^ and adding * so this was brought under debate * ; then reveri io 
p. 330, *' It was then demonstrated . . . many millions.' 

For * in Westphalia ' rtad * if they should happen to need them.* 

[Error with regard to the barrier^ 

Cf. Hist. i. 331 (* Another error . . . Amsterdam made to it *). 
-Ow. * as Halewyn ^ . . . Holland over.' 
Om, ' and have become . . . conduct.* 

After * made to it * add * though the advantages of this to the States are too 
visible that they need to be insisted on.* 

Error with regard to the English alliance. 

And in [i6]73 ^^^^ haste to make a peace with England 
on any terms made that they would not insist on de- 
manding a ratification from the parliament of England, which 
had been a thing often practised in the alliances that were 

* See ante^ note 2, p. no. ^ See Mr. Airy*s note a in loco. 

1673] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 141 (a)-i42 (a) 201 

made between the crown of England and the house of Bur- 
gundy. This was much desired by all in England that wished 
well to the States, for if the king had been held to that of pro- 
curing a ratification from the parliament, so that the session 
of parliament had been continued a little longer, they had 
engaged him much further, and would have carried the king 
not only to a peace with the Dutch, but to an alliance with 
them against France. And after the peace of Nimeguen, when 
the court of England proposed a new alliance with the States, 
it was then moved that a ratification in parliament should be 
demanded, but those of Amsterdam would not concur in urging 
it. It must be confessed that the States had the more reason 
to insist on this, since the attempt made on the Smyrna fleet ^ 
had shewn them how little reason they had to depend on the 
king's word. It would have indeed been a great diminution 
to the king, and would have shewn too plain a distrust of him, 
since [though]the parliament did confirm our treaties anciently, 
yet it is near 200 years since the practice was discontinued ; 
but if a king will break his faith, it is [/. 142 {a)] no wonder if 
his neighbours ask a greater security than his own word. • But 
after all this it does not appear that those of Amsterdam have 
the ambition of making themselves the Rome or Venice of 
the country*. They do not seem to have such an elevated 
ambition ; and during De Witt*s government, when several of 
the towns of the smallest interests and that had the fewest good 
heads among them were for diminishing the authority of the 
courts of the Hague, ^ they of Amsterdam were not at all guilty 
of it **, though the depressing of those courts is the readiest way 
to make them the Venice of all the provinces. But I now 
return from all this digression to Van Beuning*s character. 

Van BeufUnffs character; [conclusion of fourth crisis], 

® He has great notions and talks perpetually. He can never 
be convinced by others, because he hears nobody speak but 
himself ; but at the same time there appears too much levity 

• Cf. Hist, i. aai. ^ Ibid, « Ibid, 330. 

* See Hist, i. 307. 

202 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1685 

in all his own thoughts. He has changed so often, and failed 
in so many of his promises, that either it flows from a great 
inconstancy of temper or [a] falsehood in his nature ; though 
I believe it flows rather from the former*; but by this he is 
become now as much despised as he was once esteemed by his 
countrymen. I will go no further in the character of men in 
Holland, but will now return to the thread of my history, from 
which I have wandered so long upon the occasion that the 
fourth crisis that befell the protestant religion gave, which was 
when the king of France was at Utrecht, and that was so 
happily dissipated by the exaltation of the prince of Orange. 

T/ie fifth crisis of the protestant religion; [Ruvignys erratid; 

persecution in France], 

I go next to the fifth, under which we are at present. The 
court of France was not sure which way the king of England 
would turn him, with relation to the affairs of Europe. Upon 
which I will set down a great secret. Mr. de Ruvigny had 
been, as was told, in England for many years during the war, 
and no doubt he bad got all possible engagement from the 
king, while he was duke, to be always true to the interests of 
France ; he had also penetrated so far into the duke's thoughts 
that it was believed no man knew him better than he did. So 
the king of France intended to send him over ; but he, who 
at 82 years of age was the closest man in Europe, resolved 
to manage this so artificially that the true design of his 
journey could not at all appear. * He writ to his niece the 
lady Russell, and told her that, he having writ a letter of 
congratulation to the king upon his coming to the crown, he 
had received so obliging an answer that he saw the king 
desired an occasion of shewing his kindness to him, and there- 
fore he intended to come over in person to beg of him the 
restitution of her son to his father's honour. « Halifax presently 
took the thing right, that this was only a blind art ^ ; to come 
over in person at that age and to ask a favour that required 
no haste was such an extravagant piece of friendliness that 

• Hist. I 330. «» Ibid. 657. • Ibid. 658. 

i685] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 142 (a)-i42 {b) 203 

he was persuaded there was a mystery in it. So I being 
then going over, • the answer was referred to me. I pressed 
Mr. de Ruvigny not to think of it ; I told him that in such 
a matter as her husband's life his niece had indeed begged 
of him to undertake the journey, but that a title for her son 
was too inconsiderable a thing for her to venture a life that 
was so dear to her in order to the obtaining it. I pressed 
this often on him, but found him always so fixed on it that 
it was easy to discern there was somewhat under it [/. 14a {b)\ 
I knew he had an audience of the king of France of above 
two hours before he went away, and in England he had some 
ver>' long audiences of the king. But though all the voyage 
passed on the account of the lady Russell's son, yet a general 
promise, without specifying the time when, was all that could 
be obtained ; upon which nothing has followed since that time. 
So that the true secret of the matter was his searching into 
the king's designs ^ ; and immediately upon the assurances 
that the king of France received of his adhering firmly to his 
interests^ he went to finish that great design which he had 
been carrying on so vigorously for several years, but which 
was not yet ready to be finished, if the affairs of England had 
not seemed to offer so promising a conjuncture. ^ For several 
months the dragoons had orders to go tlirough B^arn and 
Languedoc, and to live upon free quarters on those of the 
Religion ^ committing all possible insolencies, till they should 
force them to abjure their religion. This was so violent and 
so unlooked-for a method that the surprise of it, as well as 
the rages that the dragoons broke out into everywhere, ^^had 
a terrible effect on all ; [the] people, some few generous con- 
fessors only excepted, complied. The court, animated by this 
success ^, and set on always by the assurances that they had 
from England, gave now the last blow and ^repealed the edict 
of Nantes, that had passed with so much solemnities that it 
was made a perpetual and irrevocable edict **, that the king had 

• Cf. Hist. i. 658. » Ibid. « Ibid. * Ibid. 659. 

* The revised version of this inci- doubt obtained, ader the Revolution^ 
dent, given in the History, was no from the Ruvigny*s themselves. 

2o6 Burnetts Original Memoirs [i6% 

a breach comes he will have this advantage in the dispute, 
that he can say he sacrificed his own concerns [/. 143 (*)] 
and made no complaints (but to the king himself) upon his 
abandoning him in his own particular. The king seemed to 
resent the thing, and • ordered his envoy at Paris to give in 
a memorial complaining of the invasion of Orange •, to which 
the answer that was given was that the French ambassador 
had orders to satisfy the king; but no satisfactory answer 
being made, the envoy had orders to put in ^a second 
memorial, which was conceived in very high terms ^ and 
setting forth the importance of the invasion contrary to 
the peace of Nimeguen, which the French king was at so 
much pains to procure ; and of which the king of England 
was guarantee, besides the near relation that was between 
him and the prince of Orange. This was like a memorial 
preparatory to a denouncing of war ; but all the answer that 
was obtained was that the king of France had taken his 
measures in that matter which he could not alter, and with 
this the king of England was satisfied, and upon it ^ writ to 
his daughter that he could do no more in that matter, unless 
he could make a war upon it ; and he did not think it of that 
importance ^ 'And thus, after two threatening memorials, 
he quitted this matter so poorly that he laid himself open 
cither to the suspicions of having consented to it at first, which 
was indeed a betraying of his son-in-law, or of a strange 
lowness of spirit in submitting to whatsoever France should 
impose upon him, which was an open declaration for the 
French interests as well as a partial injustice [query * parti- 
cular injury or injustice ' ?] to the prince. 

\The king*s parsimonious treatment of the princess,} 
He committed another great error with relation to the 
prince; his brother had settled on him and his posterity 
for ever an estate that was now above ;£"! 20,000 sterling a 
year ; and if one brother took such care of another, it might 
have been expected that a father would not be less kind to 
his own children, but that he should have divided the estate 

• Cf. Hist, i. 663. fc Ibid, • Ibid, 

i6?5] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff, 143 (a)-i44 (a) 207 

that he had as duke of York between his two daughters. 
•Yet as he never set off any appanage for the princess of 
Orange % so the princess of Denmark has but thirty thousand 
pounds a year, which is so exhausted by a great establishment 
that she is really extreme poor for one of her rank. If the 
king had settled good appointments for the princess of 
Orange, as the kindness of it must have made some im- 
pression, so ^ it would have given the nation a great jealousy 
of the prince, as if the king and he had still understood one 
another ; whereas the king looking on and seeing him robbed, 
and assigning him nothing for supporting the princess's 
dignity with more lustre, was an open declaration to the 
world that the king had no regard to him**; which was 
the worst of all the maxims that a king who was not like 
to retain the affections of his people long could possibly take 
up. For this naturally leads all his subjects to look to the 
rising sun ; and animated them with much more spirit than 
they could have ever had, if the king had managed the prince 
more artificially. 

[Effect of the persecution on English opinion^ 

^ But to return to the parliament of England. The French 
refugees were coming over in great multitudes for a month 
together before the parliament met ; which tended not a little 
to alarm the nation c, and both to let them see what a standing 
army was, and what account was to be made of all the oaths 
and promises of a prince of the Roman religion, how soon 
they were broken, and ^ how much violence and cruelty was 
to be expected as soon as it should have [/. 144 {a)\ the 
upper hand : these were sensible arguments that could neither 
be denied nor resisted. 

A session of parliament. 

Cf. Hist, i. 664 (Jrom * When it was opened * to p. 667, * dissolved the 
parliament *). 

Om, * how happy . . . appeared ' and * for all . . . security/ 
AfUr 'commission* add * who had not taken the tests.* 
Om, ' He told them . . . promised.* 

• Cf. Hist i. 690. * Ibid. • Ihid, 663-4. «» Ibid. 664. 

2o8 • Burnet's Original Memoirs [1695 

For ^ pressed by the courtiers ' read ^ understood by some.' 

Om. 'The lord Guilford . . . original in everything* (Jor this see supra, p. 169). 

After < told ' add ^ [by] those who had procured the thanks only as a matter of 

Om. 'with indignation . . . reason for it/ 

Om. ' above all . . . incapacity * and " the government . . . absolute * and ' that 
how furiously . . . tyrant, yet' 

For ' But as the scene . . . important ' read *■ In the house of commons they 
proceeded in the same method.* 

Om. ' But to oppose . . . rebellion/ 

Om. * whereas others . . . court/ 

Om. ' The reasoning . . . him and them/ 

For ' So the whole house . . . vote for an ' read ' And to this the whole house 
went in so unanimously that the court would [/ 144 (6)] not make a division, 
fearing that by this the weakness of their party should be too sensibly dis« 
covered ; so it was carried to make an/ 

Om. * and were ready . . . give.' 

For ' one Cook said ' read ' one Cook studied to inflame them by telling them.' 

For ' And now those ... it was probable, they ' read ' which were so laid 
open, that though it was the interest of the greatest part of the house to 
maintain them, yet they were resolved to.' 

Om. ' By this means . . . voted out/ 

For * unless he would . . . place. So ' read * so within a few days.* 

For ' had served . . . zeal ' read ' were formerly most in favour, [and] had done 
him the best services in adhering most steadily to him.' 

Om. ' upon which . . . tossed about/ and 'others, though . . . steady.' 

[Reflections on the dissolution.] 

[This] was much such a stroke in politics as his brother s 
dissolving the Long Parliament ^ had been. The surprises and 
violences used in the election of this had brought tc^ether 
such a pack of men that * it was scarce possible to name five 
hundred worse men in all England than they were. And when 
men so weak, so poor, so devoted to the court •, so void of all 
religion as they were, could not be brought to agjree with the 
court, it was not probable that the king should succeed so 
well in any new choice that could be made. 

Lord Brandon tried. 

Soon after the parliament was dissolved two famous trials 
were brought on : the one was of the lord Brandon's, ** who 
was convicted by the testimony of the lord Grey ^ and Rumsey, 

' Cf. Hist. i. 667. »» Ibid. 646. 

^ i. e. the parliament which sat from 1661 to 1678. 

1685-6] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 144 (a)-i45 (*) 209 

* with some others •, to Have been in those consultations that 
the duke of Monmouth had two years ago ; but he had kissed 
the king's hand, all that was past had been [/. 145 (a)] 
forgiven him, and he had not at all meddled in this late 
business ; so, though ^ he was condemned ^ and that for a 
great while it was doubted whether he should be pardoned 
or not, yet the court found that the nation was weary of the 
many executions it had seen ; he had his pardon, but was kept 
long in prison after that ^. • 

The lord Delamere's trial, 

Cf. Hisi, i. 668 {from * Soon after the prorogation ' to end of page). 

Om, * that he had designed . . . Monmouth.' 

Om. ' The witness, to gain . . . destroyed the evidence.' 

For < pursuant . . . violent declamation* read 'made a very ill use of his 

After * acquit the lord ' atld ' and the witness was attainted of perjuiy and 
both set in the pillory and whipped.' 

. [Tke law officers changed; the Hales trial J\ 

Cf. Hist, i. 669-71 {to ' cause of course'). 

Otft, < So that trial ... for it,' and h^n * [Finch] had opposed the court in the 
business of the test in the house of commons {see p. 668], and was continued,' ^% 

Onu 'and he acted . . . vehemence' a^td 'who was . . . ill-natured man.* 

For * Now jthe posts . • . year began ' read ' And now the judges began to be 
examined, that so they might by a judgement declare in favour of the king's 
power of dispensing with the law.' 

Om. ' a gentleman . • . concerned. He' ; ' and to claim . . . turned out ' ; ' and 
others of more pliable . . . scandal ' ; ' and feeble.' 

Om, {at this point) 'There was a new chief justice ... on deagn to expose 
and betray it.* 

[/ >45 (^)] After 'dispense with them' add 'And whereas an act of parlia- 
ment was alleged, it was shewed [that].* 

For ' it was said . . . town ' read ' it was to be [said].' 

Om, ' both constituted and.' 

For ' laws, made . . . dispensed with ' read ' all penal laws, which were the 
security of the people as well as the crown, [especially] the act for the test.' 

For ' but to the informer . . . because his ' read ' but one part went to the 
informer and another to other uses.' 

Om, ' and take away property.' 

Ofn, ' for the intention . . . law.' 

For ' should be made so precarious a thing * read * should be thus dissolved by 
a decision of the judges.' 

• Cf. Hist, i. 646. ♦» Ibid 

' The History ascribes his reprieve to a stipulation made by Lord Grey. 


2IO Burfiet*s Original Memoirs [1686 

Om. * It was said, that, though this was now*. . . mouths were uow filled.* 
For *even by the strongest . . . cause of course' rtad 'arguments; nor 
indeed were these alleged with that force that will be perhaps made use of when 
these judges come to be tried for this decision; which they all (one only 
excepted) gave as frankly as if it had been a matter of no sort of difficulty ; 
though the same grounds upon which this sentence was founded will . bear 
A much more extended one, and give the king an absolute disposal of the life 
and properties of all his subjects [cf. Hist, i. 671, supra]. And now the books 
of policy writ by some of our clergy concerning the imperial crown were turned 
upon them/ 

[Character of the chief justice; conduct of his brother ; views 
of the papists; the king proselytizes^ 

•The chief justice at this time was sir Edward Herbert*, son 
to the lord keeper Herbert and ^ brother to admiral Herbert, 
who has shewed much greater sense both of law and religion 
by leaving all his employments rather than promise to give 
his vote in parliament for that which his brother did now 
destroy in a much more irregular manner. ®Yet the chief 
justice is a virtuous man of an obliging temper and a true 
protestant ; but he has very high [/. 146 (/?)] principles 
concerning the prerogative, and is very ignorant in the law. 
* Upon the decision many papists were brought into employ- 
ments ^ ; yet some of them that have great estates do still avoid 
them, for they know that they may be brought to a severe 
reckoning for that in another reign. The king declared himself 
now highly zealous for his religion, and great pains were taken 
to make many converts. 

[The controversial war.] 

Cf. //w/. i. 673 (^* And upon that there followed . . . books'), where add * upon 
the point of controversy * ; then proceed to p. 674, ' There were but very few prose- 
lytes . . . church of Rome' ; then revert to p. 673, and for * Many of the clergy 
acted . . . They examined ' read ' Upon this the English clergy began to declare 
highly against the church of Rome, and both in their sermons and writings they 
managed * ; and for ' The truth is ' to end of paragraph read ^ So that it was 
scarce possible to be so partial but that upon the reading of the books of both 
sides, every one must acknowledge, that, of which side soever the truth lies, yet 
there is a dull flatness in the one, and a life and beauty in the other, which 
gives a strange [strong?] prejudice for the cause that is so well defended/ Then 
return to p. 674 \* The popish priests . . . contempt*), and for *made by the 
clergy . . . despised ' trad ' and at the advantages that all the nation observed in 
the books that were writ against them.* 

* Cf. //»/. i. 669. »• Ibid. 671. c Ibid. 669. «» Ibid, 67a. 

1686] Harl MSS. 6584, J. 145 (A) -146 (b) 211 

[Dr. Sharp in trouble^ 

Cf. Hist, i. 674-5 {to * for contempt *). 

Be/ore ^ It was resolved ' fif5»r/ ' And becaasc some in their sermons pressed 
these matters home.* 

Om, * was the rector , . . zeal. He.' 

Om, <as he believed* ^md < touched by him . . . sermons' antl * not knowing 
. . . answer' and 'and, after . . . concluded.' 

Ont. 'as he himself assured me.' 

Om, ' immediately . • , matter.' 
• Om, ' yet, he said, he would . • . better understood.' 

For * Sharp went to court . . . read it ' nod ' yet he did all he could do ; for 
he advised Sharp to give over preaching for some time, and to go to court to 
justify himself.' 

[/. 146 (6)] /or' yet he was let . . .' contempt ' nM</ ' Upon this the king, who 
had for a great while looked upon the bishop of London with a very ill eye, 
resolved to lay hold on this matter.* 

[An ecclesiastical commission set up.] 

Cf. Nisi, i. 675 ('Jeffreys . . . first sacrifice*). 

For ' to recommend himself . . . with full power ' read ' made a proposition 
that recovered him his favour. He said the king, as supreme head of the church, 
could erect a court that might take cognizance of all ecclesiastical matters ; and 
though the excess of the High Commission Court in king Charles the Fivt*s time 
had drawn a law upon them extinguishing that or any such court in all time to 
come (so that now the dtrgy were only liable to the court of the King's Bench, 
as all the rest of the subjects are, to be tried there according to law), yet it was 
resolved now to erect a new court,' 

For 'without limitations . . . proceedings' rvai/ 'The patent that constituted 
them gave them a full power clogged with no limitations.* 

For 'so contrary to law' read 'as contrary to law as it was to religion.' 

Om. ' for the^ would trust . . . management.' 

[Conduct of Sancro/t^.l 

Yet the authority of this court received a great blow in 
this, that ^ the archbishop of Canterbury refused to come and 
sit in it ; which though he did not do with that vigour that 
became his post in going to the court and declaring the 
reasons for which he oouid not come and^ [/• 219 (a)] sit 
among them*, yet still his refusing to act did very much 
derogate from the credit of this new court 

• C£ Hist, i. 676. 

^ The alterations in the correspond- which Burnet, after the Revolution, 
ing passage of the printed History give conceived for Sancroft. 
the first hint of the strong antipathy * At this point there is a lengthy 

P % 


Burnet's Original Memoirs 


[ Trial o/] the bishep of London ; \ke\ is suspended. 

Cf. Hisi, i. 676-7 {Jrom *The bishop of London was the first' to oid of 

Om, < was the first person that/ 

For 'He was attended . . . offence ; and* nod 'was accompanied with such 
numbers of his clergy and other persons of quality, that it seemed rather to 
shew the great interest he had in the nation than to lessen him in any manner/ 
{N,B, This occurs later on in thefotio.) 

For * that brutal . . . natural to him ' read * in his abuseful way, very rudely/ 

Om, * said, here . . . nothing ; so he.' 

Om. 'hoping that the king . • . fall, at last' and 'all secret methods . . . 

Om. ' poor spirited ' anj * There was not so much .... given.* 

[Character of the bishop of Durham.] 

This last, though * descended from a puritan family % and 
though the lord Crew, both father and son (his father and his 
brother), were two very worthy persons, yet he is in all 
respects a reproach to his birth and family ; he is a very weak 
man, ^ has no learning and less virtue, and is a fawning abject 
flatterft \ He was raised by the king's * favour in the former 
reign ; but he found quickly that he was an insignificant man ; 
he desired me in the time of his favour to go much to the 
bishop of Durham to make somewhat of him. I went once 
or twice, but I found him so excessively weak that I told the 
duke that nothing could be made of him, so I gave over 
all further commerce with him. He waits only for a fair 
opportunity to declare himself a papist ; for he has no religion 
at all. Yet when the business of the exclusion was on foot 
the earl of Essex assured me that they knew if it had come 
near an equal division that he would have voted for it. 

* Cf. Hist, i. 39a. 

^ Ibid, 39a, 676. 

hiatus in Transcript A ; no. 4 (in Dr. 
Giffbrd'sarrangement) ending abruptly 
at the middle of the sentence, half- 
way down f. 146 {b). In Transcript 
B, f. 218 {b\ there is also a break at 
•exactly the same word; but fortunately 
for us, there is no taatna ; the narra- 
tive being continued on C 219 (a) by 
the hand of a fresh copyist (see Introd. 

supra. We therefore give from this 
point forwards, till further notice, the 
rendering and foliation of this inferior 
version; which, as the reader will 
notice, has required much emendation. 
^ He apparenUy means by the 
favour of the actual king (James), while 
Duke of York ; see l^low, next sen- 


i686] HarL MSS. 6584, ff. 219 (a) -219 {U) 213 

The bishop of London is suspended, 

Cf. Hist, L 677 (* But the king . . . legality and justice of the sentence ';. 
For ^ But the king . . . point and ' nod < When the king found that he was like 
to be baffled in the business of the bishop of London, he/ dr*r. 

The princess of Orange intercedes for the bishop of London, 

but without success, 

[/. 219 {b)\ * While It was in dependence the princess of 
Orange writ earnestly to the king in his favours*. He had 
instructed her in her youth, ^ he had confirmed her and had 
married her ^ ; the matter for which he was accused was no 
great crime. ® Both the prince and princess writ to himself 
expressing the share they took in the trouble that was then 
given him. And the princess also writ to the king*': it was 
the first intercession* she had ever made in a thing of this 
consequence, and it deserved well she should begin with it. 
^ She was for some days in doubt whether she should write or 
not, fearing that instead of doing him service it might do 
him hurt ; yet she ventured on it. * But the king was not 
wrought on by her intercession, unless it were to write her an 
answer that was very sharp on the bishop of London, and not 
very obliging to herself. 

\Fate of the two divines^ 

Cf. Hist. i. 677 (/n>m * Dr. Sharp was admitted ' to p. 678, < Uiy still on him '). 

Btjbre * Dr. Sharp ' add ' Some months after this.' < 

Om. ' dismissed with a gentle reprimand and.' 

For * only the suspension lay still . . . eighty-seven * rtad * and so this matter 
stands to this day. The bishop does no act of jurisdiction ; but really his clergy 
depend more on him than ever' {with the substance of the sentence of p, 677, 
* His clergy • . . before,' in present tense^). 

[Reflections on the king's policy^ 
It was presently given out, upon the suspension of the 
bishop, [that] this new court would proceed to many high 
things, and all the clergy feared this was to be carried much 
further than has been done since that time ; for there have 
been but two matters of any consequence before them, in both 

■ Cf. Hist. i. 677. »» Ibid. • md. * Ibid. 692. • Wd. 677. 

^ For a strong letter of remonstrance < bishop in petitioning, see Life of 
against the course pursued by the Halifax, i. 479-3. 

214 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1686-7 

which *^they have shewed the weakness of the counsels by 
which they are governed. For whereas in all countries the 
rights of colleges are such sacred things that these are never 
disturbed* even when other things are broke in upon, and 
Oxford and Cambridge are two such vast bodies, in which the 
whole nation is so much concerned that one would have 
thought that these should have been the last of all to whom 
this new commission should have given any trouble, yet ^ they 
have begun just where they should have ended. 

[Nature of the attack on the universities, i. Cambridge,'] 

Cf. Hist. i. 697 {from *The Jesuits fancied * to p. 699, * greater effects'). 

Befort < The Jesuits ' insert ' Cambridge was first taken to task. It was re- 
solved to have a college in every one of the universities ; for.' 

[/ aao (a)] Om, * who were certainly too remiss;' 

For * which needed not ... to work ' read * [to do T] which both in Oxford and 
Cambridge would [not ?] have raised [the king's charge X] to above £soo a year.' 
{The words in brackets are conjectural ; the passage is evidently corrupt ; and the 
sums given in the MS. and History do not correspond,) 

For ^ or his priests . . . great bodies * read ' or his inclinations carr[y] him 
naturally to violent counsels.' 

Offf. ' Which yet would have made . . . rest.* 

Om, * which might occasion . . . contention among them.' 

[/. 9flo (b)"} Om, < He was treated . . . person of that body.* 

For ^ either of their weakness . . . talked so much about it ' read ^ of their 
weakness; for a prince ought never to begin a hard thing unless he is either 
sure of the justice of it, or that he is resolved to go through with it right or 
wrong; since nothing diminishes him more than the beginning such a thing and 
* then the letting it falL The beginning It shews his ill intentions, and the letting 
it fall his feebleness.' 

For ' And now all people . . . taken ' read * And in this I find that I took ' ; for 
* they thought ' read * I thought.' 

For ' that might attend them ' read * (for he himself does not see the con- 
sequences of many propositions that are made him).' 

After * by yielding to it * add * Yet I see in a great many instances that the 
power which his priests have over him i& such that they make him venture on 
nuuiy things which he quits a litUe too pooriy when he meets with a vigorous 

For 'lasted longer . . . effects* read 'has made more noise.* 

[Pre/ace to the attack on Oxford s ecclesicuticcd vacancies filled,'] 

^The bishop of Oxford and the learned bishop of Chester 
died both in a little time one of another, ^ as Dolben, archbishop 
of York, had died the year before. •Dolben was highly 

• Cf. Hist. i. 697. ^ Ilnd. • Ibid, 694. « 76«^ 676. • Ibid, 590. 

1686-7] Harl MSS. 6584, Jf. 219 (6)-22i (a) 215 

esteemed in the north, for he performed his office very 
worthily* and he had appeared in the parliament with great 
vigour, so that his death was a very considerable loss to the 
church. ^ Pearson, bishop of Chester, was the learnedest man 
of the age ; he was likewise a man of a very good life, and of 
a gentle, sweet temper; but though he reasoned very well 
of all things in general, yet he understood not the governing 
part of his function ; and was so [? too] easy ^ and credulous, 
and too much in the power of those whom he trusted, c The 
archbishopric of York is still vacant ^, and it is believed the 
revenue is sent over to cardinal Howard ; though others 
believe that the Jesuits have it put in their hands ; which is 
more credible than the other, for the king is wholly guided by 
their counsels in all matters that relate to religion. ^Cart- 
wright was made bishop of Chester, who is a man of parts, and 
had [/l 221 (aj] good beginnings of learning, but he is a most 
illi[beral]^ person, and a brutal, ill-natured man. He has 
valued himself now for many years upon his carrying the 
king's authority above all the restraints of law, which, according 
to his divinity, are only rules to which the king submits 
himself as long as he thinks fit ; but the divine authority that 
is lodged in him is above all law, and can warrant him to 
break through all them when he thinks fit to exert his 
authority to the full \ This is good for the present occasion, 
so it is no wonder, though it recommends him now at court. 
He is an exact flatterer, and though it is not likely that he, 
being a married man, will change his religion, yet ®he will 
contribute as vigorously to advance popery as if he were one 
of that religion. The other vacancy in Oxford was filled by 
Dr. Parker, who was at first an independent ; but on the king's 
restoration he found his account in changing and striking up 
to the violentest form of the church of England. *" He is a 

• Hist. I 590. »» Ibid, 694-5. « Ibid. 676. d Ibid 695. • Ibid. 
696. ' nfid 960. 

' The reading ofthe MS. ('illiterate') above; and 'illiberal* in the sense of 
seems incompatible with even the ' miserly ' seems the simplest emenda- 
'beginnings of learning' mentioned tion. 

2i6 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1686-7 

man that has no r^ard either to religion or virtue, * but will 
accommodate himself to everything that may gratify either 
his covetousness or his ambition. He has writ many books ; 
there is a liveliness in his style that is. more entertaining than 
either grave or correct *. He has raised the king's authority 
in ecclesiastical matters and depressed it by turns, as he was 
pleased or displeased with the court ; for though ^ once he 
carried the king's power to that height of impiety as to say in 
so many plain words that the form of naming the king in our 
prayers as under God and Christ our supreme governor in all 
causes was a cursed ^ and a profane expression (since he said 
that though the king was indeed under God, yet he was not 
under Christ, but above him), yet, not being preferred as he 
expected, he has writ many books to raise the power of the 
church to an independence on the civil authority. ^^His 
extravagant way of writing gave occasion to the wittiest books 
that have appeared in this age, for Mr. Marvell* undertook 
him and treated him in ridicule in the severest but pleasantest 
manner possible ^, and by this one character one may judge 
how pleasant these books were ; for the last king, that was 
not a great reader of books, read them over and over again. 
* These twin instruments, who were picked out of the body of 
the English clergy to betray and destroy it^ deserved not that 
a character should be given them, if it' had not been that they 
are likely to do things that may be remembered by posterity ; 
so that I thought it worth the while to dwell a little upon 
them, though I thought to have avoided it, for they are 
persons that have upon all occasions done me all the ill offices 
that were in their power. On my part, though I have no 
acquaintance [/. %%! (b)] with either of them, yet I look on 
them both as [such?] very ill men that I am perhaps so [? too] 
easily carried to say the worst of them that is possible ^. 

• Cf. Hist, I 696. ^ Ibid. « KM. 960. ^ Ibid, 696. 

^ The History reads ' crude. ' that an insinuation against Sancroft was 

* In the ^i^ft>i>f < the liveliest,' &c. subsequently inserted in the narra- 
' Here again the reader will notice tive. 


1687] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 221 (a) 222 {b) 217 

{Attacks on Christ Church and Afagdalefi College^ 

Cf. Hist, i. 696-7 (' The deanery . . . into their Unds '). 

Begin * But though Parker ^ was made bishop of Oxford, yet.' 

Om, *Massey.' 

For *• not long after this* read * a year after this/ 

For *■ That is esteemed . . . wonder that * read * so that being the second place 
of importance in the university.' 

Next proceed from Hist, i. 699 ('The presidentship of Magdalen') to p. 701 
('And all the temporalities of the church'). 

After ' of Magdalen was ' insert * not simply at the king's gift as the deanery of 
Christ's Church was, but.' 

Om, * Mandamus letters . . . such a letter.' 

For * so that matter . . . settled ' read ' for the endowment having been given 
by one of his predecessors, the college was .tied to a great dependence upon 
that sec.' 

For ' It was said . . . pleasure ' read ' for though the king's recommendation 
did not so bind them that it was a punishable thing to disobey it, yet that respect 
had always been paid to it, that colleges did not proceed to flections till they 
had so represented the matter to the court, that t>y the intercession of their 
chancellor the mandamus was withdrawn. And.' 

For 'and was declining . . . country' read 'and this was a point too big for 
any man's credit ; so it was resolved to carry the matter very fair.' 

Om, ' both in their addresses . . . uncontrollable t3rranny.' 

[/ aaa (a)] Afler ' contempt of it * insert * and therefore.' 

For 'that the design . . . papist' read 'that the proceedings might have 
some colour as if the point that was carried on had not been so much a matter of 
religion as of maintaining the king's authority.' 

After ' in some court of law ' read ' For a statute passed by the commissioners 
was not [of] strength enough to divest a man of his freehold ; and.' 

Ow. ' in the year 1687 *.' 

For ' ill-suited to ' read ' that shewed more the heat of an impotent passion 

Om, ' though with a humility . . . mollified him.' 

Om. 'as sir Charles Hedges . . . matter.' 

For 'acted . . . manner' read 'behaved himself on this occaskm with that 
obsequious servility ' ; andftnr ' to the king's pleasure ' read ' to his interest' 

For ' were all turned out ' read ' are now all turned out' 

For ' So it was expected . . . that house ' read [/, aaa (&)] ' So that that house 
will be in a very little time very probably.' 

For 'The nation ... It was thought an open* read ' It is said that Hough 
intends to plead his rights in the court[s] of justice against this.* 

For 'when men' read* (or it can be esteemed no other in law. Upon this, 
and the decision that the court[s] in Westminster give in, the whole legal settle- 
ment of the church of England will depend; for if commissioners'; and /or 

^ An ostensible ProtesUnt this passage therefore was written 

' It took place in September, 1687 ; towards the dose.of that year. 

2i8 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1687 

'came* wid 'turned' reati 'can come' and 'turn'; and after 'freehold* nad 
' then the present constitution will subsist only upon the king's pleasure.' 

After ' making' insert ' both in his private discourse and in his public declara- 
tions,* and <mt. * for this struck . . . temporalities of the church/ 

[TAe kin^s advances to (he dissenters,^ 

But I turn next to open a new scene of politics, by which, 
as it has appeared on the one hand that the king has not that 
steady firmness to which he has pretended^ so he has dis- 
covered great weakness in it. In England, as the main body 
of the nation was that of the church of England, so there 
were great numbers of dissenters that were * formed into four 
bodies ; presbyterians, the independents, the anabaptists, and 
the Quakers. The two former, not [maintaining ?] ^ the usual 
distinction of different [rites?] ^, and their depressed estate keep- 
ing them froQi the dispute of the constitution of the church, 
upon which they had broke in the year 1645, were generally 
considered as one body, and made above two-thirds of the 
dissenters •. They were not numerous in the country or in the 
small towns, but their interest lay chiefly in the great towns. 
^ The anabaptists and quakers were not very numerous, but 
they were more united ; the former [were] men of great virtue 
and of a universal charity ; and the latter had so many little 
distinctions in their whole deportment that they were every- 
where known '' ; they lived in great simplicity and equality 
among themselves so, and [and so?] were all as one man. 
<» Among them William Penn, son* to the vice-admiral, had 
great credit. He is a man of good parts, but extremely 
vain ; he loves mightily to hear himself talk « ; he has 
a flourishing of learning, and with it a copious fancy; and 
his head is much turned to the notion of government. ^ He 
has been long and much in the king's confidence, which has 
brought great suspicion as if he were secretly a papist ^ ; but 
I have known him long, and I think myself bound to acquit 
him as far as one man can judge of another. He has pro- 
tested to me that the foundation of the king's kindness to 

• Hi9t i. 701, m/m. ^ Ibid. 70a. « Ibid, 693, 70a. * Ibid. 693-4. 
' The MS. reads « notwithstanding.' • The MS. reads ' rules.' 

1687] HarL MSS. 6584, Jf. 222 (6)-223 (a) 219 

him was the sense that he retained [/. 223 (a)] of some 
services that his father^ did him when he went to sea in 
[i6]65, and from whom'-he learned much as to naval affairs. 
Penn has been likewise a zealous promoter of liberty of 
conscience, which was all that the popish party thought fit 
to pretend to at first ; and since he was considered as a man 
that had the conduct' of the whole party of the quakers, and 
had likewise great credit with some of the leaders of the 
other sects, the king made great use of him, and seemed to 
depend much on his advice. * So a design was laid for inviting 
all the nonconformists to join interests with the papists for 
perceiving [? procuring] a general liberty to be established with 
all the solemnities of a perpetual law, as the Magna Charta 
had been ; by which not only all penal laws in the matters 
of religion should be for ever repealed, but public employ- 
ments should be opened to men of all persuasions without 
requiring any tests or oaths of them* relating to opinions 
in matter of religion ^. ' And this was thought so plausible 
a thing at court that they did not doubt but their offer of 
liberty of conscience would take the effect that they desired ; 
^ though it was somewhat unnatural to the king \ who had 
made the presbyterians the chief subject of his anger and 
raillery for his whole life, to turn all of a sudden and become 
so very tender of them. ^ Nor was it very likely that a body 
of men who had broke with the church of England for some 
small approaches to popery in a few ceremonies should go 
into a design that would naturally carry us to popery ^ and 
they that had been always so jealous of the extent of the 
prerogative must have very much changed their nature before 
they could be brought to concur with the designs of the 
court, which were become now very visible. Yet here was 
a new game to be played. The king saw that nothing could 
be done with the men of the church of England and the old 

• Hist. I 709. ^ Ibid. • IM. 

* For Admiral Sir William Penn ' This was the scheme against 

see his Mtmoriais by G[ranville] which Halifax directed his Anatomy 
P[enn]. of an Equivalent. 

220 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1687 

royalists; and resolved to turn himself to gain the favour 

of a party that had been so long despised and ill-used 

by him. 

[Finntuss of (he nobility, "l 

""AH the nobility was tried if they could be engaged to 
change their religion '^, so that popery might begin to make 
a better figure in the nation. ^The firmness the duke of 
Norfolk, the earl of Shrewsbury, and the lord Lumley 
shewed surprised many. They had changed their religion ^ 
during the late heats that had been against popery ^, so that 
it was generally believed that they would be the first that 
would return ; but they, on the contrary, declared that they 
had forsaken popery upon a full intention not to return, and 
that the court might endeavour to make [/. 223 {b)] them change 
their religion, but without effect ; and that, as they had been 
the last that had left it, so they would be the last that should 
return to it. ®The earl of Mu[l]grave, that was made lord 
chamberlain, and was believed so 'compliant that, having 
little or no religion of his own, he might the more easily 
accommodate himself to the king['s], made a lively answer to 
the priest that [came] to instruct him. He said he had with 
a great deal of difficulty brought himself to believe that God 
had made man ; but it would be much harder to bring him 
to think that man was equal with God and that he made 
God ®. The salt that was in this expression made it go far, and 
be in all people's mouths ; and th£re are times in which an 
apt answer has a greater effect than volumes of controversies, 
for every one understands and remembers it. 

[Lord Rochester is tempted; his former services in mobilizing the fleet; 
object of this move; our cause of quarrel against the States^ 

''But the business of the earl of Rochester made more noise ^. 
He was become extreme insolent, and so was much hated ; 
yet he had established himself so well in thie king's favour • by 

• Cf. Hist. i. 683. «' Ibid, 684, 76a, 763. « Ilnd. 683. <« IM. 684. 
• Und, 684 and 685. ^ 

* Cf. the account of Norfolk and Shrewsbury given (with Dartmouth's note) 
in HisU L 76a. 

16^7] Harl MSS. 6584, Jf. 223 (ay 224 (a) 221 

his borrowing ;^400,ooo upon a [? the] credit or [? of ] some 
branches of the revenue * that both he and his brother seemed 
to be confirmed in their employments. ^The use for which 
that money was raised was for putting the fleet in a [good ?] 
condition ; for both the several stores were unfurnished and the 
vessels themselves were in a decay ; and the king gave orders 
to put the whole fleet in a condition to go to sea. This made 
noise all Europe over, since the king was in full peace with all 
his neighbours, so that his preparations seemed to have some 
great design under them ; and the priests said everywhere, but 
chiefly in Rome, that the designs were against the States, and 
that both France and England would make war upon them all 
of a sudden, for it was generally [known] that the Dutch fleet 
was in no good condition. In this both the interest of France 
and that of the priests concurred ; for as they had the prospect 
of an advantageous war against the Dutch, so the embroiling 
the king with the prince of Orange was the main point that 
France drove at ; since that quarrel might probably have 
such effects that if the war proved successful, the king might 
have been carried to set on a new [expedient ? or exclusion ?']*». 
The pretence the king had for a war was the business of 
Bantam, in which there was a great deal to be said on both 
hands ^. The old king of Bantam had resigned his crown to 
his son, who was acknowledged king by the king of England 
[/. 224 (a)], for he received an embassy from him. This young 
king happened to fall into the hands of some that were 
governed by the Du[tch] ^ of Batavia ; so that the English 
b^[an to fear that he would use them ill. Now our company 
had hopes of making themselves more considerable by this 
means, and that he would have sold Bantam or some other 
place to them to be fortified by them. They had also some 
prospect of getting into the trade of Japan by his [?this] means; 
and the old king had been always so much in their interests that 

• Cf. Hist. i. 684 and 685. ^ Ibid. 685-6. 

'Conjectural emendation of 'ex- afiair from the Dutch standpoint^uoted 
pedition.' • in Story's CarstarrSj pp. iia-3. 

' There is a curious account of this ' The MS. reads < Duke.' 

222 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1687 

they hoped to have met with the same favour from his son. 
But finding that they were mistaken, and that the practices 
and presents of the Dutch were like to be too hard for them, 
they set on the old king to come and reassume the govern- 
ment, and promised to assist him effectually ; and the son 
having failed in some things to [his] ^ father, this was the 
more easily effected. So the old king came to Bantam, being 
assisted by the English ; he drave out his son, but the Dutch 
being much more powerful than the English they put the 
young king again into possession, who was no sooner at 
Bantam than he drove out all the English, pretending that 
they had rebelled against him whom they had acknowledged 
for the lawful king of that place. No doubt the Dutch set 
on this, for the footing that the English had got in Bantam 
had been long very uneasy to them ; so it was not doubted 
but that underhand they had engaged the king of Bantam to 
banish the English. Yet it went as his own act, in which 
the Dutch seemed to have no other share but that they 
acted as auxiliaries to the young king. And when he had 
banished the English they offered them harbour, and carried 
away both their effects and their persons to Batavia till 
English ships came to carry them elsewhere. And they pre- 
tended to have acted in this matter as good and friendly 
neighbours. So that though it was sure enough that they 
had procured the banishment of the English out of Bantam, 
yet they had done it in such a manner that it was hard to 
make it appear, or to found a breach or a war upon it ; unless 
it were resolved to follow the pattern of [16] 72. But this h^ 
drawn on a long negotiation between the companies, which 
is still in dependence and is so kept up by the king that it is 
plain he intends [/. 224 {b)\ to make a quarrel of it as soon as 
his affairs put him in a condition to begin a war. The French 
were at the same time making preparation at Toulon, and it 
was generally believed also [that ?] the two kings were resolved 
again to fall upon the States. I do not yet certainly know 

» The MS. reads 'this.' 

1687] Harl. MSS. ff. 6584, 224 (a)-224 {b) 223 

whether the king ever intended it ; it is generally believed he 
did, and that he spake to some of the sea officers concerning 
it, but the answer was melancholy ; for Herbert and some 
others told him that the seamen were generally so ill-affected 
that there was no tnist[ing] them in a case in which they 
might believe that religion was concerned ; for they who sailed 
up and down the world, and so knew more of that religion 
than the rest of the people of England did, had so g^eat an 
aversion to popery that there might be reason enough to fear 
a revolt of the whole fleet, which is very easily done by sea- 
men when they are unanimous. Whether this diverted the 
king, or if the concurrence of other things mixed with it, I 
do not know ; but after a very vigorous preparation of the fleet 
all was let fall of the sudden. But these discourses had a 
very good eflect in -Holland, and made the States reflect so 
seriously on the condition in which their fleet was, that ' they 
consented to the new levying of the 2oo[th] penny ', by which 
their fleet is like to be put in so good a case that they will 
be no more in danger of being surprised. I made all this 
digression upon the mention of the money that the earl of 
Rochester borrowed [for] setting forward the king's prepa- 
rations. He upon that reckoned himself very sure in the 
king's favour. Yet he was soon after surprised with ^ an in* 
formation that was brought him that he was to be turned out 
of the treasury ; upon which his enemies say that his lady 
let some words fall to the queen intimating that he was tract- 
able in matters of religion. ® So the king spoke to him of it 
and proposed it to him, the suflering himself to be instructed ; 
he desired a conference % and it was appointed that it should 
be in the king's presence. ^ All conferences are thought to be 
intended only to give the party to which one is resolved to 
go over a greater tdumph ^, as if the change had been an eflect 
of the victory that was gained ; this was also managed with 
all possible disadvantage on the side of our church, [since] ^ 

• Cf. Hist, i. 69a. »» Ibid. 684. ^ Ibtd. stipm, *» Ibid. 685. 

* The MS. reads 'sure.* 

224 Burftet's Original Memoirs [1687 

the king's presence was as great a restraint upon our divines, 
as it gave on the other hand great courage to his priests ; so 
Rochester [/ %%^ {d)\ was looked on as lost to us. The king did 
in this matter great honour to my two friends ^Tillotson and 
Stillingffleet,forhe excepted against them. So Rochester pitched 
on Jane and Patrick* ; on the other side their [? there were] two 
priests, whose names I have forgot ^, to manage the debate. 
This dispute was not at all to the advantage of the priests, 
for ^ Rochester himself answered all the priests proposed, and 
treated them with so much neglect, that he would scarce suffer 
the doctors to speak; for he said he found himself strong 
enough against all that was offered to him, so that he needed 
not. the assistance of the divines. ^ Rochester's enemies say 
that he was to be turned out whether he changed or not *^, so 
he chose rather to go out with [the] honour of being dis- 
graced for his religion than to be turned out afler the infamy 
of giving it up to preserve his white stafT. ^ The king broke 
up the conference decently enough, but charged all parties to 
make no noise of what had passed in it \ So I do not know 
the particulars of it ; yet the conclusion of it was, that 
Rochester stood firm. And a few days afler, •the treasury 
was put in commission and Rochester was dismissed with 
a great pension ^. The king said that he had resolved long 
before the conference to put the treasury in commission ; 
so the pains that was taken to make him change, when his 
disgrace was resolved on before, was compared to the Italian's 
revenge, who having got his enemy in his power, made him 
first renounce God, and then murdered him, that so he might 
kill both soul and body. The king said he found the treasury 
was too great a post for one man, so he put it in commission. 
Others believed that this was set on by those that intended 
to carry the king to an exclusion. It could not be thought 
that Rochester could be engaged in that matter, and a 

• Cf. Hist i. 684. ^ Ibid. 685. « Ibid, supra. * Ibid, infra. * Ibid. 

" Leyburn and Godden ; sec Routh's note {Hisi. in Uko, and Bttnufs James II 
in loco). 

1687] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 224 (6)-225 (*) 225 

treasurer, who pays all the pensions of the court, naturally 
finds out all the secrets that are in it, and therefore he could 
not be trusted with such a post. 

[Changes in the government of Ireland.] 

Soon after this ' Clarendon was recalled out of Ireland and 
Tyrconnell was sent in his place. Porter was also turned out 
from being chancellor, and Fitton, an English papist that 
was not at all skilled in the law, succeeded him % which put all 
the protestants in Ireland under no small apprehensions. 

[Political position of Fitz-James.] 

All the papist party b^in to look on Fitz- James, that 
was the king's son by Mrs. Church[ill], as their chief hope^. 
The king sent him ^ for two campaigns into Hungary, to gain 
honour there. He is a soft good-natured youth, but either 
he or his governor took greater care of his person than of 
his honour; for notwithstanding all the occasions that the 
siege of Buda offered him of [distinguishing himself?] 
[/• ^^5 {b)\ yet he appeared in none of them ; nor did he 
so much as keep a table, but did eat always at other men's 
tables, though an allowance was given him by the king. Yet 
bis governor found it more convenient for himself to put it in 
bis own purse; and his brother is a Jesuit that is [in] the 
secret, so he knew that all things would be excused to one 
that had so sure protection. The queen declares herself 
wholly against Fitz-James, who is now made duke of Ber- 
wick ; and that^ [and ?] his own weaknesses are like to ®keep 
him from making any great figured 

[The kin^s first marriage questioned^ 

The priests also b^an to call in question the validity of the 
kill's first marriage with the duchess, but Dr. Crowder that 

• Cf. Hist. L 68a. «» Ibid. 749. • Ibid, 

^ See for this Macaulay, ed. 1858, Stoiy's Lift of CarstareSj p. 15a, note 

Hi. 64 (quoting Bonrepaux's despatch (quoting McCormick'sCars/atrsPdt^rs, 

of July ^, 1687) ; the Mardimont pp. 27-8, and Fountainhall, p. 849). 
Papers^ iii. 71-9 (letter of Jan. 1697) ; 


226 Burnet's Original Memoirs [X687 

married him being yet alive, Rochester got a new attestation 
of the marriage to be signed by him. Yet the French 
ambassador seemed once to fancy that he had good proof 
to invalidate the marriage. 

[Proposals of compromise rejected^ 

The ^yts of all England were now turned towards the 
princess of Orange, and the popish party having broken so 
many of the laws and caused themselves to lie under a hard 
fate if a revolution should happen before they can procure 
some abatement of the laws, or at least an indemnity for 
what they have done against law, began now to try what 
could be done for bringing matters to some agreement ; and, 
if some small mitigation of the rigour of the penal laws would 
have contented the court, many were brought to think that 
it might bcu a wise bai^ain to give the king somewhat in 
favour of his party, provided he would be contented with 
that; but, on the other hand, •the court resolved to have all 
or nothing*, and would not accept of the repeal of some of 
the penal laws unless all were taken away, and the tests also 

\The king and his anny.] 

The king tried unsuccessfully how far he might trust his 
army ; '^he brought it together into a camp both in [16] 86 and 
[i6]87 ; but the aversion to popery appeared as eminently 
amongst them as it did amongst all other ranks of people ; 
and though the king set up mass in it, yet so few went to 
it, and those who went were treated with so much scorn by 
the rest, that the king saw there was no trusting to them 
in that quarrel ; for the papists that were in the army were 
an unequal match to the rest, and the heats concerning 
religion put them so near a mutiny** that it soon appeared 
how far they would be from assisting the king if he should 
go about to change the religion. All these things concurred 

• Cf. Hisi. i. 694, 733. ^ Ibid, 703. 

1685-6] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 225 (6)-226 (a) 227 

to put the king upon this new project of balancing the 
[/. aa6 {a)\ church of England by setting up the dissenters 
against them. 

[Penn^s emdassy,] 

But before this was opened • Penn was sent over to Holland 
to try how the prince of Orange would resist the proposition. 
So he, who is a man of many words and much vanity in his 
discourse, had a long conversation with the prince ; ^ who 
answered him very frankly that he himself was as great an 
enemy to persecution upon the account of religion as any 
man could possibly be, and therefore he should be very glad 
to see such methods taken that none should be disturbed for 
his conscience ; but at the same time he showed as great an 
aversion to the admitting of papists into any share of the 
government ; and all that Penn could say did not carry him 
further ^ This fell out soon after I was come into Holland, 
and was the first piece of ^^ confidence which the prince 
honoured me with % and ever since that time I have known 
a good deal that has passed between the prince and the court 
of England. 

[Burne/*s own experience.] 

But this leads me back to my old [? own] story, and to give 
an account of all that I had met with in ^ the year of ramble that 
I made between my coming out of England and my coming 
to settle in Holland. ® I avoided the making much acquaint- 
ance in Paris®, for the king had expressed to Mr. Barillon how 
ill he took the kindness that had been shewed me by Mr. de 
Schomberg and some others in France, so that I did not 
think it expedient to converse with any but men of learning. 
'I spent much time with my lord Montagu, and by his 
means I knew many of the secrets of the court of England ', 
and was confirmed in almost all things that are in the former 
part of this work^ «He told me that during his embassy 

• Cf. Hisi. i. 693. »» Ibid. 693-4. ^^ Ibid. 693. * Ibid. 686. • Ibid. 
655. ' Ibid. ' Ibid. 391. 

^ It certainly does not add to the that it should have obtained the impri- 
authenticity of Burnet's information maiur of so accomplished a liar ; a 

228 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1685^ 

he could never enter into the secret of the money that the 
king had underhand from France, * for that was all managed 
by the duchess of Portsmouth. He often tried the king upon 
that head, and said that he would undertake to procure him 
the double of all that he had from thence. Yet the king was 
so ashamed 'of it that he would never own it to him ; so he 
believed all that was given came as a present to the duchess 
of Portsmouth •. 

[Characters of Louis XIV and tnadame de Afaintenon,] 

Both he and Mr. de Schomberg told me many things of 
the king of France, by which I saw how little he deserved 
the great character that is generally given of him ; for, as his 
extraordinary ignorance makes that he knows nothing but 
the present course of his affairs, so there is no way of dealing 
with him [/. %26 {b)] but by most abject flattery. Nor has 
he a true judgement. Schomberg told me that when he was 
called to speak to him of matters of war, he saw that he 
understood them not. The chief maxim he has is to put 
nothing to hazard ; he chooses always the way of corruption 
before gallanter methods ; and in all his undertakings he will 
play at small game that is sure rather than at any great 
project ; and yet he is so ignorant of history that he believes 
himself to be the greatest hero that ever was. Madame de 
Maintenon, that is a person of much wit and of a good pro- 
portion of beauty for her age, has risen up by many steps. 
First, from being a poor young gentlewoman, she got to be 
Scarron's wife ; who was a true Esop, and had the most wit 
with the worst and most misshapen body that ever met 
together. After his death she became so celebrated for her 
wit that she was made gouvernante to the king's daughter? 
by madame de Montespan, and this gave her frequent 
opportunity of speaking with the king ; and she, who has 
a tone of flattery that is fine as well as bewitching, got so 

• Cf. HisU i. 39a. 

very flag;rant instance of whose habitual mediately and confidently quoted by 
mendacity is, in point of fact, im- the ingenuous doctor. 

t685-6j HarL MSS. 6584, ff. 226 (a)-227 {a) 22g 

much into his favours, that notwithstanding all the decay of 
her beauty, and of his age, she now governs him more 
absolutely than all his mistresses or ministers ever did. He 
spends many hours a day with her, and she employs all her 
wit in making him fancy that he is in all respects the greatest 
king that ever reigned. The matter is gone so far between 
them that it is generally believed that she not only hinders 
the king from marrying, but that there is a secret marriage 
or at least an engagement between them \ The king's life 
is writing by Mr. Racine and Mr. Despr^aux (or Boileau) ; the 
[latt]er^ has a good judgement, and the [form]er^ a great 
life and diversity of thoughts ; so that between them they arc 
very likely to compose a work that will have as much beauty 
and force as is consistent with those schemes of flattery that 
mUst run through it. It is believed that mad. de Maintenon 
has her share in this work, and that she reads it to the king. 
It seems they design to have the king's life writ in dl 
languages ; for a creature of the archbishop's of Paris came 
to me and told me if I would undertake to write the king's 
history in English [/. 22^ (a)] I might have what rewards 
I pleased. But I cut off the proposition very abruptly; 
I said the religion that I professed made that I could not 
employ my pen for the honour of a prince that was employing 
his whole force for the destruction of it. 

[Burnet becomes (uguainted with Stoupe.] 

I made another acquaintance in Paris with * col. Stoupe ^ 
**that was once the minister of the French Congregation in 
London, and that was much employed and trusted by 
Cromwell^; but upon the king's restoration he, refusing to 
receive the communion in the Walloon church, was informed 

• Cf. Hist. i. 65, 660 ; ii. 69a. «» Ibid. i. 65. 

^ The king^s marriage to her is sup- transposed these words in the MS. 

posed to have taken place soon after ^ Mr. Air/snote in vol. I pp. 115-6 

the queen's death, July 30, 1683. In of his edition gives a long list of 

any case, she vfas almost certainly his authorities concerning this unprin- 

wife by 1685. cipled intriguer. 

^ The transcriber has accidentally 

230 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1620-9 

against as a man dangerous to the state ; so he was forced 
to go out of England. After some years' stay in Paris he 
quitted his first employment and turned a soldier, and he is 
now both colonel of a regiment of Switzers and " a brigadier •. 
He is a man of pleasure and expense, and of such morals that 
everything goes easily down with him in which he finds his 
advantage. ^ He hath loose opinions in matters of religion, 
and is rather no papist than a good protestant ^ He has been 
long in affairs, and has a searching curiosity after secrets ; so 
^ I learnt many things from him relating to Cromwell's maxims 
and designs ^ 

[Cromiueirs character and career.] 

Cromwell was a man of a str[a]ng[e]^ composition, and 
there was in him as great a mixture of good and bad as 
perhaps ever met together in one man. He lived long 
a private gentleman, upon a small estate, in a high strain 
of strictness and piety ; and was for about ten years together 
thought by all his neighbours the best and the wisest man 
that was in all that country. He had scarce any knowledge 
of affairs, except what related to the constitution of the 
English government and the temper of the nation. He had 
also read the Scriptures and the books of practical divinity 
with so much care that he was able to run out both in 
prayers and discourse on these heads without bounds. ^ He 
had a very hot and enthusiastical temper ^ and could have 
prayed himself into so much warmth that he seemed to 
melt away in tears ; and if he had found that which they 
of that time called an enlargement of heart, then he reckoned 
that God was well-pleased with him, and that he heard his 
prayers and would answer them ; but if his spirits continued 
still cold and oppressed in prayer, then he reckoned that God 
was not pleased with him and that which he offered to him 
in prayer. He got into the house of commons by the credit 
which the opinion of his party had procured him ; and being 
• Cf. Hist. i. 65. »» Ibid. « Ibid. d /^,i/. 7^ 

* The transcriber has written < strong.* 

i^4»-57] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 227 (a)-227 {b) 231 

Hampden's near kinsman, he was by his means made a colonel 
in the army that was raised against [/. 227 (^)] the king. Tiie 
parliament's army went on very ill the first year ; they had 
entertained many officers that had been in Gustavus's army, 
for that alone served then to raise a man ; but these being 
accustomed to the German way of plunder, thought more 
of their own advantages than of the services. So after 
a conversation that was between Hampden and Cromwell 
upon the misfortunes that they had met with, and their 
forces not being able to stand before the king's (which seemed 
to flow from this, that the king had the gentry on his side 
who were pressed on by a principle of honour, whereas the 
commons that were with them had not such elevated 
thoughts), Cromwell set himself to model his own regiment, 
so that they should be all saints. He set on among them 
much praying and discoursing of spiritual matters, and he 
used to go up and down among them himself, leading them 
on to those exercises, with which they became so acquainted 
that upon all occasions his regiment distinguished itself from 
all the rest. This led others to follow his example, and by 
this means that army was wrought up to a pitch of zeal, that 
nothing could stand before them ; and he himself quickly got 
up to be lieutenant-general, and upon Hampden's deadi he 
became the head of the party. ' In the matter of the king's 
death he was rather pushed on by Ireton (that was his son-in- 
law and a severe bloody commonwealth's man) than by his 
own inclinations * ; for it is said that he had once made his own 
bargain with the king, and was to be made earl of Essex, and 
to have a considerable estate given him in recompense of the 
service which he undertook of setting the king again upon the 
throne. But he durst not go on in his design when he saw 
that Ireton would not agree to it. Fairfax soon after that 
quitting his employment of general of the army, ^ Cromwell 
was set at the head of a great but a very factious army ^ The 
disputes that he had with the Long Parliament and with the 
other parliaments that he called are generally known. It 

• Cf. Hist i. 46. ^ Ibid, 65. 

233 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1657 

appeared what a [stubborn ?] thing the English [temper ?] ^ is 
during his government ; for though he had a great and a brave 
army and was successful in all his foreign affairs, yet he could 
neither form [? force] a parliament to that point of delivering 
up the government to him, nor could he bring the army to 
concur with him in the design, though invited to it by the 
hopes of a share in the spoil. *They had filled their heads 
so widi the notion not only of a commonwealth, but of Christ's 
coming to reign his reig^ of a thousand years ^ and was [?were] 
so sensible of the oaths they had made to be true to the 
commonwealth of England, that all he could say in those 
^ long [/. 7,2s (aj] and dark speeches that he often made to 
them ^ could not work upon them. ^ The lawyers that were 
among them told them that they could never be secured 
from what they had done, nor covered from the bloodshed 
that was during the war, nor from the king's death, ^ nor be 
assured of the crown lands, and the church lands that were 
divided among them^ nor the settlement of Ireland, ® without 
an act of parliament passed by the king, lords, and commons ® ; 
and therefore it was necessary to place the shadow at least of 
kingship somewhere. And this was that at which Cromwell 
aimed ; he knew well that the name of a king would in 
a course of some time fetch the power after it, and this 
would set the nation once again upon the old loyal constitu- 
tion ; and if that were done, there was no great reason of 
apprehending more danger from the old royalists, since the 
nobility and gentry, whose interest made them desire a kingly 
government to distinguish them from the commons, would be 
in a great measure satisfied when they saw a king and a court 
again, and would lose their affections to the race of the 
Stewarts. The fifth-monarchy men (the chief of whom were 
Lambert, Harrison, and Overton), that were in the best posts, 
stood firm to their resolutions and oaths, and entered into 

• Cf. H$si. L 67, 68. ^ Ibid. 65. « IM. 68. * Ibid. 69. • Ibid. 68. 

^ Some wprds have evidently been omitted by the transcriber, and are 
here conjecturally restored* 

f^7] Harl MSS. 6584, ^4 227 (^)-228 (b) 233 

consultations of dismounting Cromwell ; but though he turned 
them out and clapt some of them in prison, the common- 
wealth humour was sunk too deep into the hearts of the 
whole army ever to endure that he, who had preached and 
pfayed so much against tyranny, should be in a capacity of 
assuming that dignity * which he ^ had often declared to be 
the great obstacle to the kingdom of Christ \ And all the 
offers he made of limiting the royal power so that the king 
should be a duke of Venice were looked on as the acts of an 
ambitious usurper; and though he did often in his family 
devotions, which he performed commonly himself, and in his 
household fasts protest to God ^ with many tears that he would 
fhoose a shepherd's staff rather than a sceptre, and that he 
had nothing before his eyes but the settlement of the nation'*, 
yet all this passed for hypocrisy. And when he argued with 
any of these people to show them the necessity of having 
a king for settling the nation, they re|ject ?]ed ^ all that, and 
" said he was looking to the arm of flesh «, whereas they ought 
to trust to the living God. * Yet after all it is probable that 
if he had lived to another sessions of parliament he had carried 
his point ^ in the army as well as he had already done it in the 
parliament, for ® the kingship was offered him •, though it was 
carried against a vigorous [/. 228 (dj] opposition that was 
made to it. ^ He hid his mind so artificially in that matter^, 
that though it was so plain that he desired it, because all 
that were in his particular confidence set it on^, yet > there 
fell not a word from himself intimating his inclinations ^ to 
accept of it ; for he always said in his canting way that he 
would seek the Lord, and that his mind was not yet opened 
to him. ^But that which determined him not to adventure 

• Cf. Hisi. I 68. »» Ibid. c Ibid. 69. * Ibid, 70. • Ibid, supra. 
' Ibid. ' Ibid. ^ Ibid. 

' The Histoty gives this to Goodwin. 

• The MS. has * recited.' 

' It is curious to realize that the 
whole of this passage on the motives 
which might induce a successful soldier 
to assume the title of king (when 
offered it by Parliament) rather than 

any lesser tiUe was written before 
the Revolution had made the question 
once more acute (Hist. L 813, 8x4) ; 
and that the preceding clause may 
have been deliberately deleted, on ac- 
count of the curious parallel it suggests 
to the incidents given in ibid. 818, 8ao. 

234 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1654-8 

on the accepting the crown was that the morning in which 
he was to give his answer to the parliament, both Fleetwood 
and Desborough (the one being his son-in-law and the other 
his brother-in-law) came to him, and after they had expressed 
their great aversion to the design, they offered up their com- 
missions to him; for they said they could no longer serve 
him*. The one was lieutenant-general and the other major- 
general, so this affrighted him, since ^he saw he was like to 
be deserted by those who above all others were most con-, 
cerned in his exaltation ^. While he was managing [this] ^ great 
project, death surprised him and put an end to it. 

[Cromweirs foreign policy; its froblem^ 

Cf. Hist. i. 7a {from ' The greatest difficulty ' to p. 73, * correspondence with 
him '). 

After * Spain ^ add * for they both courted him.' 

For 'The prince of Cond^ . . . Cardenas : he * read 'and as Spain by a solemn 
embassy congratulated him on his being made protector, so both the courts 
allowed the same rank and precedence to his ambassadors that had ever been 
given to the ambassadors of the kings of England [c£ Hist. i. 80] ; nor would he 
be contented with the honours given to commonwealths. Spain.' 

For ' if he could restore . . . French * read * if he could again be master of that 
key into France and of the channel.' 

* Mazarin . . . character * is omitted^ apparently by the tmnscribei^s error. 

After * Cond^ * add * that was then in the Spanish service.* 

For * he would make a descent . . . dictate * read only * to set himself at the 
head of that party.' 

Om, * to talk . . . men * and * the oppressions . . . everywhere.' 

For * for Mazarin . . . particular ' read ' and enjoyed the protection of the edicts 
in so ample and undisturbed a manner that there was no reason to expect they 
would interrupt their own peace, or so far trust the prince of Cond^ as to 
declare for him.* 

For ' He also * read ' Stoupe added to me that Cromwell,* <Srv. 

[/ 229 (a)] After * on that prince * add ^ and [that he] was so little careful of 
his secret or sure of those about him * ; aud om, * he said upon that . . . cardinali' 

[The deciding f natives,] 

Cromwell saw well enough that in the balance of Europe, 
France was become already too hard a match for Spain ; yet 
as he hoped his having once footing in Flanders would put 
him in condition to turn the balance which way he pleased, 
so ® some private considerations of his own determined him to 

• Cf. Hist, i, 70. »» Ibid, /^v/. 73. 

1 ( 

The' in the MS., corrected by a later hand. 

i654-fi] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 228 (^)-229 {b) 235 

side with the French ; the royal family was then in France, 
so if he had broken with that crown, it was in a condition 
to assist the king in making a descent in England, which 
would have put Cromwell's affairs in great disorder ; for not 
only the royalists would have gone to him, but even • many 
of the commonwealth's men were so irritated against him, 
seeing the steps he was making for his own advancement, 
that they began generally to say that if they must return 
back to a monarchy, it was better to call in the righteous heir*. 
Cromwell saw this danger well, ^and he knew, on the other 
hand, that the Spaniards were in no condition to support the 
king in so great a design. So that this particular interest of 
his own was so suitable [? sensible] to him that he sacrificed the 
interest of the nation to it ^. ® But while he was balancing all 
those matters, Gage, a priest (that had been for many years in 
the West Indies) ®, being struck, as he said, with an accident by 
a mouse's carrying away the sacrament, was upon that moved 
to doubt of his religion ; and, he having obtained leave to 
come over to Spain, when he was there he goes on board 
an English ship, and so came over to England. ^ He gave an 
account to Cromwell of the feebleness of the Spaniards in 
America, and showed him how easy a conquest that would be. 
Cromwell saw well that if he succeeded in this he would have' 
such a treasure in his hands that he could carry on all his 
designs without needing the assistance of a parliament \ This 
would also raise his fame and recommend him extremely to 
the English nation. So this determined him to join with the 
French against the Spaniards, which was the greatest error 
he committed in his whole conduct ; for as [/. 229 {b)'\ ®his 
design of Hispaniola failed *, so the [Biscainers] '^ and the 

• Cf. Hist, i. 69. »> Ibid, 73. e Ibid. 74. * Ibid. «> Ibid. 76. 

' This passage was probably sug- or Biscaniers' is filled in by another 

gested, not by Stoupe's reminiscences, hand. ' Biscainer ' or ' Biscayneer* (an 

but by the Character of a Trimnur, pub* obsolete synonym for Basque or Bis- 

liihed in 1684 ; see Li/i of Halifax^ cayan) is evidently the true reading ; 

ii. 394. the inhabitantsofthe province of Biscay 

'The word was omitted by the beingnotedseamen and privateers: see 

original transcriber and * Buckaniers Dr. Murray's Ntw English DicHonary. 

236 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1654-5 

Ostenders •took so many of the merchant ships, that by this 
means he lost the hearts of the city of London. 

[Stoufi^s anecdote concerning the Hispaniola affair,'] 

Cf. Hist, 1. 74 {from 'Stoupe, being on another' to p. 76, 'esteemed so much 
as he had been *). 

Begin 'Stoupe told me a curious thing concerning the design of His- 

For * in measuring distances * read * which he continued to examine very 
exactly for some time after Stoupe was admitted.* 

After * Mexico, and * i»isert * having a good sight* 

For *■ some fancied . . . element * read only * some said it was to take Cadiz ; 
others that it was to land either at Naples or Ostia, to rob the churches 
of Itoly.' 

After * ambassador ' add * Don Alonzo de Cardenas.* 

For *£iOj€iOo' read ' ten thousand pistoles/ 

For 'Stoupe owned . . • secret, and * read only * but though Stoupe was not 
trusted with this secret, yet he was so true to Cromwell that he.' 

For * nor did he think . . . Brussells about it' read * finding the offer of such 
a sum could draw no discovery from him.* 

For * Stoupe writ it * to end of incident readonly ' Yet Stoupe writ it to the prince 
of Cond^, with whom he had kept a correspondence ; and when the event dis- 
covered that he had guessed right, this raised his credit so with the Spaniards 
that he had many good presents after that from them ; and the ambassador was 
disgraced for not being able to penetrate into the secret.* 

[EnglancTs American fo/icy,] 

^ Thus it appeared that so indifferent a thing as Cromwell 
looking upon a map might have discovered the great secret 
which Cromwell kept even from the French ; ^ for if he had 
succeeded in it, this would have put them upon new measures, 
since it would have raised England so high^ And indeed 
the beating of the Spaniards out of America is as [? so] easy 
a thing for a king of England (who has so many of [his] 
subjects already in the northern parts of that new-found world) 
that, as they will [/. 230 (a)] very willingly change their states 
to go into richer countries, so the feebleness of the Spaniards 
appears so evidently in the faint resistance that they make to 
the pirates called Buccaniers, that it is plain they could not 
stand before those armies that could be drawn out of our 
plantations. But this is a great thing that perhaps is reserved 
for a high-spirited king of England. 

• Cf. Hist, I. 76. »» Ibid, « Ibid, 

1^-5] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 229 {py^y^ (a) 237 

[Cromwell and the foreign protestants."] 

Cromwell made it the first article of his alliance with 
France that the protestants should be maintained in the full 
enjoyment of all their edicts, which he took care to see so 
well observed, that* they, finding the happiness of the protec- 
tion that they enjoyed by his means, were very naturally 
caused [? carried] to speak well of him that had procured it 
for them. This increased very much the prejudice that our 
princes had to the protestant religion ; for the king that now 
reigns told myself that he saw all the -protestants of France 
were rebels in their hearts, and gave this their kindness to 
Cromwell as the chief evidence of it. Cromwell not only 
protected the protestants in France, but ^he interposed so 
[Pas] effectually for those in the valley of Piedmont. The 
duke of Savoy set on a violent persecution against them ; and 
he obliged the court of France to put a stop to it ^; and he 
was so lifted up with the acknowledgements that these things 
drew to him from beyond sea, that ^ he projected the setting 
[up] of a council that should watch over the interest of the 
protestant religion everywhere, that should be like that at 
Rome, de propagafida fide. He had marked out a fund of 
;£'20o,ooo ^ per ann. to be disposed of by them as their service 
should require it. They were to have correspondents in all 
the places of consideration where the protestant religion was 
settled. Stoupe was to have been their secretary for France, 
Switzerland, Geneva, and those of Piedmont ^ ; and Cromwell 
seemed to reserve the settling of it to his exaltation, for 
if he had been made king he resolved to have b^^un his 
government with this®, which would have raised its credit very 
much both at home and abroad. 

\Stoup^5 anecdote concerning Thurloe,'\ 
Stoupe told me another particular, that though in itself it 
does not deserve to be mentioned in history, yet the specula- 
tions that arise out of it make me judge it worth the setting 

• Ct HisL i. 73. * Ihid, 76. « Ibtd, 77. 

' The History says ;£'io,ooo. 

' The distribution in the History differs. 

238 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1656 

down. ' Stoupe received an advertisement from him by whose 
means he kept correspondence with the prince of Cond^ at 
Brussells, that an Irishman was gone over with a design to 
assassinate Cromwell, and that he was to lodge in King 
street. ** Cromwell had often said that he abhorred [f, 230 (i)] 
assassination, and therefore, though it was in his power to 
destroy the king and both his brothers, yet he would never 
hearken to so base a proposition ; but he said withal that if any 
of the royal family began with him and set on men to murder 
him, he would then reckon himself absolved from all measures, 
and that he would take care to have the whole race murdered, 
for he would consider that step as a state of war. It was wisely 
done of him to declare this so publicly, for that restrained 
many ^ brutal men who otherwise might have set on a practice 
which cannot be enough detested, since it tends to the 
destruction of mankind. Yet this Irishman resolved to un- 
dertake the business, though it seems he could not keep his 
own secret. « Stoupe went with this notice to Cromwell, who . 
happened then to be shut up with his council. Stoupe writ 
him a note that he had a matter of great consequence to 
communicate to him that did not admit of delays; yet 
Cromwell, fancying it was only a piece of news relating to 
the foreign protestants, sent his secretary Thurloe to see 
what it was. Stoupe shewed him his letter^ but to his g^eat 
amazement Thurloe took little notice of it, and said such a 
general story could lead them to no discovery ; the searching 
of so great a street could not be managed secretly, and if 
there were a guilty man in it he might make his escape, and 
the Protector's enemies would say that he was either haunted 
with needless fears and feigned plots to cover his designs. 
And Thurloe made so little account of this that he did not 
so much as speak of it to Cromwell. Stoupe was mortified 
to see so little notice taken of his news, and spoke of it to 
the earl of Leicester *^, who was then of Cromwell's council and 
hated Thurloe. Some weeks after this, Syndercomb (for 
this was the Irishman's name) watched his opportunity and 

• Cf. Hist i. 78. »» Ibid, 65. « Ibid. 78. 

1656] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 230 (a)-23i {a) 239 

had laid it so well, that [he had very near succeeded in it ; 
but •he being discovered* so critically^], Cromwell considered 
his preservation as a great stroke of Providence. ^When 
Syndercomb was examined, it appeared he was the person 
concerning whom Stoupe had received the advertisement ; so 
that Leicester said this was the same man that had been 
marked in Stoupe's letter. Cromwell was amazed to find that 
Stoupe had given him no notice of this matter ; so he sent for 
him and began to expostulate with him upon it. But when 
Stoupe put him in mind of the note that he had writ him and of 
his sending Thurloe to him, he was yet more surprised to find 
that Thurloe had not said a word [/. 231 {a)] of it to himself. 
He sent for him in Stoupe 's presence to see if he owned that 
which Stoupe charged him with ; he confessed the matter was 
true, but he did not think the matter of so much consequence. 
Cromwell told him sternly enough that he ought to have 
acquainted him with it^ ; but added that he saw that adver- 
tisements that related to his life were of no consequence. ^ So 
Stoupe came away concluding that Thurloe was ruined ^, and 
that his credit with Cromwell would be greater than ever it 
was ; but he found Macchiavels reflection prove true in this 
case, which is, that a man must be perfectly a good man or 
perfectly a wicked man, and that many ill men spoil their 
designs because they have some reserves of goodness which 
restrained them from some ill actions which their other wicked 
actions had rendered necessary. In this case ^ Cromwell had 
trusted ^ this great secret concerning the kingship to ® Thurloe, 
so that it was not safe to disgrace him without murdering 
him • ; and therefore Cromwell, not being bad enough for that, 
saw that it was necessary both to forgive and to employ 
Thurloe. 'And Thurloe (re-established in his favour) made 
it his business to lessen Stoupe so much in Cromwell's opinion, 
that he told me he was never used by him after that as he 
had been formerly ^ So that Stoupe found that a discovery 

• Cf. Hist. i. 78. »• Ibid, « Ibid. * Ibid. • Ibid, ' Ibid. 

' The passage in brackets (probably placed by the transcriber supra, be- 
a marginal insertion) is erroneously tween * Thurloe ' and ' Some weeks.' 

240 Burftet's Original Memoirs [1654-8 

which he hoped would have raised his fortune extremely, 
set him so far back that he was almost forgot ever after 

[Cromwell €md the cavaliers^ 

» Cromwell had found a way to corrupt him that had the 
secret of all the king's correspondency in England, who was 
one sir Richard Willis, that was particularly trusted by 
Clarendon and had the management of all the consultation3 
that were among the royalists •. The corruption was some- 
what extraordinary, and deserves to be mentioned. Cromwell 
had no mind to have any of their lives, but only to traverse 
all their designs, so that they should be in no condition to do 
him any hurt, and that they should fall in such jealousies one 
of another that without any violent remedies all their counsels 
should be defeated. ^Willis had assurances given him that 
no hurt should be done to any of the party ; and upon this 
he entered into a secret commerce with Thurloe ** ; so that the 
royalists found that everything that they did or said was 
discovered ; and when they were near the executing of any 
project, ®some of the chief of them were put in prison, but 
let out within a few days °. So that they suspected there were 
[/. 231 {p)\ some imperfect discoveries made, and this kept 
them from suspecting Willis; for they knew that he could 
have made a more ample discovery. Thus Cromwell was 
often putting them in prison and letting them out again^ 
which made those that did not know his secret affairs con- 
clude that these were the effects of his fear and his hearkening 
after little whispers ^. 

{Final reflections on Cromwell^ 

Thus [?But] Cromwell saw that ^his bearing up the 
honour of the nation ^ and his supporting of the protestant 
religion were so • apt to give him the hearts of the English % 

• Cf. HtsU i. 65. »> Ihid. • md, d Ibid, 80. ^ Ibid. 

* The reader will notice how greatly History^ which continues the career 
this anecdote is amplified in the of Willis after Cromwell^s death. 

1654-8] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 231 (a)-232 {a) 241 

that he reckoned that if he had but life enough before him 
he must at last overcome all the opposition that was made 
to him ; and in this appears the greatness of the English 
nation (when it is in the hands of one that can manage it 
right), that though Cromwell had the whole Scottish and 
Irish nation[s] and both the royalists and the commonwealth's 
men against him, yet he was clearly the master of the sea. 
He beat the Dutch severely ; he was the umpire of the Baltic 
Sea and * the terror of all the Mediterranean ^ ; he made the 
two great crowns court him by turns in a most abject manner, 
and had the luck to die in the midst of all his success, when 
^'he had brought his matters to an issue either of setting 
himself on the throne or of losing all, by a general revolt ^ ; 
so that since Caesar's days no man has appeared that had 
the true genius of a wise usurper so much as he had. He 
was very false, but he managed very artificially ; and in the 
midst of all his exaltation^ ^when he was in private with 
his old acquaintances he conversed with them in the old 
familiarily, making them sit down and be covered by him, 
reasoning with them in all the freedom of an equality ^ He 
had two notions that supported him against all the accusations 
of coiiscience that returned oft upon him ; the one was ^that 
he that was once a child of God was always a child of God ; 
so he reckoned that having been once in a state of grace, he 
could not perish ^ ; and it appeared on many occasions, but 
chiefly in his last sickness, that ®no doctrine was so clear 
[dear?] to him as that of the perseverance of the saints ^ 
The other thing was that ' he thought in extraordinary cases 
men were dispensed with, even from the laws of God, which 
he thought were rules only [/. 2^7, (a)] for ordinary cases ^ 
By this he excused both the putting the king to death and 
the falsifying his oaths in so many instances, and gave himself 
a sort of quiet ; since the necessity of aflairs and the public 
good required that things should be done which could not 
be justified in calmer times. Thus I have given a larger 

• Cf. Hist. i. 8i-a. ^ Ibid. 70. ^ Ibid. 68. ^ Ibid, 67. 

• Jbid. ' Ibid. 46, 79. 



Burnetts Original Memoirs [1621-87. 

character of Cromwell than I intended, but * having learnt 
a great deal of his private concerns, not only from Stoupe but 
from the earl[s] of Carlisle and Orrery*, who were trusted 
much by him, I thought this account of him might be no un- 
pleasant entertainment to the reader. Yet notwithstanding 
all his crimes he will make such a figure in history, that (since 
none that I know of have yet given a true representation 
of his spirit and designs) this must needs be very acceptable 
to those who desire to know the truth of history ^. 

[Reflections of the count of Dohna on European revolutions^ 

And upon the great figure to which he raised England 
all Europe over, and the low one to which the two lawful 
kings that have come since have let it sink, I will here 
set down a pleasant reflection that the old count of Dohna 
(whom I knew at Geneva *) ma[d]e ^ on the revolutions that 
had fallen out in Europe in his time ; he having seen all the 
states of Europe have their turns of being both very high 

• Cf. Hist L 65. 

^ This long excursus on the career 
of Cromwell (which was no doubt modi- 
fied after the publication of Clarendon*s 
History in 1709) seems to have been 
transferred to its present position in 
the //fstory by a late after-thought; see 
Mr. Airy's note in his ed., vol. L p. 3. 

* Evidently 'Friedrich, Reichsburg- 
graf und Graf zu Dohna aus dem 
Hause Schlobitten* (bom i6ai, died 
z688), whose memoirs, in French, 
have been lately published by H. 
Borkowski ( 1 898). His mother having 
been a sister of Amelia de Soknes, 
Princess of Orange, he was first 
cousin once removed to William III ; 
while his father, a Prussian nobleman, 
the chamberlain and faithful follower 
of the hapless Frederic of Bohemia 
(being compeUed, on the final ruin of 
his master, to take refuge in Holland), 
was eventually appointed Governor of 
the Principality of Orange. To this 
charge, after a military apprenticeship 
in the service of the States, Friedrich 
succeeded, and retained the post from 

1649 ^o i66a. He was subsequently 
employed in various private negotia- 
tions on behalf of his young kinsman 
William ; from 1666 to 1668 he served 
the state of Geneva, and from 1668 to 
1673 held diplomatic posts in Switzer- 
land. From 1673 until his death in 
1688 he lived in retirement, first at 
the castle of Coppet, and during the 
last few months of his life at Lutry, 
near Lausanne. Bayle, whowasatone 
time tutor to his sons, speaks highly 
of the count ; and he seems in fact to 
have been a man of high character, 
good abilities, agreeable manners, and 
extensive cultivation. The memoirs of 
his son Christophe (envoy from Bran- 
denburg to the court of St James, 
1698-1700), which contain firequent 
allusions to the father, are repeatedly 
quoted by Macaulay ; and a brother of 
the old count seems to have been at 
one time the Swedish representative 
at our court. 

* The MS. has 'make ' ; < I have heard * 
may be supplied before ' the old count.' 

i6ai-87] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 232 (a)-232 {b) 243 

and very low. When he was a child Spain and the house of 
Austria were the terror of Europe, and since that time they 
had sunk extremely; and now again the emperor, who in 
[i6]83 was upon the point of being utterly ruined (if Vienna 
had been taken), is beginning to recover again. He saw France 
in the minority of the present king very near a precipice ; 
but it is now the terror of all its neighbours. He saw England 
laid low during the wars, and recover its lustre in Cromwell's 
time (which has been much eclipsed by the feebleness of the 
late king and the bigotry of him that now reigns) ; the crown 
of Sweden rise to such a d^ree [/. 232 (i)] that there is 
nothing in story like it, and maintain^ its' greatness long, and 
the late king overrun the two neighbouring kingdoms of 
Poland and Denmark ; and that crown was in the end of the 
last war laid so low that it was reduced to its first contempt!- 
bleness. Denmark was so near being quite conquered that 
every day the news of the taking of Copenhagen was expected, 
which was only wanting to complete the conquest ; and since 
that time the king of Denmark is become both hereditary 
and absolute. The States of Holland, after they had held 
the balance of Europe in their hands, were in [i6]72 reduced 
to those extremities that it looks like a dream that they have 
got out of them. The Venetians were laid extreme low 
by the wars of Candy, and begin now to grow very formid- 
able ; and in fine the Turk, who had given a terrible blow 
to the emperor twice in the distance of twenty years* time 
(in [i6]62 and [16] 83), and who this last time had brought the 
war to an end if the grand vizier had not strangely neglected 
the advantages he had of coming almost to the ports of 
Vienna, where they had no garrison but companies of burgesses 
to defend the place (for if he had come on and pressed the 
siege vigorously it could not have held a week, but his 
feebleness gave them time to have troops sent in to them, 
and he lii^ered so long that at last the king of Poland came 
and raised the siege), has* been followed ever since with 

* The transcript reads * maintained.' " We delete a superfluous * which.' 

R 2 


Burnetts Original Memoirs 


such a constant series of misfortunes, that nothing preserves 
the Ottoman family but the weakness of those who attack it ; 
for a vigorous enemy would put an end to it. He had also 
seen Portugal recover and be again on the point of being 
conquered by the Spaniards. 

[Strange story of the Portuguese court ^.] 

And this causes me to tell a curious passage relating to 
the revolution that happened then when the late king was 
engaged in prison and the present king had both the crown 
and the queen 2, which I had from Mr. [/. 233 {a)] de Schom- 
berg. He being then general of the army and having gained 
so much credit by his success against the Spaniards, the 
queen sent her confessor to him to open her secret to him ; 
for she was then very ill treated by the king that was 
governed by the marquess of Castelmelhor, who has lived 
since that time in England ; and the king had really fits of 

* The extraordinaiy story here 
told is also given on pp. 78-81 of 
the anonymous Account of the Court 
of Portugal f published in 1700 and 
ascribed to Dr. John Colbatch, who 
had been chaplain to the British factory 
at Lisbon, and in that capacity had 
corresponded with Burnet (Brit. Mus. 
Add. MSS. 99908, ff. 14, 95) ; but was 
at the period when the book appeared 
tutor to Bumef s son, at Trinity Col- 
lege, Cambridge {ibid, ff. 33, 43, 45, 
47, and Autobiography, infra, f. 917^. 
AJs the writer of the ^ocomm/ maintains 
that he is assured the substance of the 
anecdote ' came from the late duke of 
Schomberg's own mouth,' it is presum- 
able that he derived it through Burnet, 
which explains its omission from the 

' For this consult, beside the work 
mentioned in the preceding note. 
The Portugal History, 1677, ascribed 
to S[amuel?] P[epysf], and the con- 
temporary letters of Sir Robert South- 
well (published in 1740 as an appendix 
to [Carte's] History of the Revolutions 
of jPortugat),vih\ch. are curiously in- 
teresting. The facts of the case are, 
that Dom Alfonzo VI (brother of 

Catherine of Braganza, queen of 
Charles II of England), who was born 
Aug. 91, 1643, and succeeded Nov. 6, 
1656, married, in Aug., 1666, Marie 
Fran^oise Elisabeth de Savoie : a few 
months later (Nov. 93, 1667) he was 
deposed ; his brother, the infante, was 
declared Prince Regent ; on March 94 
following the queen obtained a decree 
of nullity of marriage from the chapter 
of Lisbon ; and a few days later, under 
a legate's dispensation previously ob- 
tained, she contracted a marriage with 
the Regent, which was confirmed by 
a papal dispensation of Dec. 10, 1668. 
The deposed king, who was at first 
confined in the Azores, died in the 
castle of Cintra fifteen years later, 
Dec. II, 1683. The author of the 
Account, who is very severe upon the 
queen, regards the whole transaction 
and the evidence brought to invalidate 
the marriage as the figments of political 
ambition ; Southwell supposes that the 
original motive was political, but that 
the infante eventually fell in love with 
the queen : it is clear, however, that 
Alfonzo was eccentric to the verge 
of madness, if not beyond it. 

1667] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. ^32 (6) -233 (6) 245 

madness, and being impotent, he was set on by his ministers 
to force the queen to admit of another man, by whom she 
might have children ; and upon many other occasions his 
madness shewed itself very evidently. Schomberg saw there 
was reason enough to resolve on removing the king from the 
government, and he went to the army to dispose them to 
concur in the design. The queen sent one with him, by whom 
he writ her a plain account of what he had done, and of the 
posture in which the army was ; this letter was brought her 
just as she was going into her bed, so she, that lay then 
alone, would not trust the letter to those who laid her to bed, 
but put it under her pillow. The next morning, when she 
was called on to go to mass, the king being already gone to 
it, she rose in so much haste that she forgot her letters. 
The king's mass was almost done before she got to chapel, 
and he went from it into her apartment. She quickly called 
to mind what an error she had committed and sent her con« 
fessor to her bedchamber to fetch her letters, but the king 
was in it, and seemed to be in such a rage that the confessor 
durst not go in, but believed he had discovered all. The 
queen sent a lady of her bedchamber, who was likewise upon 
the secret; but though she went in she durst not go near 
the bed, for the king lay upon it. This was dreadful to the 
queen, for if the king had found the letters she and all her 
party must have expected to be presently discovered. So 
she did not know what course to take ; she could not decently 
leave the mass till it was done [/. 233 (*)], and in that while 
the king might even by chance find the letter though he 
sought not after it. The father confessor advised her to fall 
as it were into a sounding \sic\ fit, since that was the only 
pretence that could excuse her leaving the mass before it was 
quite done. This was very easy for her to counterfeit, since 
the concern in which she was put her very near it. So she 
seemed to fall down along upon the ground, and was taken 
up in haste, and carried to her bedchamber, at which the king 
started up. She lay down and quickly felt for her letters and 
found they were still there, by which she got out of her fit ; 

246 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1663-4 

and as the king had not looked after them, so it was his 
coming into the bedchamber that kept them from being 
discovered, since if he had not come in, her bed had been 
put in order, as it used to be when she went to mass, and 
so the secret had been discovered. Things of this kind 
ought to be put in history, because they tend to make people 
wise and cautious. 

[Tke intrigue of the Sp€utish letter^ 

Cf. Hist, L 3oa-3. 

Begin * And the offering [? affinity] of the matter makes me set down another 
secret of the French court which I had from Stoupe [cf. Hist, i. 301]. It is 
ordinary for all persons to tear off the outward cover of letters, and to 
let them fall carelessly about them,' and then proceed from ' Count de Guiche 
watched,* «2r»c; 

Om, ' by the Spanish ambassador.' 

Om, < they sent to Holland.' 

For * in such an affront . . . king * read ' in suffering the king to live as he 
did. His amours with La Valliire were mentioned ; and many sharp reflections 
on the king's person were mixed in the letter.' 

For ' The lady suspected . . . about it ' read * The lady, apprehending there was 
an intrigue in this matter, in which she was to be the tool, carried the letter to 
the king.' 

For * saw he was ... So the king * read ' was questioned, but shewed evidently 
that he had been abused in it, as well as the king was. This [/, 334 (a)] vexed 
the king out of measure, so he took all the methods he could think on to dis- 
cover the secret of this matter ; the number of those who could write Spanish 
was not great ; so the marquis des Vardes (that was then a favourite) being 
one that could do it [cf. Hist, i. 309, suprv], the king,' &*c 

After * put on him * read * He was indeed upon the secret ' and revert to be- 
ginning c^p, 302 ; and/or * The king . . . graceful person ' read 'For as the king had 
abandoned the countess of Soissons when he took to La Valliire, so she had 
entered into an intrigue with Des Vardes ; [and] she, being set on revenge ', 
had joined with the count de Guiche, who acted likewise in complacency with 
the duchess of Orleans ; to whom likewise the king, in the beginning of his 
amour with La Valli^re, who was then about her, seemed to make love ; though, 
as it proved afterwards, it was only a blind to hide the other ; and she took 
this so ill, that she likewise vowed a revenge.' 

Om, * When the treaty . . . weak a woman she was,' and proceed from *The 
ladies now rejoictdf' fir /rom here to the end o/the story reading only, * So the secret 
lying amongst those two ladies and their two gallants, the king could not find 
it out ; but the duchess of Orleans came to like Des Vardes ; and because 
he did not answer her invitations, but pretended a fidelity to madame de 
Soissons, she in revenge discovered all to the king.' 

* The transcript places the ' and ' after * revenge.' 

1685-6] Harl MSS. 6584, f. 233 (6)-234 (a) 247 

[Burners travels; his reflections on the religious state of Europe^ 

I will say nothing more of the ■ramble that I made over 
Italy % having writ a book ^ upon it with all possible freedom 
and sincerity, and having since that time put several things 
that were too mean* to be owned by me in some other 
letters ^ concerning the present state of Italy, which I have 
not owned, but which I writ out of the memoirs that 
Mr. Sidney* and Dr. Hutton* brought me out of Italy, in 
which I mixed several things that I had found out myself. 
I shall only add one thing here, which has given me many 
sad thoughts. ^ I have seen now the greatest part of all the 
reformed churches. I saw those of France in their best state, 
that is when they were looking for this sad storm that has 
scattered them up and down the world. I came and stayed 
at Geneva, where the miseries of the refugees that were 
coming thither every day out of France and the apprehen- 

• Hist. i. 66i-a, 686. 

^ Ibid^fM, 

^ The well*known Letters (to Mr. 
Boyle), published in 1686 and frequent- 
ly reprinted under the title Travels, 

' We should perhaps read ' main/ 
It was the significance, not the insigni- 
ficance of the subjects in question 
(Quietism, the Inquisition, and the 
politics of Italy), which made Burnet, 
whose avowed Travels had excited suf- 
ficient irritation at the English court 
{Hist, i. 726), afraid of handling them. 
Johnson gives * important' as the final 
synonjrm of main ' ; and quotes Milton, 
' so main to our success/ 

' These are the anonymous 'Three 
Letters concerning the present state of 
Italy ,written in the year 1687. I. Relat- 
ing to the afiair of Molinos and the 
Quietists. II. Relating to the Inquisi- 
tion and the state of Religion. III. Re- 
lating to the policy and interests of 
some of the States of Italy. Being a 
supplement to Dr. Burnet*s letters. 
Printed in the year 1688/ There are 
said to have been two English editions 
in i688y and in the same year a 
translation was appended to a German 
version of the acknowledged letters ; 
while in 1689 they were repuUished, 

togetherwith the acknowledged letters 
and some other short pieces, in a two- 
volume English publication entitledZ>r. 
Bumefs Tracts, They are not however 
included in most editions of the ac- 
knowledged letters, though it is pro- 
bable they have been generally as- 
cribed to him. With the object no 
doubt of diverting suspicion, Burnet 
assumes in them the character of a 
layman, who describes Dr. Burnetts as 
a ' better pen * than his own. . 

^ Henry Sidney, afterwards earl of 
Romney, who spent the early part of 
James lis reign in Italy. 

^ John Hutton, a Scotch herd-boy, 
graduated M.D. at Padua. Chancing 
to be in Holland, and at hand when 
the Princess of Orange had a fiUl 
from her horse, he obtained the favour 
of William, who on coming to the 
crown made him his first physician. 
Hutton seems to have 8ul»equently 
accompanied the kingon his campaigns, 
and gave Burnet some account of 
Williun's behaviour at the Boyne 
(JHist, ii. 59-60). Anne continued him 
in his post, and he died in 17 12 {Diet. 
Nat, Biog,). 

248 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1686-7 

sions in which they themselves were [of] ^ falling under that 
tyranny' should have awakened them in a signal manner. 
**! from that went over Switzerland, which except Basel is 
not [/. 234 {b)\ indeed in such danger as Geneva is, yet had 
still the dismal calamity of the French before their eyes, and 
Basel is every day in danger of being swallowed up. After 
that I saw those of Strasburg begin already to feel the storm ** 
which [is?] gathering, which will very probably break out 
quickly ; ° those of the palatinate see themselves also reduced 
to great dangers, and brought under a very bigoted family ^ ; 
and from thence I am now come into ^ Holland, wh[ich] ^ 
having so lately come out of so great a danger of losing both 
their religion and liberty, •so that one should have expected 
to have found among them, at least at such a time (in which 
the whole protestant religion run[s?] such a risk), a more 
extraordinary spirit of piety and devotion. There has indeed 
appeared a very high degree of charity towards the French 
that have left their country • ; and there is a great deal of 
angry zeal against popery ; but among those with whom 
I have conversed, I must confess with great regret that 
I have not found a spirit thriving that either agrees with 
the name of the reformed churches or with the present 
gloomy times ; few are repenting of their sins and forsaking 
them ; even public and scandalous vices are not corrected, 
and [in ?] most places are not so much as covered, but are 
acted with a bare face and a high hand. Few seem very 
sensible of that laziness that is upon people's spirits in the 
concerns of religion ; few are setting themselves by a sublime 
piety and a shining conversation to recover the credit and 
beauty of our religion, which is so much darkened, or to 
engage God to be again of our side, whom we have highly 
dishonoured ; and churchmen seem more generally concerned 
to engage men to espouse their interests, as they are a party, 

• Cf. //«/. i. 686. ^ Ibid, • Ibid. d Ibid. • Ibid. 687. 

' Omitted by the transcriber ; ' a* is erroneously inserted in a later hand. 
' The transcriber wrote * who,' 

1686-7] HarL MSS. 6584, ff. 234 (a)-235 (a) 249 

than either to reform themselves or the flocks committed 
to their charge. "Sermons are for the most part dry and 
dull things*, and rather essays of wit, eloquence, and learning, 
than divine instructions and exhortations. They have lost 
both the beauty of a primitive simplicity and the overcoming 
force of true preaching; and though ^matters in England 
have taken a different quality ^ from that in which I left them, 
yet I do not hear ^ that there is any great change wrought 
as to the religious part, or that men grow better Christians, 
though they are more steady [/. 235 («)] protestants than 
I fancied they would have been. ** These things affect me 
very sensibly, and make me oflen conclude that for as 
melancholy as the outward state of the protestant religion 
is at present, the inward symptoms are yet much worse ^ and 
more desperate ; and [though?] the prospect of the exalta- 
tion of [the] prince and princess of Orange is very promising, 
yet the depraved state of the protestant churches, especially 
of the clergy, makes me fear after all that we are not yet ripe 
for a deliverance. ® The Lutherans in Germany are as averse 
as ever to all sort of reconciliation with the Calvinists, ' and 
the clergy of Holland are as rigid as they, in all their little 
opinions, and as apt to quarrel about them, and are now 
broken all into factions, ^and upon the smallest occasions are 
falling into most intemperate heats ^; and that which is yet 
the most astonishing part of all this sad scene, is that ^ the 
French, who have forsaken their country to the hazard of the 
severest punishments, who have abandoned their estates and 
left that which was dearer, their children, behind them, many 
of them having suffered much hardship, that these, I say, are 
much less affected with all this than ought to be exp[ect]ed ^. 
Their ministers preach as coldly as ever, and though one is 
bound in charity to believe that they have made this sacrifice 
of all that was dear to them out of a good principle •*, yet by 

• CC Hist, i. 687. »» IM, infm, ^ Ifnd. 688. ^ /^ 587. • Ibid, 
supreu ' Ibid, infra, * Ibid, supra, ^ Ibid, 

^ The transcriber has written ' expressed/ 

250 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1686-7 

seeing and conversing with the greatest part of them one is 
not much edified, though I must add, I know many very 
extraordinary persons among them, which act upon the best 
motives, and are indeed great examples. While I reflect on 
all these things, I do not know what to think ; how strange 
a matter is it, while we are very hot in disputing about some 
controverted points, we as it were all agree to n^lect the 
great and uncontroverted duties of true holiness and a sublime 
morality ; but if one wonder drives out another, I give myself 
a little ease from the pain which these melancholy thoughts 
raise in me by considering that it was so at all times. In the 
very days of the apostles what strange corruptions both in 
doctrine and morality were breaking in upon the churches 
(which appears from all the epistles, and more evidently from 
those short ones that are in the beginning of the Revelations) ; 
in all which it appears that man is (and has been at all times) 
a strange, foolish, and mad creature, and that the providence 
of God and the conduct of the world are the greatest of all 

[Burnetts reception cU the Hague^ 

'At my [/. 235 (i)] coming to Holland I found that the 
prince and princess of Orange were so favourably disposed ^ 
towards me that they suffered me to speak freely to them 
of our affairs ■ ; so that for some [time *] •* I had a free access 
to them **. I knew what would become of this ; for ^ the king 
began quickly to express his displeasure "^ at the credit which 
he apprehended that I might have with them ; though I am 
perhaps one of the clergymen in the world that am most 
against all severity on the account of religion ; and ^ I studied 
to encourage the prince and princess in their resolutions of 
consenting to liberty of conscience ^ with all possible zeal. Yet 
the king, who is vehement in everything that he once under- 
takes, * continued by frequent repeated instances to press my 

• Hist. i. 688. ^ IbUL 691. • Ibid. 69a. d Ibid. 691. • Ibid, 708. 

' The Life, following the Autobio- of Lord Halifax and Lady Russell, 
graphy, ascribes this to the influence * Inserted ; qu. by the writer of f. 2 ? 

i687] Harl. MSS. 6584, jf. 235 (a) -236 (a) 251 

being forbid their presence ; and in both his letters which the 
prince[ss ?] ^ hath showed me, * and in his discourse of me, he 
seemed to forget his own greatness % and spake and writ of 
me in a style that had more of anger and ill-nature than 
of modesty in it. He gained his point, and ^ I went no more 
to court. ° But, after that, the book I writ concerning Italy 
appeared, in which my chief design was to lay open the 
misery of those who lived under absolute government and 
a devouring superstition ; there were many passages in it that 
offended the court highly. Next after that some papers 
appeared against the abolishing the test, and upon the 
declarations for liberty of conscience both in England and 
Scotland^. These took so much with the nation, that the 
king believed they crossed his designs ; he suspected me to 
be the author, as I was indeed, though he could never find 
proofs of it. This sharpened a displeasure which was already 
quick enough ; but he understanding that I was like to have 
one of the best matches in the Hague *^ (and a person ^ that was 
originally descended from a Scotch family, and that had in 
her all the qualities that I could have proposed to myself 
in a wife, besides a very fair estate), **he thought to have 
broke this by accusing me of high treason for having had 
a correspondence with Argyll, and for having conversed with 
some that were condemned of high treason. The truth was, 
the king writ himself to Scotland ordering his advocate to 
prosecute me ^ ; and his advocate having no matter against me, 
threw together such things as he could fancy might be true. 
® I had the news of this from Scotland before the king's envoy 
had it ^ ; and it came to me just the night before I was to 
^ [/• ^3^ (^)1 contracted ; so Mr. Halewyn proposed an 

• Hisi, i. 726. ^ Ibid, 708. « Ibid, 726. *» Ibid, • Ibid, 

^ Mr. Flexman^ list, appended to children, see Autobiography, infm^ f. 

Hist, ed. 1833, vi. 357, enumerates six 910 ; infrti^ App. II (Meditation by 

such pamphlets. See also the CoUecHon Burnet on his wedding-day. May 95, 

of Eighteen Papers ... by Gilbert 1687) ; infra^ App. III. ; Life of the 

Burnet^ D.D.^ 1689. Bishop, by her son Thomas (appended 

' For Mary Scott, second wife of to Hist, ii', p. 695; art. Diet, Nat, 

Burnet and mother of all his surviving Biog. 

252 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1687 

expedient, of which the prince approved, which was that the 
next morning I should 'petition the States of Holland to 
be naturalized. This was so reasonable, and seemed to be 
so much of a piece with my contract that was to be signed 
in the afternoon, that it passed without opposition ; for it 
was not known that there was any other design in it ; and by 
this means I came under the protection of the States. But 
I studied to soften the court, and writ several letters to the 
earl of Middleton in my own justification. I showed that 
all the matters that were laid against me were notoriously 
false in all the branches of it \sic\ which appeared so plainly 
that the court let fall the pursuit. But because in my first 
letter I had writ that by my naturalization my all^iance 
in these provinces translated me from his majesty to the 
States, and because I added that if a sentence should pass 
against me I should be forced to justify myself and give 
an account of that share which I had in affairs these twenty 
years past, in which I might be led to mention some things 
that I was afraid might displease the king, upon this the court 
ordered a citation * ; though it seemed strange to see the king, 
who had naturalized so many strangers, make a crime of my 
saying that I was at present become a subject to the States ; 
and it was also absurd to say that I threatened the king, in 
saying that I would be forced to write a history in my own 
justification. Yet this being more specious than the matter 
laid against me in the first citation, ^ the court has still kept 
up this against me, but has delayed proceeding to a sentence 
now for several months **, to see if the terror of it would bring 
me to make submission. And to frighten me the more, ^ the 
Ei^lish envoy has talked with several of his spies of a design 
he had to carry me away, though the methods that he pro- 
posed were so ridiculous, and he opened it to so many 
persons, that all came to my knowledge ; from which I must 
conclude that he either spoke of it to frighten me °, or that 
he is one of the unfittest men in the world to manage such 
a design. I have taken my own way, and *have not entered 

• Ct Hist. i. 726-7. »» JM. 737. • Ibid. d Ibid. 

1687] Harl MSS. 6584, jf. 236 (a}-237 (a) 253 

into any state of treaty, though my friends in London have 
writ me word that several overtures have been made to 
reconcile me to the court ; but since I have not hearkened 
to any of them, I hear now sentence is passed ; and whether 
[/. 2^6 (d)] upon this any of the brutal Irish that are here 
in the service will endeavour to merit at the king*s hands 
by destroying me ^, I do not know, nor am I much concerned' ; 
for I am weary of life and of the world. So all my apprehen- 
sions are that they may make an attempt upon me, that 
shall go only half way, and of all the things in the world 
an operation of surgery is that which I apprehend the most ; 
but for this and all that relates to myself, ** I resign myself 
up entirely to that providence that has hitherto watched over 
me with such an indulgent care, that what my enemies have 
designed against me^ as the greatest mischief they could do 
me by driving me out of England, ® has produced the happiest 
alteration ^ in the course of my life that could have befallen me, 
and that which gives me the perfectest quiet and content*. 
But now I return to the secrets of public affairs. 

[7^ Scotch declaration of indulgence^ 

[Cf. Hint i. 712 i^Jnmt * He sent a proclamation ' to p. 714, * cold and general 

For * in February ' read * in the beginning of the year Li6]87/ 

Om. ^ This was published . . . England.' 

After <The king* insert *who is bound to maintain the laws/ 

For * not only . . . authority ' read only [of J claim[ing] a power superior 
to the laws.* 

After ' sacred ' add * [so] that though many princes have in effect claimed this 
power, yet none that I know [/. 237 (a)] of have ever declared so much in 
plain words.' 

After < rested in him ' add * but as this is the only precedent that I could 

• Cf. Hist, i. 737. ^ Ibid. « Ibid, 

* See Luttrell, i. 433, 434, March, 
1687-8 ; Portland MSS, (H. M. C). iii. 
405, fora report (in March, 1687-8) that 
an attack had been made upon a Scotch 
gentleman (identified with Sir Robert 
Hamilton) who had been severely 
wounded coming out of Burnet's 
house ; that it was supposed the assault 
had been intended for Burnet ; that the 

States had offered j^^xoo for the appre- 
hension of the three ruffians concerned, 
and that Burnet was given a guard of 
soldiers. The report can hardly have 
been true, or Burnet would surely 
have mentioned it in his subsequent 

* He alludes of course to his second 

254 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1686-7 

ever find of kings pretending to absolute power in any legal government (of which 
our court will have no reason to boast much).* 

/br 'The requiring * nod * Yet our court carried the matter much further by 
requiring ' ; and after ' this ' add ' absolute power ; which.* 

Om. ' (as indeed [that it seemed] ' . . . jealousies).* 

Om, < to set up conventicles . . . way.' 

[/. 037 {by] For * addresses ' read < an address.* 

For * they answered . . . words ' read only ' they could not prevail so far 
with them.' 

[A fiarlitunent in Scotland^ 

C£ Hist, i. 679 (* In summer . . . prevail on a majority*) and 680-1. 

For ' In summer . . • parliament had been ' read < There had been a trial made 
of a sessions of parliament in summer [i6]86, to which the earl of Murray was sent 
down commissioner.* 

Om. ' and tests . . . religion.* 

After * methods ' i$tsert ' both of fear and hope.' 

After ' migority ' aM * But Murray was too weak a man to manage such a 
matter ' ; and om, entirely from p. 679 (^ But two accidents *) to p. 680 ('who had 
it from the eari himself*), and begin again at * When the session ' (p. 680) and go 
on to end of paragraph, 

Om. 'he promised.' 

Om. * and so did the bishop of Galloway.' 

Om. * were silent but ' ; and after ' laws ' add * but only one or two had the 
courage to speak for them.' 

For ' meanness ' read ' poorness/ and for ' of the other members ' read * the 
meanness of the commissioners for the burghs.' 

After * maintained ^fbr * yet ' read * It went otherwise for.' 

After 'from the king* add 'without any reason assigned*; and om. 'And 
Paterson . . . Dunkeld.* 

[ReJUcttans on the foregoing ; state of Ireland.'\ 

Upon this » the nation, that was become extremely corrupt, 
and both ignorant and insensible as to the matters of religion, 
began to recover its old hatred against popery*. And though 
some ^ few ^ of the ruined nobility ^ have changed their religion ^ 
in hopes of favour from the court, yet popery is not like to make 
any gfreat progression in Scotland. ^ It is true the episcopal 
clergy there is so rank, that as they are not able to [/. 238 {a)"] 
animate the nation much ®, so few of them have the zeal or the 
courage that is necessary for it. But, on the other hand, ^ the 
Presbyterians maintain their rooted aversion to popery to so 
high a degree, that the court has no great reason to depend 

• Hist. i. 681. ^ Ibid. • Ibid. d /^vi 

> The second reading is that of Routh's Bumefs Janus IL 

1687] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 237 (a)-238 (a) 255 

upon them * ; and it is not understood whether the king will 
go on to maintain their liberty that he has granted by his 
absolute power, or whether he will try another parliament. 
Yet Scotland is considered as an accessory to England, 
which will follow his [? her] fortune ; ^ but Ireland is in a much 
more dangerous condition ; for the lord deputy goes on in 
his brutal way ^, and now matters are there going on fast to 
a crisis ; since the sheriffs, being generally Irish papists, have 
now begun in several countries to turn the English out of 
possession of their estates, which they hold by virtue of the 
act of settlement, and repossess the Irish; this is already 
done in a great many countries, and according to the success 
they find in these small attempts, they may probably go on 
to act more boldly. Yet the king continues to say that he 
will maintain the settlement of Ireland, just as he says he will 
maintain the church of England, at the same time that he 
is doing all he can to destroy it. ^ The English papists are 
sensible enough of Tyrconnell's brutality ®, and they thought 
to have got him to be recalled, and Powis was to go in his 
stead ; of which he thought himself so sure, that he owned 
it to a friend of mine that he was to go thither ; but this was 
eight months ago. Tyrconnell has, it seems, so established 
himself in the king's confidence that there is no appearance of 
a change. 

\Tke king and the English dissenters j characters of D*Albeville 

and Sheiton,] 

But for the affairs of England, the king finding the church 
of England so firm that he had small hopes of prevailing on 
them, and [? he] resolved next to change his course, and to 
try what he could expect from the dissenters. He sent over 
^ Mr. D'Albeville, or rather one Mr. White, an Irish papist, 
who had been for many years a spy ^ in the court of England. 
He began the trade in Cromwell's days, whose spy he was, 
as Stoupe told me; after that he was 'employed by the 
Spaniards, by whose means he had obtained that empty 

• Hist. i. 681. »» Ibid. ^ Ibid. 682. d Ibid. 707, 708, • Ibid. 

256 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1687 

title of marquess *. He served also to the States in the same 
quality, but it was believed that *he was corrupted [/. 238 (^)] 
by the French » to give them false intelligence. ^ Mr. Skelton 
was envoy before ^ ; and if a judgement is to be made of men 
by their employments through which they, pass, one should 
conceive a very high opinion of him, for he has been now 
many years in foreign negotiations. He was first sent to 
Vienna to dispose the emperor to a peace to be made at 
Nimeguen ; then he was sent to reside in Hamburgh and 
to negotiate the affairs of the North ; after that he was 
brought to Holland, and he is now in Savoy, ® and in France ^. 
And yet after all this ^ he is a very weak^ and passionate 
man, who neither understands the conduct of affairs, nor can 
govern his tongue with any sort of temper ; for as his passion 
carries him to fly out on all occasions, so his vanity is so little 
governed that ®he discovers all sorts of secrets®, even when he 
can have no other design in it but to let it appear that he 
knows them. ' He had committed so many errors in Holland, 
and had given' the prince of Orange ' such particular reasons of 
being displeased at him, that D'Albeville was sent in his room ' ; 
who had a sort of fawning and smooth [way] with him ^, and 
who had made this his chief maxim, to say to every man that 
which he thinks will please him ; but he doth this so coarsely 
that he is soon discovered. He has all the boldness that he 
thinks necessary to get through in lying and dissembling. 
« He assured the States that the king was firmly resolved to 
maintain his alliance with them, and that his naval provisions 
had no relation to them, but were only intended to preserve 
the peace of Europe ; and he seemed troubled to find the 
States so possessed with the apprehensions of those prepara- 
tions that they had already^ ordered Mr. Dyckveldt to go over ** 
and observe the king s motion. * This he endeavoured all he 
could to divert, for Dyckveldt was not yet gone. ^ It was but in 

• Cf. Hist i. 708. ^ Ibid. 623, 707. « Ibid. 707. * Ibid. 623. • Ibid. 
624. ' Ibid. 707. « Ibid, 709. ^ Ibid. 708. • Ibid. 709. * Ibid, 708. 

^ The transcript reads ' fawning and smoothing with him.* 

1687] HarL MSS. 6584, ^ 238 (ay-240 (a) 257 

vain, for »the prince had a particular design in sending him 
over, which was to speak freely to the king *, and to engage 
the king to speak freely likewise ^ 

[D^Albeville^s negotiation with the prince and princess s 

Dyckveldfs report^ 

Cf. Hist. i. 709 {from * In his secret negotiations* to p. 711, * brought to 
hearken to them*). 

Om, * secret ' ; and after ^ assurances * add * in the king's name.* 

[/ ^39 (^)] Afttr * crown * add ' and to make it more absolute.* 

For * who had served . . . conscience * read * and of whose loyalty and fidelity 
he was well assured; but he added, that the king was [al]so resolved to 
maintain the establishment of the church of England, and never to use any 
violence in matters of conscience.* 

For * and that he spoke * read < and not only spoke * ; after * bigot * add * that 
had lost his reason and * ; and for < whereas . . . maxims, and therefore he * 
read 'but he had.* 

After * relief* add ' *Tis true in this he shewed his concern for the order of 
the Jesuits ; for he said P. de la Chaise,* &c, as above. 

After * subjects ' add * when he went over ; to whom he gave a good recep- 
tion and to whom he s^ake very freely, and for the most part calmly, of all those 
matters. He was very earnest to gain the princess*s consent.* 

For * At that time * read * And when D*Albeville came over.* 

After ' assurances * add ' in his name.* 

For * But the king had reckoned . . . put off* read ^ This was founded on the 
easiness of some members who gave the king secret assurances ; but as the king 
went on trying the temper of more members he found he could not come within 
a great way [/. 939 (6)] of the majority of either [of the] houses, so he 
dissolved the parliament.* 

After ' reasonable ^ for *■ to let papists in to sit * read J to [take] away the tests 
by which papists might come into.* 

For ^ of some . . . particular * read only ^ of the men of that religion.* 

^//w * jealousy * add * for the time to come.* 

Om, * it appeared . . . desired.* 

For ' in so tender ... ill from them ' read only * in matters of religion, so that 
his throwing them off upon that account.* 

For * the king . . . improve the * read * They were sorry to see the king 
neglect the great ' ; and for ' might be . . . and great* read ' of being happy.* 

Om. * best, and now the only.* 

After *■ true ' add * they were extreme sorry to see the king involve himself in 
designs in which he was like to meet with great difficulties at home, and in 
which [/. 340 (a)] the[y] could not at all concur with him.* 

For < of Uieir answers . • . D*AlbeviUe * read * of all that was said in that 


• Cf. Hist, i, 708. 

^ The reader will observe that there errand to the opposition, mentioned in 
is here no mention of Dyckveldt*s the History, i. 7o8>9. 


258 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1687 

For * he found . . . resolution ' read * he never found anything like good 
reasoning, but only a stiff firmness.' 

After < He said * add ' often/ 

For ' so the king saw . . . Sunderland * read only < since that might look 
like a reproaching of the king. Upon this Dyckveldt, that gave me an account 
of all that negotiation, told me that Sunderland ' ; after * prince ' add * and 
princess * ; and after *■ concur with the king * add ^ in the matter of the tests ; 
that he should have the chief stroke in all affairs.* 

For * And they engaged . . . settled * read ' And some carried this so far as to 
offer that.* 

[DyckveUU and the English opposition,] 

» Dyckveldt came at this time to enter into great confidences 
with many in England » ; and he gave them righter impressions 
of the prince, ^ for many were possessed with hard thoughts 
of him, as though he had arbitrary notions of government ^ 
and these [/. 240 (i)] reports were studiously enforced into 
the minds of the country party by the papists, who seemed 
generally to wish for a commonwealth rather than see the 
prince upon the throne. 

[The Liige tetter,] 
Cf. HisL i. 711-2. 

For * great discovery ' read *■ pretty discovery.' 

For < by the Jesuits * read ' by the indiscretion of the Jesuits.* 

For ' in Switzerland ' read * in Alsatia.' 

After i/ie second ^ to kiss his hand * read ' which was indeed a high strain 
of bigotry.' 

Om, * The Jesuits at Fribourg . . . Geneva and Switzerland.* 

For * One of those . . . named the Li^ge letter ' read ' Dyckveldt mentioned 
this letter to the king to convince him that the priests would not be contented 
with liberty.' 

Om. * made to make . . . odious.' 

Om, * Dyckveldt thought.' 

[Origin of the Fagel-Stewart correspondence,] 

^'But because the court of England might have misrepre- 
sented the prince's thoughts in this matter [/. 241 (a)] either 
to other popish princes with whom he was united in the 
common concerns of Europe or to the English nation, the 
prince laid hold of an opportunity that was offered him by 
^some letters that were writ to Mr. Fagel by one Stewart, 
an advocate of great esteem of the Scottish nation, who had 

• Cf. HisU i. 71a. ^ Ibid, 709. • Ibid, 732. <* Ibid, 731-2. 

1687J HarL MSS. 6584, ^ 240 (a)-24i (b) 259 

been engaged in Argyll's business, and was now invited out 
of Holland, where he had stayed for some years, and had got 
into some degrees of confidence with the pensioner*. The 
court thought that he might be of great use to them in 
disposing the presbyterians in Scotland to concur with the 
king in taking off the penal laws. ^ He spake with the prince 
before he left Holland, and gave him very positive assurances 
of his fidelity to the common interest of religion. Yet when 
he came to the court, the king possessed him with such an 
opinion of his sincerity, and that he had no other design but 
to establish a general liberty of conscience, that he undertook 
to serve him in it both in Scotland and in the Hague. 

[Stewarfs letter sJ\ 

Cf. Hist, i. 731-3 {from * He opened ' to * gained by the court '). 

Om, * at another time.* 

For ' Stewart after . . . But he found there, that * read * but as he found no 
success in his negotiation in Scotland, [where] * ; after *• court * add ' so his letters 
to the pensioner had no effect, which has very much displeased the court.* 

For from 'The pensioner laid ' to end of paragraph read only * for he writ a 
long and full answer to them.* 

[Facers letter,"] 

Cf. Hist, I 73fl {from * He began it * to p. 733, *all or nothing*). 
[/. 24 T {by] For * carried by . . . brought by him into * read only * was read in.' 
For ' but nothing . . . upon it ' read * but hithdUo it has had no effect/ 
For * ordered Stewart . . . back * trad * said plainly to Stewart.* 

[Probable issue of the affair j position of father Petre ; 

imprudence of 1/ Albeville,] 

This letter, which will be published ere long, will probably 
have both a great effect on the nation and ^ all the moderate 
catholics both within and without the kingdom, and by what 
I have seen writ from Rome, the pope will very probably 
advise the king to accept of it. But the king is now in the 
hands of the Jesuits and the French ambassador ^ who has 
more credit at present in our court than he had during the 
last reign ; and as the king's confessor is a Jesuit, so *^he has 
taken F. Petre into his particular confidence, as he hath 
been long in the secret of affairs, and is now made a privy 
councillor ^. He is a weak and ^ an ignorant man ^, but is all 

• Cf Hist, i. 73a. »» Ibid. e Ibid, 733. d Ibid. • Ibid. 672. 

S 2 

26o Burnetts Original Memoirs [1687 

made up of a violent and meddling temper, which had 
rendered him formerly unacceptable to all the families in 
which he had lived. ^He pretends now to be made arch* 
bishop of York and a cardinal ; but that is not like to be 
obtained during the present pontific[ate] ^, [/. 242 (a)] ^ for 
the pope is so possessed against the whole order that it will 
not be easy to bring him to advance any of them ; and as 
he has already refused to do it very flatly, though it was most 
earnestly desired of him by the king, so it is not like he \vill 
ever be brought to grant it. ^'But the king, though he is 
really governed by the Jesuits* cabal, yet would not absolutely 
disgust the secular priests, whose head is Leyborne, that was 
sent over by cardinal Howard ; so he is likewise made a privy 
councillor, though he has not so great a share in the counsels 
as the other has. This creates a faction among them which 
has been sometimes upon the point of breaking out very 
grossly; but the king is so partial to the Jesuits that the 
other must be contented. D'Albeville is now coming over 
again, having been five months in England ; for it seems the 
papists have no other whom they will trust with the negotia- 
tion but him, which shows how low they are, and how much 
they want men, for h^has not at all the address that is 
necessary for such tender matters, of which I will only set 
down [one ?] instance. ^ When the prince was once pressing 
him upon the promises that the king had made and sworn, 
to maintain the laws and the established religion, he, [instead 
of] pretending that the king still kept his word^ by giving 
some ambiguous sense to his promises, *said roundly that 
upon such and such occasions, which he named, other princes ^ 
had forgot their promises ^ But though in the avowing this 
so frankly there was much sincerity, 'yet the prudence of 
a minister will appear as little in it' as in that which followed : 
^when the prince was arguing that the church of England 
being the main body of the nation the king ought to have 

• Cf. Hisi, i. 733. ^ Ihid. 704. « Ibid. 733. * IM. infra. 

• Ibid, 734. ' Ibid, 733. « Ibid, 734. 

^ The transcript reads 'pontificalL' ' The History differs. 

1687] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 241 (^)-242 {U) 261 

more regard to them, D'Albeville answered that the body 
which he called the church of England would not have a being 
two years to an end ; which was to speak out the designs of 
the court a little too plainly *. 

\Bumet reflects: I. on these negoiicUions^ as they affect the European 
situation J II, on English affairs^ and the princes dilemma; III, 
on the report that the queen is with child"^,] 

I g^ve the account of this negotiation the more particularly, 
both because I am certainly informed of it by messages which 
the prince sends me, and because this is like to be the 
occasion of a rupture which may have great consequences. 
France apprehends the prince's being on the throne of 
England above all things; so they will certainly push 
[/ 7,4% (b)] on the king as far as is possible to embroil 
matters both in England and between the king and prince ; 
since as this keeps the king still in a dependence on them, 
so it may in the end produce somewhat in which they find 
their account. On the other hand, the extremity to which 
the king has driven matters will throw the nation into great 
confusions, which it will be very hard to manage. For either 
the nation will lose heart, and then a multitude will become 
the feeblest thing in the world ; or if the vigour of the 
subjects is still kept up, it will be hard to govern this and 
to keep it from breaking out upon great provocations, chiefly 
if a force is put upon the elections of parliament men, which 
strikes at all. And if there should be a comm[otion ^], or 
if the violence of the Irish should create a disorder in that 
island, the prince will be reduced to great difficulties; the 
ties of nature will make it hard for him to head a rising 
against his father-in-law ; but, on the other hand, if the king's 
ill conduct throws the nation into such a violent fermentation, 

* CC Hisi. i. 734. 

^ The significance of this passage iv,^55fMi), with whose important work 

is discussed in the Lift of Halifax^ i. the author was unfortunately not ac- 

493-4. The views there defended quainted. Klopp, iv. 497-9, shows that 

derive extraneous support from the the D*£8trees letters (Dalrymple, pt i. 

valuable authority of Herr Onno Klopp bk. i. App. pp. 132-30) are a forgery. 

{Dtr Fall desHausisStuarifVols. in and ' The MS. reads ' a commission.' 


Burnet's Original Memoirs 


then a rebellion that prospers will turn to a commonwealth ; 

and if it is subdued it will put all things in the king's hands. 

So that the difficulties will be great on all hands ; for [where] 

nature and honour, religion and interest, pull all different 

ways it will not be easy to come to a resolution. A war at 

home of any continuance will naturally bring over a French 

army, in whose hands the king will put such places as are in 

his power. And thus we are like to become a scene of blood 

and horror again ; and the outrageous counsels of a few priests 

about the king are like to bring England again to the very 

brink of the precipice and very near its ruin. It is true there 

is a report ^, now generally believed to be true, which may 

change the whole scene. It is said that the queen is with 

child. This piece of news is so fit for their affairs at present 

that this tempts many to doubt of it. Yet it seems to be 

true ; and if [it] proves in conclusion such as they desire, it 

will extremely feed the superstition of the party ; for (besides 

the seasonableness of it [since] ^ it comes at a juncture in 

which without this small hope their affairs were quite 

desperate ^) » they give out that this conception was the 

effect of a vow • the queen * made * to the Virgin '. [/. 243 (a)] 

And indeed if the queen, that brought a great many children 

in the freshness of her youth, when she came first over, which 

were all so unhealthy that they died quickly, should now after 

so much sickness, that has brought her so very low, bear 

a healthy son, it would look on all hands as a very particular 

stroke of providence that was almost a miracle. But the 

history of the following years must determine this matter, 

which I must now leave in the uncertainty in which it is at 

present. But I go on to finish the present period of my history. 

• Cf. Hist. i. 749. 

^ This passage, being written on 
or before Dec. 26, 1687 (see infra) ^ 
seems to have been recorded before 
the proclamation of Dec 23, 1687, 
ordering prayers for the queen^s safe 
delivery, reached Holland. The re- 
ports had circulated as early as Nov. 
14 (see Hist. MSB. Comm. Rep. xv. 

pt. s, p. 73) ; and the Princess of 
Orange had been informed of her step- 
mother's expectations before Nov. 39, 
O. S. (Strickland, Q. of Eng., ed. 
185 1 -a, vi. aoa). 
' The transcript reads * sure.' 
' The transcript inserts * and.' 
• The History says, * her mother.* 

1687] HarL MSS. 6584, ff. 242 (6)-244 (a) 263 

\The English declaration of indulgenc€'\ 

Cf. Hist, i. 714 {from * In April ' to * concur with him in it *). 
After '• that limited this * read ^ for all time to come.* 
Om, 'as well as to . . . church party.* 

For * yet no limitation . . . suspension ' read ' yet this was not only pretended 
to be done only [sic] in the intervals of parliament* 
Om, ^ And the promise . . . any such thing.' 

[Addresses made upon //.] 

Cf. Hist, i. 714-6 {to ' changed likewise *). 

Begin 'Yet though this was a subverting the whole constitution of the 
English government.' 

[/. 343 (6)] After < dissenters ' add * to thank the king for the grace that was 
contained in it.' 

Om, 'being penned . . . gained.' 

For * on the clergy . . . proceedings ' read * on the church of England men.' 

After ' favour ' add ' and offered up their lives and fortunes to the king.* 

For ' made the cruelty . . . discourse ' read ' broke with the church of England 
in a most unmerciful manner.' 

For * to show favour . . . propositions to him ' read ' to do what he desired.* 

For ' for as the persons . . . defame them ' read ' for whatsoever some violent 
men might say, yet it was well known that the eminent men of the church of 
England had made no such advances ; and this way of using them was thought 
an extraordinary return for their past services.' 

For * But, to carry this further . . . themselves had been lately treated ' read 
* Yet the design of this was clearly seen ; for the court thought to have engaged 
the church of England men and dissenters into new contentions ; and they 
knew that they must needs gain by that. But both sides were wiser upon this 

Om, [/ 944 (a)] ' that were gained by the court' 

For ' tiiough it was visible . . . church * read ' as if the chief hold by which 
their establishment was preserved had been that promise, and as if a general 
promise that was put in a declaration whose chief intent was to destroy the 
church of England had been so much to be magnified.' 

For ' But the bishop . . . with him in it ' read ' Yet when the bishop of 
Oxford sent one to the university it was rejected there with much vigour, 
only one person out of the whole body signing it ; and the reasons upon which 
they refused to do it were so strong, that these addresses were not any more 
encouraged by the clergy.' 

For ' Some foolish men . . . peevishness ' read ' The foolish angry men that 
were amongst [them ^] were really vexed because they could not persecute 
their brethren any more.' 

For ' But the far greater part . . . remembered this ' read * But the wiser and 
better part began now to see what advantages their animosities had given the 
papists ; and so they became much more moderate on those heads. If this 
temper continues, so that all men grow convinced that the papists have all along 

* Inserted ; qu. by the writer of f. a? 

264 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1687 

fomented our differences for their own ends, this may have a very happy effect 
on us in the next probable revolution ^* 

For *■ Now the bedchamber . . . dissenters ' rtad * But now the tables were 
strangely turned at court, for the church of England men were extremely 
decried * ; and om. ^ and was venturing . . . account* 

AJUr * changed likewise ' atUl ^ Upon which a new set of pamphlets came 
out ; yet all this went soon over.' 

[A progress arranged,] 

Cf. Hisi, i. 716 (*The king seeing no hope . . . counties') ; /or which rtmd 
< But the main thing was the preparation of the nation for a new election of 
parliament men, and in order to the softening of men's minds, the king resolved 
on a progress through many of the western counties ; the queen's ill health 
made it necessary for her to stay at The Bath.* 

[Reception of the nunao.] 

Cf. Hisi. i. 716-7. 

[/. 944 (&)] For * laws were repealed * read * laws were ready to be repealed.' 

For * The duke of Somerset ' rtad ^ But of all the courtiers the duke of 
Somerset was the only person that refused to assist in the ceremony. [He].' 

For 'that no person could hear it' read Uhat I could not learn what the 
substance of it was.' 

{The king's progress; a supposed result of the Bath.] 

Cf. Hist i. 717 {from *When this was over* to 'her course of bathing*). 

For * to all sorts of people ' read ' unto them.' 

For ' He ran out . . . conscience * read * and was always magnifying the 
liberty that he had granted, and showed how much it was the interest of the 

[/ 245 (a)] For * at The Bath . . . bathing' rtad ' and it is now given out, that 
The Bath had so good an effect that upon their meeting she conceived.* 

[A pamphlet war\] 

Cf. Hist. i. 717 {from * Many books ' to end of paragraph). 

For * Many books were now writ for " read 'All [? At] this time all that intended 
to merit at court were writing little books to persuade people to accept of the 
proffer of a general ' ; attd omit * and since . . . tests gave.* 

Om. ' It was never explained . . . word.' 

Om. * ever since the Oxford parliament.' 

After ' upon this * add ' and the civilities that the king had shewed to those 
of the commonwealth's party ' ; and om. * sort of.' 

For ' began to talk . . . nation * read * cherished the discourse, in order to the 
gaining of that party.' 

^ i.e. the political transformation vitality of the expected offspring, the 
which must result from the princess's odds were still in favour of this con- 
eventual accession. It must be remcm- tingency. 

bered, that since, even accepting the ^ See The Anatomy of an Equivalenij 

report of the queen's pregnancy as by the Marquis of Halifax, 
true, all depended on the sex and 

1687] Harl. MSS. 6584, ^ 244 (a)-246 (b) 265 

[CAaft^es in the magistracy. 1 

Cf. Hist i. 718-9 (Jo * reserved in the new charters'). 

Om. * For great powers . . . severity and contempt.' 

For * threw off' nod * throws off.' 

Om, ^ which they did . . . upon the invitation.' 

[/. 345 (A)] For * dissenters ' read * presbyterians.' 

For * put the decision . . . exception * read * took a very prudent method to 
make those of [the] church of England concur with him ; for.' 

For * behaved himself ... of him ' read * has hitherto behaved himself much 
more prudently than could have been expected from so weak a man.' 

Place next paragraph in present tense^ and for ' These regulators ... in 
another ' read * which were at first pretended to be put in them only to make 
the corporation feel their dependence on the court, and not as if they had been 
intended to be ever made use of (cf. p. 718). 

[Electors questioned.'] 

Cf. Hist, i. 719 {to end of page in present tense), 

Om, * and freeholders.' 

[/. 346 (a)] Om, ' They said this was . . . engagement.' 

For ' This, as all . . . themselves from it : for ' read * So that the king finds 
that this new and illegal way that he has taken of asking the minds of the 
gentry beforehand has been so far from succeeding with them that.' 

[Reflections on the foregoing.] 

For the present state of affairs is such that * the king must 
either resolve on doing some very violent thing, either in forcing 
elections, or in forcing the parliament when it meets, by his 
soldiers *, as Cromwell did ; or if [after] all * the threatenings 
that he lets fall every day that he [is] king and must be obeyed, 
and that he will make those who will not consent to that feel 
that he is their king^ he lets the whole matter fall and comes 
to treat upon the overtures which the prince has made to him, 
he will indeed sink much in the character of a hero, both at 
home and abroad ; and will give credit to the insinuations of 
those that do not love him, [/. %^6 {b)\ who say that he is the 
severest man in the world when danger is far off, but that 
when it comes near him he is as much disturbed at it as other 
men. It is true if he lets all his attempts upon the religion and 
liberty of his people fall it will be a great happiness to them ; 
for if once he lets it go he can never hope to return to it 
again ; and, on the other hand, ^ he has run his ministers and 

• Cf. Hist, i. 720. »> Ibid, infra, « Ibid, supia. 


266 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1687 

his party into so many illegal things that they are certainly 
very uneasy till either he goes through stitch with his designs 
and subdues the nation (that so they may be safe in their 
crimes), or till he bring matters to an agreement (so that an 
act of indemnity may be passed which may secure them for the 
time to come*, since the king's life and the doubtful prospect 
of the queen's being with child are too uncertain tenures for 
them to hold their safety by). But I am an historian to relate 
what is past, and not a prophet to look into what is to come ; 
therefore I must here break off and stay till time opens up all 
that cloud that is at present over England ; and having con- 
tinued this history now till the end of the year [i6]87, I give 
over writing on St. Stephen's Day, new style [Dec. 26, 1687- 
Jan. 5, 1688]. I have endeavoured all I could to watch over 
myself and not to suffer the great concerns which I have for 
the public or the particular injuries that are done myself to 
sour my temper too much ; and as far as I can judge of my 
[heart ?], I have writ with [the] equality and sincerity of 
a faithful and unbiassed historian ; but it must be considered 
that I am out of England, so that I now see things by other 
men's eyes \ 

\Supplement begun in Jan,, i68J ; correspondence between 

king and princess J &*c.] 

Here I had put a stop to this work, but a transaction that 
fell out this year being communicated to me in the beginning 
of the next, seemed to me too important not to be set down, 
and therefore I have resolved not to delay the inserting it to 
the next time that I begin to write. But I do it now in the 
beginning of January, 1688. [/. 247 {a)] ^ The king writ a letter 
to the princess of Orange, bearing date the fourth of Novem- 
ber, which yet was not delivered to her before the a4th of De- 

• Cf. Hist i. 7ao. »' Ibid, 

' There is no break in the Iran- first three months of 1688 ; sec infra, 
script. The foUowing supplement and also f. 254 {b}. 
was written at intervals during the 

1687] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 246 {b) -251 (a) 267 

cember, that Mr. D'Albeville returning from England brought 
it to her. » The prince was pleased to send me both the letter 
and the brotiillofi of the princess' answer, all writ with her own 
hand *. I had but time to read them twice over, yet ^ I have 
carried the most considerable points of them so well in my 
memory ^ that I am very confident I shall give a very faithful 
abstract of them, and that for a great part in the words of 
the letters themselves ^ 

\Ab5iract of the king's letter^ 

Cf. Hist, i. 7ao-9 {ihi verbal differtnces art triflifigj though numerous). 
[/. 347 (6)] For * atheism ' read * schism/ 

[Reflections on the above."] 

Cf. Hist, i. 72a {from * It was easy for me' /o * greater length*). 

[/. 348 (fl)] After * for I had ' add * upon many occasions/ 

For * was writ very decently and ' read * how weak soever in the reasoning 

[/. 348 (6)] After 'altered' add *so that her spirits [must] have been pretty 
warm all the while that she writ it* 

[Abstract of the princess Marys answer.] 

Cf. Hist. i. 722-5 (numerous tnflittg verbal variations). 

For * for failing ' read ' for forgetting the post day, and so failed ^/ 

[249 (a)] After * professed it led ill lives * read * Those were indeed a scandal 

to it, but there were many ill men of all persuasions, though those who were 

called reformed ought to shew it in their lives ^* 

[Abstract of the king*s answer,] 
Cf. Hist. i. 725. 

[Burnet's reflections.] 
Cf. Hist, I, 725-6. 

[/. 350 (6)] For *■ often and it' read 'so oft, that he might have conned it by 

heart as a lesson which.' 

[/• 251 W] ^o^ 'did let . . . that she' read 'must needs put those who 

* Cf. Hist. i. 722. »» Ibid, 

' French translations of these let- 
ters, with that of a second from the 
princess, were published in 1880, 
from the Bentinck archives, at pp. 
4-24 of the Lettres et Memoires de 
Marie Reine d'Angleterre. Burnet's 
account (which as far as concerns the 
princess's letter was, so he tells us in 
the printed History^ subsequently re- 
vised by her) is a very fair version, 
especially regarding the fact that it 

was written from memory. The order 
of the arguments differs a little ; in 
a few cases Burnet has omitted or 
misconstrued a point; and he has 
inadvertently admitted a reference to 
the story of the nun, which he had 
had from James himself, and to which 
no allusion is made in the letter. 

' Both of these additions are found 
in the translation from the original. 

268 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1687 

managed the popish designs on desperate counsels, since they found by the 
letters that were sent on this occasion that they had to do with a princess that.* 

\iy Albeuill^ s memorials concerning Bantam^ 

Cf. Hist. i. 728 {from « I begin * to < matter was let fall '). 

For * I begin the year . . . Hague. He ' rtad only * D'Albeville.' 

Onu ' but nothing followed upon it.* 

For * with another . . . decently expressed ' rtad * pretty high/ 

[/ 251 (6)] For * D'AlbeviUe after this gave in ' read * With this D'Albeville 
went away, and now he brought over.* 

After * was conceived * add * and thus the king was made appear very con- 
temptible ; [since] after so high a threatening he came to desire a treaty.* ^ 

For ' Yet in this . . . read it * readonly < But in this the king has also mistaken 
his measures.* 

For * When this memorial ... let fall * read * So this business sleeps still.* 

[£^Aidevi//e*s memorials concerning BurfieiJ] 

Cf. Hist. i. 798-31 {to < fright me into some mean submission *). 

After *■ in a memorial * add ' had, before he went over.* 

[/. 352 (a)"] After < on the king * add * but only, on my enemies.' 

Oni, * and no person . . . persecute.* 

After ' alive * add < But upon the first memorial I added that.* 

For * was charged with * read ' have published.* 

For * two memorials * read * second memorial.* 

For ' and three * read * [and] almost three.* 

For * I had lived . . . openly * read * I have lived a year [/. 25a (6)] here in 
the Hague in the sight of the king*s envoys.* 

Om. ^ and ordered a memorial . . . according to them.* 

After ' subjects * add * and settlement in the country.* 

After *to my charge * add 'according to the founds of their law.* 

For ^ an affront to him * read * a breach of the treaty.* 

[/. 253 (a)] /or * and not according . . • lie' read *but not according to the sense 
which may be used in any of the king's courts of justice ; for the lawyers of 
one country are not bound to know the sense of those words that are in the 
treaties, otherwise than as common use explains them. Therefore since.* 

After 'from justice* add 'the treaty must only [be]^ applied to such persons, 
and is not to be explained by a trick of the law of Scotland, in which a man 
that being cited does not appear is declared a fugitive and the king*s rebel.* 

Afler * honour * add ' for all this appears to be the effect of [unjust] ^ and 
impotent passion ^* 

After * murder me ' add ' I do not believe all that has been writ to mc upon 
this head, [al]though^ it has come from very good hands.* 

Om. * by accident ' and * but not yet signed.* 

After ' destroy me * aeld ' which as he writes did so surprise him that he could 
scarce believe his own eyes.' 

' Inserted ; qu. in hand of £ 2 ? leian autograph of the History ; sec 

* The transcript reads ' a Jesuit.* Routh's Burnet s James 11^ p. 240, note. 

' This passage remains in the Bod- * The transcript reads 'and though.* 

1687-8] HarL MSS. 6584, /! 251 (a)-253 (b) 269 

For * afiBrmed * read * in his letter.' 

For * had heard ... to convey the notice of it to me ' read only * told the same 
thing to one^* 

^/ier < send the notice to me ' insert < [an intimation was also sent me by the 
chancellor of England] that has made some more impressions upon me ^.* 

For * in a private way ... his hands ' read only * now.* 

For * than he had done . . . send it to me^ for he concluded ' nad * since the 
States had given me their protection. [/. 353 (&)] The king seemed angry that 
he answered so, which made a friend of mine ', to whom the chancellor told the 
design to have it conveyed to me, conclude.' 

[Effects upon Burnet himself^ 

» But I thank God this has given me no sort of disorder ; it 
has obh'ged me to use a little more than ordinary caution^ and 
that is all the effect it has had. I offer myself up to God, and 
am very willing to resign up my life to him •, if he suffers me 
to fall into the hands of mine enemies. I have writ a paper 
which I have ordered to be published as my dying words *, 
and have settled all things that relate to me as if I f[eare]d * 
present death ; but (with all this) I must add this to the praise 
of true Christianity and of philosophy, that ^ I never possessed 
myself during my whole life in a more pleasant and clearer 
cheerfulness of spirit ^ than I do at present ^. 

[Publication of FagePs letter; consequent recall of the 

six regiments^ 

Cf. Hist, i. 734-5 {from * What he wrote' to * persons in the States' pay'). 

For * What he wrote . . . industry ' read * The letter that Mr. Fagel had writ 
lay dead as a secret for some months, but the court of England spread a report 
over the nation.' 

0»«. * This was writ . . . Hague.' 

/Ifter * prince ' add* and princess * ; and for * gave orders ' read * gave secret 

• Cf. Hist, i. 731. »» Ibid. 

^ Thus the sentence in the original 
does not convey the impression that 
Prince George sent the message ; nor 
is this asserted in the letter (Life in 
Hist, ii. 695). As however the allu- 
sion to the letter does not occur 
in this sentence as eventually revised, 
Captain Baxter may have asserted this 

^ The transcriber places that part of 
the sentence here printed ii^ brackets 

between < very good hands * and < a 
[genUe]man of an unblemished repu- 
tation.' The present arrangement 
seems preferable. 

' By these words he signifies Kirk; see 
History in loco, and cl with Hist, L 647. 

^ This paper, which is missing, is 
mentioned in a subsequent paper print- 
ed infroy as i^>pendix III. 

* The transcript reads ' found.' 

* See Macaulay, ed. 1858, ii. 505, note. 

270 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1688 

For * saw themselves safe . . . them ' read * were now taken out of the hands 
of the court.' 

For * lay-papists seemed ' nad * moderate papists were ' ; for * with it ' read 

* with the proposition that was made on their behalf ; and omit ' though a free- 
dom . . . appearance/ 

[/. 354 (a)] A/ler * foreign ministers ' add * Some of the ill-natured priests 
took hold of this, to drive on the king to some extreme measures ; but the 
expectation of the queen's big belly put a stop to all these ; since it was said 
by those Who offered softer counsels * that if the queen bore a son, the greater 
part of the nation would, upon that change of the prospect of succession, change 
their measures ; and this is the chief argument now made use of, to divert all 
violent propositions.'* 

For *' and resolved . . . deep it was * read * Yet one thing followed upon it, in 
which the king hearkened more to his passion than to his reason.^ 

After * lend them to him * add * which was presently done.* 

Ont. * were so jealous of the king and.* 

For * the prince ... in obtaining * read * the interest that the prince had in 
that matter made him not without some difficulty obtain.* 

Om. ' There was no distinction . . . armies : so * ; and for ^ in those * rtad 

* in command among the.* 

For ' England . . . among them ' read * though upon the breaking of that 
rebellion he sent them back, yet many of them were so much wrought on that 
factions were formed in most of the regiments between the popish and the pro- 
testant officers.* 

For * prince, who ' read * prince ; who, as he ' ; and for * between the king 
and him . . . command * read * so he found the inconveniency of their being so 
much divided and of the many creatures that the king had among them.* 

[/. 354 (6)] For * The States pretended . . . part with them * read only ' would 
not part with the regiments.* 

[Situation March 15, 1688 ; Supplement concludes,] 

* In England the discourse of a parliament is taken up and 
let fall so often that it is not easy to know in what all those 
fluctuating counsels will end *. The Jesuits hope to get a car- 
dinal's hat for F. Petre, and when that is done it is believed 
that he will be made ^'the chief minister. The king has refused 
accommodating the difference that is between the pope and 
the king of France, upon this reason, because the pope has 
refused to gratify him in that promotion ; so that if the pope 
finds himself pressed by the king of France, then he will be 
forced to fly to the mediation of England, which will serve to 
advance F. Petre, and this will very probably precipitate our 

• Cf. Hist. i. 735. b Ibid, 735-6. 

^ The advice is that of Sunderland. 

1688] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 253 (6) -256 {a) 271 

affairs extremely, for he is a weak but passionate and hots 
headed man, who is both hardy and indiscreet and has all the 
ill qualities that are requisite to make him the incendiary of 
those kingdoms, and to drive both the king and his party to 
their ruin*. And with this I end for this tiftie, on the 15th of 
March, 1688 1. 

[Burnet resumes his pen, Sept., 1688.] 
I do again sit down to carry on this work, since the im- 
portance of [the] expedition that is now upon the point of 
breaking out requires it ; and since I myself am to go in it, I 
thought it fit to carry on this history to the end of September, 
in which I am writing it. [/. 255 {a)] The affairs of Eng- 
land went on till the end of April without any considerable 


[ The second declaration of indulgence^ 

Cf. Hist i. 736-8 (Jo * proved in conclusion Uiat they were *). 

Om. * as if none were intended . • . ripe.' 

Om, 'saw that the king . . . uneasy to them. They.* 

For 'They began to apprehend' to end of paragraph nod only 'As long as 
the king was entertained with hopes of carrying his point in a parliamentary 
way, it was not possible to push him on to extravagancies ; therefore they had 
a mind to see the end of all those expectations, that in case they failed in them, 
they might take new measures.' 

Om. * And now it appeared . . . parliament '.* 

Om. ' And they were at first . . . London.* 

For ' that was not strong . . . breach * read only ' since.* 

For * So it was proposed ... by making * read *■ And this made many at first 
[/ 255 (*)] to obey it, addmg.' 

Om, ' that they were bound . . . sent to them ' ; and ' and they could not 
see . . . not now * ; and ' The point at present . . . expedient thing.* 

Om, 'which the king . . . assume * aM</ ' and the making it . . . administration.* 

Om. ' and nothing they could do . . . interests * and ' it was therefore fit . . . 

After < prevailed * cuid ' with the most eminent of the clergy.' 

Om. ' if any considerable . . . refuse to obey.' 

[/ 256 («)] For 'The court depended upon this * read 'And it is certain that 
the court depended upon this and reckoned.' 

A/ttr ' managed * read * with so much prudence and.* 

• Ct Hist. i. 736. 

^ The transcript has no break ; and ' Here again, as the reader will 

places the full stop afler ' for this time' ; observe, an insinuation against San- 
running ' 1688 ' on to ' I do again.' croft was subsequently inserted. 

272 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1688 

[The bishops petition the king; their trial.] 

Cf. Hist. i. 738-40 ; 40-44 {to ' as if it had been a victory obtained *). 

For ' eighteen ' read * most ' ; and for * concurred ' read * concurred with him.' 

For ^ and was a matter . . . must amount to * read only * they could not concur 
in any act relating to that.' 

For * by his spies . . . secret and cautious * read only * with other hopes.* 

Ont. 'And they came . . . temper of the nation.' 

Om. * Lobb.' 

[/. 356 (6)] After ' before the second * add 'and so gave but a half obedience.* 

On p. 740 omit entirtly from * The king did what he could ' to ' college their 
president * {near end ofpag€\ beginning again * Thus the sense of the nation.* 

For * of father Petre . . . party ' read only * of the priests. * 

Om, 'for it was then printed * and 'that must have been done . . . shewed it* 

[/. 857 («)] After * city ' add * and country.' 

Om. 'and with loud shouts . . . preservation.* 

For ' pretended delivery * read only ' delivery.* 

For ' and it was given . . . vehemently * read only ' which was much pressed 
by the more moderate papists.* 

Om. < upon a habeas corpus^ 

Om. ' St. Peter's ... or not *.* 

Om, ' and people . . . went out.* 

After ' solemn ' add ' for there was not only an incredible crowd about West- 
minster Hall and on the river, but.* 

For * All the streets ... at night * read ' And there appeared a most excessive 
joy upon their being set at liberty, and many bonefires were made upon it, both 
in London and all England over.* 

After ' trial came * add ' which was the 99th of June.' 

Om. ' Westminster Hall . . . affected with the matter.' 

Om. ' The trial came on . . . their being the king's counsel.* 

[/. 357 (6)] Om. ' though it did not appear . . , confession.* 

Om. ' in which • . . satisfied.* 

For ' that this petition was a libel, tending ' read ' that by this petition they 
had questioned the king's power; [this tended].' 

After ' answered * add * [by] their counsel.* 

After ' those matters :' insert ' they also shewed from the journals of parliament 

For ' so they thought they had a right ' read ' and therefore, since these things 
were so well known to them, they had all reason.' 

After ' reflect on the dispensing power * add ' as that which struck at the root 
of the whole government.' 

Om. * and the late king's . . . time.* 

Om, ' that a paper . . . libel.* 

After ' parliament ' insert ' Sawyer and Finch (being the king's attorney and 
solicitor very lately) were now for the bishops ; and Williams (that had been 
Speaker) was now gained to the court, who took great advantages against the 

^ See Routh's note, Btemefs James 11^ p. 265. 

i688] Harl MSS. 6584, ^ 256 (a)-258 (b) 273 

others, to let them see how their present pleadings contradicted their former 
actions * (cf. Hist. i. 74a). 

[/ 358 (a)] For * that the witnesses . . . passage * nod * that Sunderland \ being 
sent for as a witness against them, was not only treated with much scorn, but 
was believed to be in danger of his life by a tumult ; but he escaped another 

Om. ' and that it was no libel.* 

For * [chief justice] Wright* . . . proved' rra</ ' Allibone, a professed papist, 
thought it was otherwise ; so did the chief justice ; yet in his charge to the jury 
he represented the matter of fact fairly, and did not think the publication was 

For * The jury . . . when they were ' nod only * The jury being.' 

For * but it was thought . . . morning ' read * but ' they resolved to continue 
shut up till next morning, that so they might give their verdict to the court 
[with more solemnity and gravity)]* ; since that there was a danger of suffering 
any of their number to be practised upon if they had done it sooner ; and if any 
juror had denied that he had agreed in the verdict, all must begin anew.' 

Om. ' so long continued • . . city.' 

[Further proceedings, "l 

Cf. Hist, i. 744 (Jrom * And so fatally ' to p. 745, * never sat any more '). 
Om, ' which they hoped . . . venture on.' 
After * order of council ' add * but this was likewise disobeyed.' 
0»M, ' were now so much animated . . . trial, that they.' 
Om, * but had always voted . . . side.' 

[/. 358 (6)] For * This stopped . . . stand ' read < This gave the king a new dis- 

Om. * and they never sat any more.' 

[Bumefs reflections,] 

Thus the king has been prevailed on to put the whole king- 
dom in a flame, and that for a point in which (if he had been 
successful) he could have gained nothing by it; for the clergy 
obeying might have rendered themselves very odious to the 
nation, but would not at all have advantaged his design; 
whereas, on the other hand, his failing in it has both given 
the alarm to the whole clergy and has animated the whole 
nation against him beyond anything that could have been 
[i]ma[gin]ed^ ; nor could it have been thought that anything 

^ The reader will note that Sunder- 'The transcript here inserts a super- 

land^s appearance at the trial is sup- fluous ' that.' 

pressed in the final version. * The transcriber seems to have 

^ See Routh's Bumefs James II, omitted words to this effect, 

p. 26S, note. ' The transcript has ' managed.' 


274 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1688 

was wanting to carry the discontent of the nation further ; 
but the address of Jesuits has a depth beyond all ordinary 

measures \ 

[The queeffs delivery ^1 

Cf. Hist, i. 748 ; 749-50 ; 750-a {Jo 'base imposture now put on the nation ';. 

For < I must now look back . . . afterwards * read * I have already named the 
queen^s delivery ; but it is too important a piece of history to be passed over 
fdightly ; therefore since there has been no small pains taken to gather together 
all the circumstances of that whole matter which have been communicated to 
me, I will give them with [the] copiousness that such a thing, that is like to 
produce such consequences, deserves/ 

For * that every winter . . . having any children * read ' and every winter was 
brought so low, that all people who wished her to live (since all apprehensions 
of any more children by her seemed gone) were extreme [/ 259 (a)] appre- 
hensive of her ; and some thought that even the priests were weary of her, and 
were contriving to get rid of her ; she had great and frequent loosenesses, and 
it is said she was extremely weakened by that [form] of women^s disease called 
fluor albuSy so that it was universally taken for granted in all lands [?on all 
hands]' that no more children were to be expected from her, or at least if 
they [she] ' had any they could not be healthy, since all those she had in her 
youth had languished and died soon after they were bom.* 

Om. herefrom *Her spirits were now much on the fret' to p. 749, *all was 
forgiven him * (for Berwick, see suproj p. 225). 

jifler 'bathing^ add < while the king went his progress/ 

For ' She came to Windsor . . . October. It was said * read * and [she] met 
the king at Windsor the sixth of October. Upon their meeting they were pre- 
sently shut up for some considerable time alone, and it happening * ; aitd after 
* son • om, * And.' 

For ' A conception . . . suspicious ' read * The conception was attributed by 
naturalists to the virtue of The Bath ; but by the bigots to the Virgin's inter- 


Before ^ She was not dressed ' add ^ for many months.' 

For * Prince George . . . acquiesced ' it is merely intimated thai no demonstration 
was given, either to the princess Anne or to Uhe other protestant ladies that [were] 
beyond suspicion' (for which see infra, p. 396). 

Om.from * How [just] soever this might be' /S0 p. 750, * held on her course.' 

For ^ Lower, one of her physicians . . . upon them to advise it ' read only 
[/. 359 (6)] ' but the king's vehemence carried the pomt ' (see however infra, 
pp. 996-7, for the physicians^ reports). 

After * May ' add ' reckoning that she would be back again many days befoi e 
the queen's time.' 

^ The allusion may be to the sup- the sitting of the English Privy 

posed imposture; since in the tran- Council, before which the king pro- 

icript there is no break between this duced the proofs of his son's birth, 

and the following sentence. * The first reading is that of the 

' The reader wUl observe that such transcript ; the second that of a cor- 

particulars as are contained in this rector (qu. the writer of f. a?), 
section were all recorded previous to 

i688] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 258 (6)-26o (6) 275 

After * given * ad</ ' and all possible endeavours were used/ 

After ' ready * add * while this was doing.* 

Om, after ' Bath water* ihi word * either/ and after * agree with the princess * 
om, 'or the advisers ... it did not * ; andfiir * and that therefore * read 'and so 
writ to court that.* 

For < to St James*s . . . good hour * read * that night, it being Saturday, the 
ninth of June, and lie at St. James*s.* 

Om. ^ from Whitehall * and * and she always went that way * ; and for < by 
Charing Cross . . . Pall Mall * read ' through the streets.* 

After ' to the king* add « to Whitehall.* 

For * no women were * read ' no women were at first * ; and for * two dressers * 
read * two of the queen dowager*s.* 

After * Arran * add * her son-in-law.' 

Om, *for it happened . . . tenth of June.' 

[/. 260 (a)] For * so here was . . . filled * read * so some have suspected that 
a child was perhaps brought in it.* 

For < with the child . . . else * read only < with somewhat.' 

Om, * Chamberlain . . . could not find that any had it' (but see infra, p. 996). 

For ' still in the dark * read ^ with the same mysteriousness that had been 
observed in the whole progress of this matter.' 

For ' This made all . • . nation * read * so that upon the first notice that was 
given of this birth all people began to doubt of the truth of it and to suspect an 

Om,from 'That still increased' to p. 753, 'another child was found.* 

[Hea//A of the cAt'ld.] 

* The child was strong and vigorous, and did not look like 
a new-bom child, as some that saw it [within] * two days have 
assured me *. On the Tuesday it was given out that the child 
was dying ; and often since that time it has been said by the 
papists all about the town ^ that he had convulsion fits and 
could not live^ It was also resolved at first to breed him up 
by the hand without giving him suck ; but about two months 
after a nurse was given him, and since that time ^ he thrives 
very well ; but there has been so great a secret made of all 
things that even those fits [/. 2,60 {6)] are looked on by some 
as a part of the court's device to make the child pass the better 
for the queen's, since he has so ill health ; and it hath been 
observed that none of his fits came upon him when the princess 
was at court, whose quality was such that they could not deny 
her admittance ; and in these fits all others are denied access % 

• Cf. Hist. i. 753. »» Ibid. e Ibid. 

^ A word is omitted ; and a later hand supplied ' in. 


Burfiet^s Original Memoirs 


so it is doubtful whether anything of all this is to be believed 
or not. ^ Thus I have related all the particulars of this matter, 
which came from such hands that I have good reason to be- 
lieve them all true ^ ; but I do not enter into the various 
reports which have been made % some naming both father and 
mother of the child, some thinking that it was a child of 
the king's by one of the maids of honour, while others have 
said that the first child died and that a second was put in his 
room * ; but I only name the reports without giving any credit 
to them, for when there is such an occasion given to discourse 
in a matter of such consequence, stories will always be made 
to supply all defects. 

[Reflections on the event,] 

Cf. Hitt, L 754 {from ' What truth soever * to end of paragraph). 

After ' in some places * add ' but all that outward show of joy was far short of 
that [which] appeared a few days after upon the enlargement and acquitting 
of the bishops ' ; and for * and ' read ^ yet' 

{Reception of the news by the prince and princess '.] 

Cf. Hist, L 754. 

[/ a6i (a)] Om, 'Upon this occasion . . . condition she was then in* 
(cf. 9upra^ p. 195). 

For ' The advertisements . . . prince upon which ' read only * but upon the 
advertisements that were afterwards conveyed to them.* 

After * rupture ' add * before he was ready for it* 

[The prince designs an expedition^ 

Cf. //»/. i. 754-5 {to * to make war on them *). 

For * The prince set himself . . . fixed in his purpose ' read * And at this 
time he entereth [? entered] into this great design, which b now so near its 

• Cf. Hist. i. 753-4. 

^ By this he probably indicates the 
reports sent by the Princess Anne 
to her sister, given in Dalrymple*s 
Memoirs ; see Hist, in loco, 

' e. g. histories of Hemmings and 
Ladv Clarendon (not given in the 
original memoirs, but subsequenUy 
obtained from Lloyd ; see Hist. ii. 
759-3, and Routh*s note to Bnmefs 
James //, p. 293). 

' See Dr. Routh*s note, Bumefs 
James //, p. 995 ; and Mary*s own 
Lcttres et Memoires, pp. 72-6. It is 

absolutely certain that Mary, greatly 
preoccupied by a sense of the political 
import of the event and of the strong 
politico-ecclesiastical motives which 
might have induced the king to coun- 
tenance an imposture, was completely 
convinced by the various suspicious 
circumstances attending the birth, and 
by the report of her sister, who was 
no doubt at the time a blind and 
passive tool of Lady Churchill's am- 
bition, that a fraud had been practised. 

i688 Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 260 (6)-26i {U) 277 

For *■ And if this heat . . . heart * nad ' and that though all men had hitherto 
stuck together and stood firm, yet if the prince did not now show himself, the 
nation would lose heart ; and many of those who considered religion very little 
would [tr]eat * for themselves * (cf. Hist. i. 746). 

For * It was also visible . . . well affected * rtad ' It was also manifest that the 
king could not at all depend upon his army ; for [though] they were a company 
of vcr^' vicious and dissolute men, and had as it were been let loose to all sorts 
of disorders, and not only covered from justice [for] the crimes which they were 
ever>'where committing, but even encouraged in them (it being hoped that as 
those disorders rendered them odious to the country, so they would come to hate 
the nation, and become the instruments of enslaving it) ; yet for all [that], they 
were zealous protestants, though bad Englishmen, and worse Christians * (cf. 
ibid, i. 746). 

For * The king . . . visibly ^ read ^ and were much concerned at the imprison- 
ment of the bishops, and grew so disorderly * ; and for * quarters ' read \f. 961 (6)] 
* winter quarters.' 

Om. 'and it was believed . . . mind«^ 

For ' on pretence . . . resolved * rtad * so this obliged the king/ 

For * such offices . . . war * nad ' other offices aboard.* 

For ' upon a slight pretence * read * upon the pretence of some indiscretion.* 

For ^ when some gained ' to end of paragraph, read only * and the having 
a quarrel with the Dutch.* 

[Motives for haste^ 

This being the state of the king s force both by sea and 
land, it was thought that [if] a vigorous impression could be 
made this year [it] would carry all before it ; but if the king 
had another year given him he would apply himself to model 
both his army and fleet, • and perhaps he might by some deceit- 
ful promises lay the fears of the nation asleep •. Therefore it 
seemed necessary to set about it this year. Some of the 
bishops also sent the prince their opinion that they thought he 
had a just cause of making a war on the king, in which opinion 
I likewise was ; for it was plain that the king was now settling 
about the total subversion of the government. There was 
a committee appointed for regulating the corporations, who 
were putting in and turning out every day as they found men 
compliant or obstinate, and who were resolved to change on 
till they could find such a number of men for the magistracy 
that would be sure to choose according to their directions. 

• Cf. Hi9t, L 756. 

The transcript has * heat' corrected (qu. in the same hand as f. a?) to 'shift.* 

278 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1688 

Many emissaries were sent over England to persuade all 
people of the sincerity of the king's intentions, and that it was 
the interest of the [/. 26a {a)] nation to comply with him in 
his designs for abolishing the tests and penal laws ; but these, 
though they were all dissenters, were men of no figure, and 
the little which any of them had formerly was quite lost 
by this employment. "The judges, when they went the cir- 
cuits, met with eminent [ma]rks [of contempt] ^ everywhere ; 
and they saw that the presentments of grand juries and the 
verdict of other juries were no more at their disposal ^ All 
things concurred to determine the prince to resolve on an 
expedition, in which hitherto all things have been successful. 
No wonder if he who believes an absolute predestination is 
much wrought on by them ; for though I have no belief of that, 
I cannot hinder my[self ] * from being struck with the success 
of so many happy steps in the whole matter. 

[Death of the elector of Brandenburg j his character.] 

Ct HisL i. 746 (^from < He was then ill ' to p. 748, ' recommended to them 
the concerns of the protestant religion *). 

For < He was then ill ... at Cleve ' read * In May ' the old elector of Bran- 
denburg died, whom I had the honour to see for a great many days when he 
[was] last at Cleve.* 

For ' his interest ' read * the sense of his judgement/ 

For * He was . . . religion * read * He was a very religious man, and had a 
great zeal for all the concerns of the protestant religion ; which, upon the 
occasion of the persecution of France, he expressed with all [the] nobleness 
and bounty that became so great a prince ' (cf. ibid, iftfra). 

For * His own life . . . blemishes ' read * He was a man of great personal 
virtues, and free of all those disorders [/. a6a (6)] that are too ordinary in princes ; 
and if in his youth he went into the German custom of drinking, yet the 
gout had obliged him to be temperate.* 

For * He tried all . . . reconciling * read ' He had a veiy ill opinion of the 
Lutherans as an ill-natured sort of people ; yet he was much set on reconciling 
the difference between the Calvinists and them ; and he disliked extremely the 
rigidity of the divines of Holland, and of the divines [) synod] of Dort [on the 
points of predestination and grace ?] ; for he told me the reconciling of the two 
parties struck [? stuck] only at those points ; therefore/ 

• Cf. Hist. i. 756. 

^ The transcript reads 'such eminent ' April 30 « »> , , r 

works everywhere.' May 10 ' See Routh s note from 

« The transcript reads < my life.' R^iph, Hisi. in loco. 

1688] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 261 (6)-264 (a) 279 

For * He had a . . . taxes ' nod only * He affected much greatness in his court, 
and it was indeed a very splendid one.' 

Ont. * in all lesser . . . greater.* 

For * that the electoral . . . depend ' read only * never to dismember any of 
his dominions from his family ; having observed how both the house of Saxe 
and palatine were sunk by those divisions/ 

For < And the elector having . . . great a prince ' (sei supra) read only * for 
wh[ich]^ his honour was oft sacrificed ; for it was believed that she received 
great presents from France. And to this all the ill steps that he made in his 
last years ought to be ascribed ; yet it was no easy thing to soften him with 
relation to that court after they had set on the persecution.' 

Om, *' and infirmities . . . gout.* 

For < had so disjointed his court ' read ' put such a stop to the elector's good 

For ' Death . . . looked for * rt€ul * He had long been gouty, and at last a 
dropsy came which carried him off"* (cf. Nisi. i. 747). 

For * to them * read * to his son,* and ont, * then in such universal danger.* 

[Character of the new elector^ 
[He] upon his death began his government in such a 
manner as made all people consider him as one that was not 
like to make so great a fig^ure in the affairs of Europe as his 
father. He is a prince of great piety and virtue, and free of 
all blemishes of all sorts ^, [/. 264 {a)\ His ministers govern 
him much, particularly ^Dankleman, who is like to have the 
greatest share of his favour and confidence, and will probably 
bring all the rest into a dependence upon him. He is zealous 
for the common concerns of religion and the liberty of Europe, 
and will probably make as good a minister as can be expected 
in a favourite. ** As the elector is the prince of Orange's cousin- 
germane ^ by his mother and is heir by provision if he has no 
children, so he not only ® has a particular friendship for him ®, 
but he agrees with him in the same notions and designs. 

[ The prince consults the new elector; conduct of the 

German princes^ 

Cf. Hist, i. 757 {from * Upon the elector * to end of paragraph). 
For * He offered * read * for in general the prince said, upon Bentinck*8 
return, that he offered.* 

• Cf. Hist i. 748. «» Ibid, supra. " Ibid. 

' The transcript reads ' while.' p. 130. The transcript continues un- 

^ Here breaks off" abrupUy the por- broken on f. 964 (a^ (beginning of 

tion described by Dr. Gifibrd as No. 7, No. 8 in Dr. Gifford s arrangement) 

on f. 263 (6) ; for f. 963 see supra, in a fresh hand. 

28o Burnet's Original Memoirs >688 

For ' an army ... all occasions * nad only ' i3|Ooo with him, he laid down 
a method for procuring the same number of men from the elector and some 
German princes ; who were the landgrave of Hesse and the dukes of Lunen- 
burg-Zell, and the Wolfenbuttel.' 

For the whole of the next paragraph {relating to Bumefs message to the court 
of Hanover) read only ^ Only Hanover, though the most concerned by his near- 
ness to the crown of England, excused himself.' 

The affairs of Cologne, 

Cf. Hist, i. 758 to endof 761. (There are a number of slight variations between 
the accounts, principally due to corrections or amplifications of statements in- 
serted in the later version, but only the following need be noticed.) 

For * but while . . . management ' read ' but while the prince was designing 

j4fier ' Hildesheim * insert ' [though] neither the revenue nor the importance 
of it are such as to be named with the other three.* 

Om, ^ much set . . . philosopher's stone.* 

[/ 964 (6)] After 'elector died * add * which fell out this year in June/ 

Om. * which the French had forced . . . bishopric* 

[/ 265 (a)] For ^30 he was fixed to his interests * read * so he could not accept 
of that proposition, which probably would have taken away all occasion of 

After * this matter * add ^ (though foreign to the affairs of England) both/ 

For ^ and it had . . . inconsiderable beginnings * read * and because.* 

For * it was necessarj' . . . France ' read * therefore it was of the greatest im- 
portance for the States to bestir themselves vigorously on this occasion.* 

Character of admiral Herbert. 
[/• '^^S (*)] While those preparations were carried on * ad- 
miral Herbert came over out of England*; and since he is like 
to bear a very considerable share in this undertaking, I shall 
here give [his] ^ story. His father was lord keeper *, and had 
followed the late king in his exile ; so he was bred in Holland. 
He went very young into the fleet, and has ^ served long in it 
with a high reputation ^ both for his valour and his conduct, 
and has escaped such extraordinary dangers that one would 
think him preserved for some great ends. Once a cannon 
ball passed between his legs, and another time between his 
thighs, but if the first did him no hurt the second was thought 
mortal, yet it only carried off all the flesh between his thighs, 
so that he escaped after a long and painful cure. ^ He had 
attached himself to the king when he was duke of York, so 

» Cf. Hist, i. 76a. «> Ibid, 671. « Ibid. 

* The transcript reads * this story.' 

• (To the exiled court} from April 6, 1653, to June, 1654. 

i688] HarL MSS. 6584, ^. 264 (ay 266 (a) 281 

that no man stuck more firmly to him » when the nation run 
so violently upon the exclusion ; and was much considered 
by the king, who made him rear admiral of England, and 
gave him several other good employments ; and it was chiefly 
upon his interest that his brother was promoted to be lord 
chief justice. He was indeed ill-shaped to be a courtier, for 
he valued himself upon his merit and services, and so he took 
no great care in courting the ministers or indeed of courting 
the king himself; for as ^ he is naturally very haughty ^ so it was 
not easy for him to see others more considered than himself. 
But, as he stuck to the king when he thought the nation was 
pushing at him unjustly, so, as soon as he began to see that the 
king was going off from the promises that he had made, he 
grew sullen, and was highly offended at his brother for the 
judgement he gave in favour of the dispensing power ; and 
being a man that scorns to dissemble his thoughts, it came to 
the king's ears that he would not concur in the design of 
repealing of the test, at the time when the king was examining 
all the members of parliament in the beginning of [1 6]86 ; ^ and 
when the king questioned him upon it he very frankly owned 
to him that he could not do it ^ The king seemed surprised, 
both at his answer and at the readiness of giving it ; for he 
neither asked him to think on it nor did he put him off with 
general words. Herbert alleged among other things that * he 
could not in conscience do it ; at which the king laughed, for 
in the point of pleasure he has been much a libertine. So the 
king told him that his course of life did not look like a man 
of a very strict conscience ; upon which he answered that he 
could charge himself with nothing but that of which many 
were as guilty as he was ^. The conversation ended very sourly, 
and next day he was turned out of all; upon which he 
withdrew with a greatness of mind that deserves so much the 
higher commendations, because [/. 266 {a)] it set an example 
to many others to stand firm. He pressed after that •the 
clearing his accounts with the king, in all which he was used 
not only very hardly but very unjustly ; and when those were 

• Cf. Hisf, i. 671. ^ Ibid, 76a. * IbitL 671. ^ Ibid. • Ibid, 76a. 

282 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1688 

ended he came out of England in the beginning of July and 
the prince received him very kindly. He is too much a slave 
to pleasure, and too barefaced in owning it. 

7'he prince his design breaks out. 

Cf. Hist. i. 766 (^from * Matters went on in Holland * to p. 767, ' appeared in 
everything '). 

For ' many arms * trad * some thousands of arms and saddles.' 

After < suspicion ' insert *• It was indeed strange to see a secret of this nature, 
which must be put in several hands, notwithstanding all the precautions that 
could possibl[y] be used, so well kept, that, till the preparations themselves 
discovered a design in general, nothing was found«* 

For * D'Avaux . . . hand * read only * which the king presently published/ 

Ont. * shewed . . . fears ; for he/ 

Onu * He recalled ... at all hazards.^ 

For * The seamen . . . slowly ' read * No seamen came in, at least very few 
that were expert,* and for ' in eveiything* read * in all his people.' 

The king saw the backwardness of the army to all mixtures 

of Irish among them. 

Cfl HisU i. 767-8. 

For < A new . . . Irish one * read * He met with a great mortification from 
the officers of the duke of Berwick^s regiment ; fbr he intended to model his 
army and to bring in insensibly a number of Irish into every company ; and 
when that had passed, it was believed that he intended to bring French papists 
next. So.* 

Om. 'which being already . . . everything.'. 

[/. 966 (6)] After < council of war, where * read * all that was done against 
them was that.* 

For from * that as no more attempts were ' to p. 768, ' died soon after/ read 
only < that it was believed they diverted the king from all thoughts of bringing 
over a French army ; for there had been a discourse, formerly, of hiring an 
hundred ships, which plainly imported the design of transporting an army ; but 
that was now let fall, since the king saw that if he went about any such thing 
he would be forsaken of all the English.' 

The French and English ministers give in memorials 

at the Hague. 

Cf. //is/, i. 768 {from < D'Albeville came over* to p. 769, ' weaken that proof*}. 

For ' fully persuaded that the Dutch . . . laughed at * read < to England and 
seemed fully persuaded that the Dutch had no designs upon England. But by 
the advertisements that were sent by the French ambassador, the court began 
to apprehend somewhat ; so.' 

For ^who was disowned . . . weaken that proof read 'who, as it is given 
out, will be disgraced upon it ; though it is visible that (how foolish soever he 
has been in procuring orders to be sent to the French ambassador at the 
Hague for owning this matter), yet it is certain that the alliance is really made 
between the two crowns : otherwise no instances that he could have made 
could have engaged that court to have published it.' 

1688] Harl MSS. 6584, jf. 266 (a)-268 (b) 283 

[S/rang^e conduct of the French court."] 

Cf. Hist, i. 769-70 {from * The conduct * to end of paragraph). 

After * in France' add * pretending that this was necessary for encouraging 
the manufacture of France.* 

For < cured with French salt* rtad * carried with French ships* {probably 
a clerical error). 

[f 267 («)] Afier * manufacture * add * at Leyden/ 

For < great bodies . . . wars * ttad * what by the aversion the States naturally 
have to all wars'; and for 'but the height . . . fear it* read 'what by the 
instruments that France has everywhere to have put a stop to all the prince*s 

After ' the rest * add * But the prohibition of the French commodities stuck 
a litUe ; [for].* 

For 'This . . . amuse* rtad 'by which means neither the empire nor the 
States should have any reason to be afraid of the French, by reason of the 
cardinal^s being confirmed elector.* 

The king of France dec litres war, both to the emperor 

and to the pope. 

Cf. Hist. i. 770-4 {to * practicable and safe *)• 

[f. 267 (6)] On p. 771, after ' turned into a peace,* add 'provided that those 
forts which he had built for the security of his subjects might be included in it.* 
( This clause appears in Routh's Bumefs James //, in loco.) 

Om. ' I have given . . . just one or not.* 

On p. 779 om. 'which was like to prove fatal . . . begin a war on his 

[/. a68 (a)] On p. 773 /or 'This was the first public ... birth * read 'This 
last was an odd step, for this was the first paper that appeared by authority 
in which that birth was said to be questioned.* 

[/ 268 (6)] After ' prince Clement * add ' upon great occasions, especially in 
favour of sovereign princes.* 

On p. 774, after ' alarm the States,* add ' and all the fears that some had of 
a catholic league being made up between France, Spain, and the house of 
Austria in opposition to the protestant interest were now at an end.* 

[Schomderg sent to Cieve.] 

Cf. Hist. i. 774. 

For ' Marshal Schombeig . . . denied him * read ' The marshal de Schom- 
i>erg had been received 1^ the old elector of Brandenburg in a most obliging 
manner ; he refused to turn when the persecution was begun in France ; upon 

After * of popery * aeld ' and so ungratefuL* 

Om. ' being invited . . . Brandenburg.* 

For ' By these means . . . England * read only ' So that the States run no 
danger this winter.* 

Owi. from * The seas were then * to end of paragraph. 

284 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1688 

[Henry] Sidneys character. 

• A great many persons of quality had come over to him, and 
both in their own names and in the names of many others 
they had pressed him to undertake it. But he that was trusted 
with most of those messages [/. 269 {a)\ was Henry Sidney, 
youngest brother to the earl of Leicester and to Algernon 
Sidney. He was a graceful man, and coming in very young 
into the court he had passed through many adventures in it ^ 
with all the advantages that lewd youth could desire ; ^ some 
of those were very public ^ but of too great consequence to be 
mentioned by me. He had in him all that could recommend 
one in a court, for ® he had a sweetness in his temper and was 
the furthest from doing mischiefs to any ®, and the readiest to 
do good to all of any man of his age ; but he had another 
quality very seldom to be found in courtiers, for he was a man 
of great truth and candour. ^ He was sent over as envoy to 
Holland in [16J79, whence he entered into particular con- 
fidences with the prince, [so] that he has been ever since entirely 
both in his interests and his favour ; and this being generally 
understood all England over, as it has exposed him to a very 
particular jealousy from the court, so all those who desired to 
signify their affection to the prince have centered on him and 
everything of that kind has passed through his hands \ He 
will probably be in high favour, and he has all the qualities in 
him that are to be wished for in a man of that post ; for he is 
neither imperious nor insolent, revengeful nor covetous. He 
has a true judgement in affairs, and all his inclinations arc 
noble. He maybe too easy to those he loves and trusts, and 
too much carried away from business to pleasure, but it is 
a great happiness when all that is to be apprehended in a man 
of favour is an excess of gentleness and good-nature. 

[General scketne of the expedition^ 
The design is thus laid by the prince ; ® he has equipped out 
a fleet of about [51] ^ sail, of which the greatest part are third 

* Cf. Hist, i. 769, 763. ^ Ibid, ; see abo ibid, 997, and note. ^ Ibid, 763. 
* Ibid. 763-4. • Ibid. 774. 

^ The transcript appears to read ' 151 * ; probably a clerical error. 

1688] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 268 (^)-269 {b) 285 

and fourth rates, which is to be commanded by Dutch officers ; 
only upon this occasion Herbert is to command as representing 
the prince's person ^. * This fleet is to conduct and defend 
another fleet of merchant vessels that are to carry over 13,000 
horse and foot *, who are to land either in the west or north, 
and either all in one body, or in one great body with one or 
two detachments in different places, according as the last 
advices from England that will be given may determine the 
matter ; ^ with these the prince carries a provision of arms for 
about 20,000 men^ that he expects may come in to him. 

[The princes declaration,^ 

Cf. Hist, i. 775-6 {to 'tenth of October'). 

For * The declaration ... too long ' read only * He has already prepared a 
declaration which was put in force by Fagel the pensioner, and was put into 
English by me.' ( The abstract of the dedamtton is of course given in the present 

Om. < according to the obligations ... his own.' 

[/. 969 (6)] After ' happiness of the nation ' add * he promises abo the like 
both for Scotland aud Ireland.' 

Om.from * and he promised ' to p. 776, ' acquiesce in its decision.' 

For *This the prince . . . October' read <This he is to sign and seal the tenth 
of October, for it is already printed with that date to it.' 

Om. remainder of paragraphs 

[Herbert puts to sea,] 

Cf. Hist, i. 779 {from * Herbert went to sea ' /o end of paragraph). 

For * Herbert went to sea ' read < He has likewise instructed Herbert to go 

Om. * of which . . . given.' 

For < or to engage . . . strong' read ' or if they cannot be prevailed on to do 
that, then to fall upon them; for at present there are not above eighteen 
ships out ; and a good blow given them [will settle ?] ' the whole business.' 

For from *but the contrary winds' to end qf paragraph read only *But the 
wind that has been in the west above six weeks is not favourable.' 

[Burners concluding reflections^ Oct. 3, 1688.] 

And now the whole matter will be brought to its full 
ripeness within a week or two ; so that one of the greatest 
designs that has been undertaken now for many ages is 

• cc Hist. i. 775. »> Ihid, 

^ The History criticizes this arrangement. 
' Blank space in transcript. 

286 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1688 

brought very near a point. * I intend to go along with the 
prince as his chaplain * ; for as I have been made acquainted 
with his purpose ever since the beginning of July, so I made 
the offer of my poor person to go along wth him ^ ; ** for having 
thought that it was lawful, I judged it had been a very un- 
becoming fear in me to have taken care of mine own person, 
when the prince ventured his. I have in one paper ^, which 
is now in the press*, ® writ a justification of the whole design*' ; 
and I have in another ^ (which I have left sealed up with my 
wife) set down a very particular account of all the thoughts 
which I have had upon this matter, and which I have ordered 
to be published in case I should not outlive the expedition. 
The design is as just as it is great, and the prince, as far as 
it is possible to see into a man's heart, goes into it with great 
and noble intentions; and he seems to be marked out by 
Providence for the doing of wonders ; and as his first essay 
was the saving of this state, when it was almost quite overrun 
by the French, so he now seems to be led by Providence to 
a much nobler undertaking, in which, if God bless him with 
success, and if he manages the English nation as dexterously 
as he hath hitherto done the Dutch, he will be the arbiter of 
all Europe, and will very quickly bring Lewis the Great to 
a much humbler posture, and will acquire a much juster right 
to the title of Great than the other has ever yet done. But 
I must remember that I am a historian, not a prophet ; 
therefore I do now interrupt the thread of this history. 
Whether I shall live ever to carry it on any more is only 
known to that God to whom I most humbly resign myself, my 
life, and all that is dear to me. Thus I conclude at the Hague 
the 3rd of October *. 

• Cf. Hist. i. 776. »• Ibid, sttpm. « Ibid, 

^ In the History it is said the prince pendix I. 

asked him, in the meditation (see ' Printed infra, as Appendix III, 

Appendix III, injra) that he offered from the Morrison collection, 

himself. * There is no white line in the tran- 

• The * Enquiry ' ; sec wi/>w, Ap- script. 

i688] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 269 (6)-27o (a) 287 

[Burnet resumes his pen^ June^ 1691, and tells how\ the prince 

was invited to come to England^ 

I begin now again in June, 169 1, to continue this work, and 

have the account of a revolution to write that will appear to 

posterity one of the most extraordinary scenes in history; and 

this I am better able to give since I bore a considerable share 

in it myself and was acquainted with all the [/. 270 («)] steps of 

it. I have told already many of the previous parts of it ; but 

the most important of all was that of which * I then took care 

to be ignorant, because I resolved to know as little of the 

secret of the men of England who favoured our designs as was 

possible ; that so in case all had miscarried or that I had fallen 

into the hands of our enemies, it had not been in my power, 

though put to the torture, to have discovered any person •. 

Therefore I took care to know nothing of any but those who 

came openly over to us and joined with us. But ^ Mr. Russell, 

who managed the invitation that was sent to the prince from 

England ^ has given me a particular account of it since we came 

into England. 

by the lord Mordaunt. 

^ The lord Mordaunt was the first man of quality that came 
over to try the prince with relation to the affairs of England. 
He is a man of much heat, many notions, and full of discourse ; 
he is both brave and generous ; but he is not a man of solid 
judgement nor of a firm virtue®. He has republican principles 
in him to a very high degree, but all ^ his thoughts are crude 
and indigested, and a little heat brings secrets easily from 
him, especially to those who go into his notions and flatter 
him ; for vanity is his weak side. He told the prince many 
things of the affairs of England, and represented the thing [as] 
so easy, that all this appeared extremely romantical to the 
prince \ In conclusion, the prince told him that so great an 
undertaking must not be set about but upon a high and just 
provocation and with a strength proportioned to the resistance 
that might be apprehended from so great a force and so vast 
a treasure as the king then had ; and * he should have his eye 

• Cf. HisL i. 776. »» Ibid. 763, 766. • Ibid. 76a. ^ Ihid, • Ibid. 

288 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1688 

still upon England, and should endeavour to put the affairs in 
Holland in the best posture he could to be ready when neces- 
sity should force a breach ; and said that if either the king went 
about the overturning the established religion, or the wronging 
the princess in her right of succession, or if he went about by 
forged (or as the new word was, sham) plots to destroy his 
friends, he would then see what might be possible for him to do. 

The earl of Shrewsbury, 
This was in the year 1686; but in summer [ifi]^; 
a man of a far different temper came over to the prince ; 
the earl of Shrewsbury, who, as was told formerly, had been 
bred a papist, but had forsaken the church of Rome upon 
a very critical and anxious inquiry into matters of con- 
troversy*. He certainly forsook popery with all his heart, 
but it is not so easy for me to affirm that he became a hearty 
protestant; I am afraid ^he is too sceptical in matters of 
religion ^ ; but as to all other things he is the worthiest man 
I know. ^ He has a. considerable tincture of learning, a true 
exactness of judgement, is a man of much honour and of great 
int^^ity and truth, and of so sweet a temper that he charms 
all that know him. He is so far from haughtiness and 
impatience of spirit, which are the common frailties of young 
men that are far above the common level of mankind, that 
during his ministry I never heard that the indiscretion of 
those who came to him, especially of importunate suitors, 
drew one passionate answer from him. He has true notions 
of government with generous principles, and a wit that is 
as lively as it is [/. 270 (d)] soft. His gentleness and modesty 
suited better with the prince's temper than Mordaunt's fire 
and fierceness ; yet even with him the prince went not further 
than to give general assurances. 

Master Russell^, 

^But in May[i6]88 the matter was brought nearer an issue; 
for then Mr. Russell came over, that was cousin-germane to the 

• Cf. Hist. 1.762. * Ibid. « Ibid, 762-3. •> Ibid, 763, 746. 

^ The reader will remark, as a sign revision of Burnet was conducted, 
of the carelessness with which the that the printed History contains two 

i688] Harl. MSS. 6584, ^ 270 (aj-zjo (b) 289 

lord Russell ; and having served long at sea, and having been 
of the bedchamber to the king while he was duke of York, 
had upon the lord Russell's death left the court and all his 
employments. He is a man of much honour and of very 
worthy principles ; of a good temper, and very firm and 
resolute; but he is both too haughty and too lazy. •He 
pressed the prince to come to a speedy resolution ; he told him 
there were a great many, both courtiers, and officers at sea and 
land, that stood yet firm to the interests of their religion and 
country, but he durst not answer for them that they would 
stand out long ; they saw plainly the design of the court was 
to model the army, that quarrels would be picked against all 
that showed a firmness, and that it would be impossible to 
persuade them to continue steady unless they saw a certainty 
of his design to appear in the quarrel. ^ To this the prince 
answered more positively than before, that he could not 
meddle in [the] affairs of England unless he should be invited 
to it by some of the chief men of the nation. In this he said 
he must satisfy both his conscience and his honour ; and he 
protested (as he had often done) that no private ambition or 
resentment of his own should ever prevail so far over him as 
to make him break with so near a relation, or engage in a war 
of which the consequences must be of the last importance to 
the interest of Europe and of the protestant religion. And 
when Russell laid before him the danger of putting too great 
numbers upon so critical a secret ; ^ he said, if the invitation 
came from a considerable number of the men that might be 
supposed to understand best the sense of the nation he would 
be satisfied®. Russell spake to me of this in more general 
terms. I told him if the old elector of Brandenburg should 
happen to die, I ^ believed they might depend upon the prince's 
being able to come over by the end ^ of the year ** ; but * if he 

• Cf. Hist. i. 746. »» lin'd, 763. • Ibid. 763, 746. * /&«/. 746. 

• Jbui. 

accounts of Russell's mission (voL i. relation. 

pp. 746 and 763% both apparently ^ Two remarks may be made on this 

founded on portions (^sometimes iden- passage : i. Burnet has told us {SMpra, 

tical portions) of the above original p. 986) that he was inducted into the 



ago Burnetts Original Memoirs [1688 

should happen to languish long, I should scarce hope that the 
thing could be performed, • Russell upon his return com- 
municated the matter first with Shrewsbury, Lumley, and 
Mr. Sidney ; ^ next it was opened to Danby (and many others), 
who went into it heartily, and got the bishop of London to 
join in it. 

[Character of the earl of Nottingham *.] 

It was by their advice communicated to Nottingham ^^ who 
was the heir of his father's virtues and knowledge as well as of 
his honours. ^ He was much considered by the clergy and 
church of England party ; his life was in all parts regular and 
exemplary ; he is learned in the law, he has a noble way of 
expressing himself, but it is a little too long and too laboured^, 
and not enough neglected in common discourse ; he has. very 
high notions of the prerogative and is too much soured against 
the Whigs ; he is a very firm friend, and was the best son, and 
is the best brother [/, 27 1 («)] I ever knew ; and being free from 
vices and passions, and a man of great application and true 
judgement, was thought capable of the chief posts in the 
government. The king, who neither loved him nor his father, 
yet seemed willing to employ him ; but ^ he hath kept himself 
at a great distance from the court all this reign *^ ; yet they had 
[that ?] regard to him and to that high reputation in which he 
was that • his name was still left among the privy councillors, 
though he never went to that board. He upon the first 
proposition that was made to him of this matter agreed to 
their inviting the prince ; but at their next meeting he said he 
had considered further of it, and found his conscience so 
straitened that he could not go on in that affair. He confessed 
those with whom he had gone so far had a right to kill him 

• Cf. Hist i. 763. »» Ihid. 764. « Ibid. ^ Ibid, <^ Ibid, 

prince'ssecretsin July, while Russell*s introduced into this character and 

mission took place in April j 2. That that of Churchill in the printed //»• 

in the printed History the assertion as tory (revised when Nottingham was 

to the probable date of the expedition out of favour with the Whigs and 

is ascribed not to him, but to the Churchill in credit), see Von Ranke, 

prince. ^ ed. 1868, vol. vii. App. ii. pp. 186-8 ; 

* For the importance of the changes and supra^ Introduction. 

i688] Harh MSS. 6584, ff. 270 (6}-27i (a) 291 

according to Italian notions, but lie assured them he would be 
no informer, and that though his principles restrained him from 
joining with them, yet his affections would force him to wish 
well to them. 

[ The marquis of Halifax^ 

^ Halifax was tried at a distance^ but he did not encourage 
a further freedom ; and upon general discourse he expressed 
his dislike of the design as impracticable and depending upon 
so many accidents that he thought it was a needless putting of 
all things upon so dangerous an issue. 

\The army tried; conduct of Churchill^ 

^ Next to these the chief officers of the army were tried ; 
Churchill, Kirk, and Trelawny went into it ; and Trelawny 
got his brother that was bishop of Bristol to join in it. 
^ Churchill did likewise undertake for prince George and the 
princess Anne ® ; and those officers said they durst answer for 
the much greatest part of the army, and promised to do their 
utmost endeavours to bring as many as possibly they could 
into it. ^ Churchill has been much censured ^ ; for as he had 
risen in the king*s service through several degrees up to be 
a favourite, so a kindness which had begun upon the king's 
commerce with his sister was now so well fixed, that ® no man 
had more of personal favour and had found greater effects of 
it than he had. His coming into this design had the appear- 
ance of treachery and ingratitude, which has brought him 
under much reproach. But as he never betrayed any of the 
king's secrets to the prince, so he never set the king on violent 
measures, but on the contrary, as oft as he spake to him of 
his affairs (which was indeed but seldom), he gave him always 
moderate counsels •. He had kept himself wholly out of the 
counsels, and so set himself to manage his post in the army, 
^ in which he made great advantages ', for money had as much 
power over him as he had over the king. ^ His wife is about 
the princess and has gained such an ascendant over her^ that 

• Cf. HisU i. 764, supra. ^ Ibid. 764-5. • Ibid. 766. ^ Ibid. 765. • Ibid. 
' Jbid. supra. « Ibid, infra. 

U 7, 

292 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1688 

there never was a more absolute favourite in a court ; she is 
indeed become the mistress of her thoughts and affections, 
and does with her, both in her court and in all her affairs, what 
she pleases. •Churchill is a very smooth man, made for a 
court •, and very fit for business if his own interests prevailed 
not [/. 271 (b)'\ too much over him. ^ These were the persons 
that sent an invitation in writing ^ to the prince by Sidney ; 
and every one of them assured him in their letters that they 
writ to him what was the universal sense of all the good and 
wise men that they knew. 

[TerufT of the etdvice sent to Holland^ 

Cf. Hist. i. 776 {from * They advised '/op. 777, end of paragraph), 
Om. * The earl of Danby . . . country.' 

For ' the king . . . slowly ' read * that so the king might be surprised before a 
greater fleet could be equipped out.' 

[Herberfs criticisms^ 
Cf. Hisi. i. 778. 

Om, 'and the other seamen' and read the whole passage tn the singn!ar. 

After * assistance from France ' add * The roads were also much better up to 

London. It is true the passage of the Thames might have been a matter of 

much difficulty in a winter campaign ; but if all had been carried on to the 

Thames the main part of the work had been done.' 

For ' to have split . . . channel ' read * to steer that way.' 

\The princess views as to his force, ^ 
Cf. Hist, i. 777. 

For * When these things ... he could ' read * But he would.' 

For ' to the king's own . . . stick to him ' read * to anything the king could 
bring against him ; therefore he thought 10,000 foot and 3,000 horse and 
dragoons was the smallest force he could carry with him.' 

Om. * in the north ' ; and /or * to the west * read * to some other place.' 

Om, * They pressed . . . carry him over with him.' 

For * in any one part . . . whole ' read ' might turn the people to the prevail- 
ing side.' 

The expedition was carried on with great secrecy, 

Cf Hist, i. 778 {from *The prince continued' to end of ^. 779). 
For < The prince . . . Cologne. He ' read * But to cover his design the 
better he.' 

• Cf. Hist, i. 765, supra, ^ Ibd, tj6, 

' This celebrated invitation, signed published by Dalrymplc (see pp. 107 - 

in cipher by Shrewsbury, Devonshire 10 of Appendix to Book V in edition 

(whose name, accidentally omitted 1790^* from the original in 'King 

above, was subsequently inserted in the William's chest,' is not specifically men- 

Histofy), Danby, Lumley, Bishop of tioned in Burnet's final version. 
London, Russell, and Sidney, and first 

i638] Had. MSS. 6584, ff. 271 (a)-272 (A) 293 

Afttr * was also ordered ' add * to be carried thither.* 

[/ 27a a] For * for so long a time ' read * for a winter's campaign.' 

For * The main point . . . expedition ' rtad * He also found a way to be 
furnished with money which was managed with great dexterity.* 

For * or at least to create a delay * nod * upon a point that goes always hardly 
in a [popular?] government* 

Om. * But Fagel . . . prevent thb.' 

For * of the neighbourhood . . . arise there * read ' [that] the French were 
then possessed of the bishopric of Cologne.* 

For * their places . . . bad condition * rtad ' the fortified places on their 

For * in four days ' read * presently.' 

For from * About the end ' to * necessity of the undertaking * read * And 
being now raised, the States ordered it to go to the English expedition ; for the 
elector of Brandenburg had undertaken the war of Cologne, with the assistance 
of the northern princes, so that the States reckoned themselves safe on that 
side and diverted the money to another use. And though the government of 
Holland consists of many negative voices, and eveiy one of their towns being 
governed by a council that consists of thirty or more persons, it could not be 
imagined that a body so variously composed should have so unanimously con- 
sented to an expedition in winter, that besides all other dangers had the seas and 
seasons to wrestle with ; yet there was not. in the Hague or in any of the 
towns of Holland one dissenting voice ; nor was there any so averse to it that 
it was necessary to lose any time for working on them underhand ; for all came 
in frankly and readily.' 

For * Fagel . . . concurrence in this design ' read only * The persecution of 
France had united all the protestants in Holland in this design ; and the 
ministers were secretly directed to take all possible methods in the several 
towns to possess all people with a sense of the present extremity, and that now 
or never the protestant religion must be recovered out of the extreme danger 
to which it was reduced.' 

For * But I was never . . . have there * read * yet they have generally great 
credit with their people.' 

For * Those ' read * Those among the Dutch.* 

A/ier * religion, yet ' «</</* concurred heartily in this matter ; they.' 

For * And the publication . . . they reckoned ' read ' They reckoned that if 
England joined with France.* 

For * All the English . . . Amsterdam ' read * And all advices from England, 
as well as all the English who lived at Amsterdam.' 

For * had such positive advices . . . hand of heaven ' read ' represented this 
undertaking as so sure and so easy that all went to it as the only means of 
their preservation.' 

For * Herbert . . . impracticable, but ' (see su^ray p. 285) read only * The 
Dutch fleet was ordered to go to sea ; but the wind stood long at north-west, 
and for some days there was so violent a storm, that [it].' 

[/ 272 {by] Om, * and gave us . . . prospect.' 

For * Herbert . . . expected * read * The fleet also was much weaker than 
had been promised by the admiralties, and it was generally but indifferently 

294 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1688 

Debates concerning the declaration, 

CC HisU L 780-1. 

For < All the English • . . Hague * rtad ^ These were melancholy things, and 
this put many of the English, who were then all come to the Hague, in very 

Om. * Among these . . . discontent.* 

For ' and on what . . . bishops * read ' and the other violences that had been 
set on against the church party.' 

For * in all which ' read * so whatever the designs of the court might 
have been.* 

For ^ mysterious, when * read * mysterious for a great while ; and it was not 
easy to comprehend how.* 

For * the church party ' read * the Tory party.* 

After * by the prince * add * since there was nothing in it that reflected 
on them.' 

/or 'made to secure , . . religion ' read ' and suspend [/. 273 (a)'] them in all 
time to come, which concerned the public safety and security.'' 

For * would not only carry . . . army * read * or on the Tory party in general, 
would unite the army in England.* 

For * that was to be left to the parliament * read * since he was a stranger 
to them.* 

Om, ^as they were transmitted . . . going over.' 

The army all shipped, 

Cf. Hist i. 781 {to < attendance at the Hague'). 

For * In the beginning of October ' read * The fleet, af^er it had been out 
a fortnight, was ordered in again ; and about the third of October.* 

jifter ' Texel * add * which was much censured ; for though the season was 
pretty cool, yet diseases are apt to break in upon multitudes that are aboard ; 
for before we got to England they had been a month at sea.* 

For * Never was . . « It is true some * read * It appeared upon this occasion 
that Holland is the only country in the world in which such a design could 
have been executed all of the sudden ; for the shipping is so vast that in three 
days* time they had hired almost 500 ships, and everything was so soon ready 
that though our impatience and the season made us complain [that] many * ; atid 
for * forgot ' read * ill-ordered.' 

For * it seemed much more « • . forgot * read * the diligence of those who 
managed it deserves great commendation.* 

For ' Van Hulst * nad ' Mr. Harbord V 

Om, altogether * 1 waited on the princess . . . direct us.' 

[The prince takes leave,] 
Cf. Hist, i. 782 {firom * On the sixteenth of October' to end of paragraph). 
For * in the west * read * at W. and NW., that it began to make us all melan- 

* Commissary-general to the force Halifax, i. 253 sq., 259, 272, 471 w. ; 
from the time of its landing to the ii. 8i| 917, 225, 226. 
arrival at St. James*. See Life' of 

i688] Harl MSS. 6584, J^. 272 (6) -274 (b) 595 

r/ ^73 (*)] -^A** * manner ' add * he said her deportment among them had been 
such| that he need not say much concerning her ; only as to one thing.* 
Om, * but a kind.* 
j4ff€r * when he came ' add * that night.' 

The fleet sailed^ but beat back with little loss, 

Cf. Hist. i. 782-3. 

For * But the next day ' rtad * But before next day at noon.' 
After * want of air ' add * but that was soon made up.* 

For * but was calm and silent. The States * read * she showed great courage *, 
and began to be much esteemed by the States, who.* 

Disorders in the council in England. 

Cf. Hist. i. 783-5. 

[/ «74 («)] For * He proposed rather , . , importunities * read * so he diverted 
that which afterwards was represented as a sign of his being in the prince's 
secret'; to this was added his great friendship with Sidney, and his constant 
converse with him. [Cf. Hist, u 756.] [By] these things.' 

For * The fleet ... so strong * read * Dartmouth was sent to command the 
fleet ; great diligence was used in equipping out so many ships.* 

For * the Dutch fleet * read * ours * ; /or * them * read * us ' ; /or * they were* 
read * our fleet had.* 

Ont, * But, in order . . . nation.' 

Om. * They wished . . . protestant wind.* 

After 'city of London* add 'which had an ill grace notwithstanding '; ^r 
* and ' read * [that he] * ; and om. * All men . . . affectation.* 

Om. * that order not being executed * and ' which plainly showed . • . last' 

Witnesses examined concerning the birth of the prince of Wales. 

Cf. Hist. i. 785-6 (Jo * who named the month of May *). 
[/. 274 (6)] For * The matter . . . supported * read * The thing that was most 
in all people*s mouths.* 

Om. * now in an after-game.* 

Ajter * together, that they * add * and all his people.' 

[The countess of Clarendon* s story y that of Windebank.] 

Cf. Hist, i, 750. 

Be^'n ' Upon which I thmk fit to set down a passage which I had from the 
countess of Clarendon's own mouth.' 

For < On the same day . . . admittance * read * She told me that on Easter 
Monday she, hearing the queen was ill, came into the bedchamber, where she 
found the queen with very little company with her.' 

* For Mary's own account of her known, in the vindicatory letter pub- 
conduct see L^Z/^s^/ilf/woiw (1880), lished (by Blencowe) in H. Sidney's 
pp. 76-92; Dochner's Memoirs of Mafy Diary and elsewhere, made a merit 
Queen ^ England (iS86)f pp. 2r^ ©fit. 

' Sunderland himself, as is well 

'296 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1688 

After * Undone ' «</^ ' and there was a great stir about her bed, she herself 
and all about her seeming to be in an agony.* 

For * which she believed . . . queen ' read * but whether it was only [linen] 
or anything else she could not tell.* 

For * She was upon this . . . course * read ^ She saw she was not a welcome 
person there ^ so she withdrew ; and that day or the next one came to her and 
desired her not to speak of that accident ; which went so far that the king, 
who was gone to Chatham to view the naval preparations, was sent for [cf. ibid, 
supra] ; and [/. 275 (a)] Dr. Walgrave [then in chief charge of her] did own 
to Dr. Windebank [as ididj]. This I had from Mr. Geddes, chancellor of the 
church of Salisbury, who told me he had it from Windebank*s own mouth.* {The 
certificate mentioned in ike History was signed in 1 709 ; see note. Hist, in loco.) 


[EJ^ect of this on the evidence^ 

CC Hist. i. 785 {^from * But if the particulars ' to p. 786, * nation was 
possessed *). 

For ' since . . . considered * read ' for upon such occasions as these modesty 
must be for a while laid aside.* (A trivial detail follows, quoted from the 
evidence of Mrs. Dawson, which proves, in Burners estimation, that the queen 
could not then have been in the condition pretended.) 

Om. * She was a bedchamber woman . . . witness.* 

Om. * So that the proof . . . question.* 

Om, * for all people concluded . . . world.' 

[Absence of tlie princess ; various stories on this ioffic^ 

Cf. Hist, i. 786, 749, 75a. 750-^, 754- 

Begin (p, 786) * It was much observed . . . could not hurt her * {omitUng last 
sentence of paragraph) ^ and add 'The truth was she had been strangely 
used in this matter, for though when she was a maid the queen had made her 
[satisfy herself], yet now that she was a competent judge and a witness who 
alone would have satisfied the whole world in the matter, she was never 
desired to do it.* 

Then return to p. 749 (* Prince George . . . breaking with her') and add 'nor 
did it appear that any woman of rank or reputation of any of the religions had 
been either called on to [receive demonstrative proof, before or after].* 

Theft return to p. 752, reading * And to end this matter altogether Cham- 
berlain/ &*c. 

For * wondered ' read * told me.' 

[/. 275 (6)] After * custom * add * three days after.* 

After ^ plaistv rs * add * for which he had a fee of xoo guineas.* 

For ' He fancied • . . had it * read ' Upon which he, fancying that one Dr. 
Brady had thrust himself into this matter, went to expostulate it with him ; but 
he protested to him he knew nothing of it. My lady Bellasis, who was of the 
bedchamber, told me that for three months before the birth the ladies of the bed- 
chamber never gave the queen her smock ; but that was always so managed, 
that it was done before they came in the morning or after they were dismissed 
at night* (Cf. Hist, i, 749.) 

Then return and take from p. 750 (* Lower*) A> p. 751 (* to advise it ') ; after 
'told me* adding 'that he was present at the consultation concerning the 

1688] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 274 {by^^6 (b) 297 

princesses going to The Bath * ; fir * he was against it ; he * ftading ^ he and 
another (I think it was Radcliffe) * ; qflUr * vehemence * addin^s;; * not without 
showing anger against those who were of another mind^; /or < Millington, 
another physician* reading 'Sir Thomas Millington, a learned physician*; 
cmiUitig * from whom I had it* 

Then add * I pass overall conjectural proofs, of which the bishop of St. Asaph 
has gathered a vast num1}er [cf. Hist. i. 754] ; because these amount to nothing 
unless it be to weaken a matter *.* 

DehcUes at Helvaetsluys^, 

Cf. HisU I 786 {from * This was the state ' to p. 787, end of paragraph). 

For * Here Wildman . . . entertained by many * read only * It was visible that 
many of our Engh'sh heroes were upon this occasion much dejected.* 

Jifter * fleets * insert * especially when the seas are rough.* 

Om, * though both sides . . . avoided.* 

After * ship them again * add ^ it would dishearten not only the army but the 
States, and sJl their allies, to see much time lost.* 

[/ 276 (a)] Om, 'with these things . . . quieted them.* 

After ' six hours together * add ' all the morning long.* 

For * Many that have passed for heroes, yet * read * In all this time when 
most men.* 

Om, * it calmed a little and * and * third rate.* 

\The fleet sails again j the landing/] remarkable ffwidences 

in that voyage, 

Cf. Hist, i. 787-90 {to * to guide thee right*). 
For * on the third ' read * on Saturday morning.* 
After * horses * add ' and everything else that we needed.* 
For ' at noon on the fourth * read ' on Sunday night.* 

For * The pilot thought he * read * he thought the pilot * ; and om. ^ and 
believed . . , orders.* 

[/. 276 (6)] Om, * whereas,. . . decided.* 

* The result of the differences be- 
tween the earlier version and the 
History proves (a) that the original 
story, which reached Burnet in Hol- 
land, treated the entire episode as a 
case of fraud ; and (6) that after the 
examination before the council had 
disposed of this suggestion, and had 
proved the reality of the queen's 
expectations, all reports were col- 
lected and believed, which tended to 
show that her hopes had been pre- 
maturely blasted, and that a recourse 
had been then had to imposture. 

' We must here remind the reader of 
a remarkable series of letters from 
Burnet to Admiral Herbert (mentioned 
in Mr. Airy's article Diet, Nat. Biog,) 
contained in Egerton MSS. (Brit. 

Mus.) 2621, ff. 49-83, and printed m/m, 
as Appendix IV, which relate incidents 
from Oct. to Dec. 1688. Their genesis 
is described in Hist, i. 76a: *The 
managing [Herbert] was in a great 
measure put on me, and it was no 
easy thing.' The first (undated, f. 49) 
was written after the storm had 
beaten back the expedition, and con- 
tains a most amusing mixture of civili- 
ties, clerical expostulation on the re- 
cipient's vices, and the last news 
from England He relates the king's 
interview with the bishops ; changes 
in the command of the English fleet ; 
the affections of the city ; for German 
news his correspondent, like Mr. 
Sidney, will nol care. 


Burnet's Original Memoirs 


Om. *(upon which . . . lost).' 

After * aboard the prince ' add * to see for new orders.* 

For * which they found • . . season * nod * All the foot were landed that 

After * cold night * add * which might have been expected at that time * ; and 
after * much by it ' add ^ [whereas] it proved to be one of the wartnest nights 
I ever knew in that season, and was indeed like a summer^s night.* 

For * shook me . . . hand * read ' looked very kindly to me.' 

For ^ The prince . . . asked them ' read ^ The prince ordered all the fishermen 
of the bay to be brought to him next morning, that he might know.' 

For * with as much baggage . . . Exeter ' read ' which were above 7^000 ; for 
though our cavalry and dragoons were not half so many, yet the officers' horses, 
besides those which belonged to the train of artillery and the waggons, grew 
up to that number.' 

^//^r * seaport to Exeter' add * which was but [/ 277 («)] a little way by 

For ^ philosophical * read * too philosophical.* 

After * venti ' add ' which at that time was Englished thus.' 

Many come to him from the king's army *. 

Cf. Hist, i. 790 (Jrom * The prince made haste * to p. 79a, * great an eflect *). 

For ' Both the clergy and magistrates • . . what they did eat we ' read only 
* The people came in to him in great numbers ; but as the mag^trates of Exeter 
were very backward, so we.* 

For * Every day . , . Abingdon * read * Every day some came [to him] from 
London ; the first were the lord Colchester, Mr. Edward Russell, and col. 

For * The king came down . . . further * read * In the meanwhile the king 
sent his troops westward.' 

After ^ dragoons ' add * that were sent as far as Salisbury.* 

Om, Uhe lord Combury . . . Langston.* 

For * But because . . . made ' read ' they did not discover it to the subaltern 
officers, for they durst not trust them, but they still advanced as if they had 
been sent to view our army.* 

After ' Exeter and * add ' as they were marching in the night.* 

After * Combury * add * that commanded this [/. 277 (6)] body.' 

For ' So they fell . . . rode back * read ' Many that came unto us soon afler 
turned back then, they being in a confusion and apprehending they were falling 
into a trap, through the unskilfulness of their leaders.* 

* These events are described in 
Burnet*s second letter to Herbert, Eg. 
MSS. a6ai, f. 51 (Exeter, Friday, Nov. 
x6, 1688). This mentions the want of 
transport, the Combury fiasco (* We 
had swallowed down in our hopes 
three of the king's best regiments,* 
lost by ^ the confusion of the night, 
with Sir Fran[cis] Compton's want 
of head or heart, together with the 
vigour of some popish officers among 

them *), the expected defection of Kirk 
and the forces at Plymouth, the better 
temper among the clergy, and the 
fact that Portsmouth would have 
surrendered had they landed there. 
See also the third letter (an intervening 
one having been lost in the post), 
which describes the situation from 
Sherbome, Nov. 99 (Thursday). Ibid, 
C 67. 

i688] HarL MSS. 6584, ^. 276 (b)-2j8 (a) 299 

For * Yet, on the other hand . . . flatteries ' trad ' It struck the king at first ; 
till flatterers (who will always abound about courts that love them and that 
hearken to them).' 

For ' The king wanted support . . . Exeter ' read * This gave the king some 
quiet ; but that was quickly disturbed, for/ 

After * bodies together ' add * in the north.* 

Om. < And the ill disposition . . • depend on them.' 

j4/(er * at once ' add * and his health suffered so much that it was generally 
believed he could not hold out long. The last three days iu which the prince 
stayed at Exeter the whole country came in [cf. Hisi. i. 79a]) being the more 
encouraged to do it because the earl of Bath with the garrison of Plymouth had 
declared for him [tbul. 793]. And if he had not received daily assurances that 
the greater part of the army would have declared for him, he intended to have 
gone to Bristol and have secured both that town and Gloucester [iW. supra"] ; 
for by that means the whole west was in his hands ; and not have ventured 
through the great plains of Wiltshire, where the king, that was so superior to 
him in horse, would have had a vast advantage [^ibtd.'] if he had been sure of them. 
But though the king sent men every hour to bring intelligence, they took his 
money and came with it over to the prince, but not one of them returned * (f6iV/. 
791). Thtn proctedf * At Salisbury the lord Churchill,' &*c, {ibid, 791, infra). 

Om, * At Axminster . . . king*s sons ^* 

For 'took notice . • . factious* read 'The king was expostulating with him 
upon the zeal he showed for religion, which in him could be nothing but faction.* 

Ow. ' for he had been so . . . less/ 

j4fler 'had conscience* add ^ This of ChurchilPs coming over put the king 
in a vast disorder ; and within a day afler, some country people came into 
Salisbury and gave the alarm that the prince's army was marching with all 
possible haste over the plains ; upon which the king went to London with all 
the confusion imaginable ' (cf. Hisf. i. 793). 

For * Soon after that' nad * Next night.' 

[/ 278 (a)] For * left him . . . Sherbum * read ' and some others, left him.' 

For * When the news . . . easily accepted ' ' trad only * And as soon as the 
princess Anne knew this she left the court and put herself into the bishop of 
London's hands, who carried her first to the earl of Dorset's, and from thence 
to the north.' 

For * not only . . . but even ' read ' by all persons, and particularly.' 

After * treating ' add ' both him and.' 

Om, * which had a burden . . . lilibulero.' 

[TAe prentices; the forged declaration^ 

Begitt * The prentices of London began to run together in great bodies, and 
fell upon all the mass-houses, and broke down everything belonging to them ' 
(cf. Hist, i. 794). 

Then revert to beginm'ng 0/ paragraph, p. 793, and proceed from 'A bold 
man ' to * nor whom to trust ' (p. 794). 

For 'A bold man . . . name' wk/' There was also a new declaration printed 
in the prince's name, which set London in flame.' 

* Routh's Burttefs James 11 reads " Routh'sBufw/'s/awiw// adds* and 

spurious race.' was by that exposed to much censure.* 



Burnetts Original Memoirs 


Otft, < And it had as great ... by their means.' 

For < that was in . . . channels ' read ' that might secure the nation from 

Om, ' And it was never . . . thing.* 

A/ier 'consternation' add 'upon all things/ and om. ' nor whom . . . shed.* 

Commissioners sent from the king to treat with the prince^. 

Cf. Hist, i. 794 {ftvm * The king now sent * to p. 795, end of paragraph). 

For ' The king now sent . . . one opinion ' read only ^ All the protestants who 
were firm to him advised him.* 

jifter ' consent to it. So ' ittsert * another meeting of the nobility was called, 
where the king expressed himself with much passion and confusion/ 

Afler ' demanded ' add ' In the meanwhile the prince advanced with his 
army, and every day great numbers were coming in to him ; among the rest ' ; 
and after * Clarendon ' ntsert * [who].* 

For 'reflected . . . condemned' read ' had answered the king very peevishly 
at the meeting of the nobility and came down full of wrath against him.' 

Om. ' A day . . . answer.* 

For ' The marquis of Halifax . . . both my answers * read only ' Halifax desired 
earnestly to speak with me in private ; but when I asked the prince's order, he 
forbid me to do it. Yet in the crowd he asked me, but so as nobody perceived 
it, whether we had a mind to have the king in our hands, or to let him go. 
I answered nothing could [/. 278 (6)] be so happy as to let him go, if he had 
a mind to it. Nottingham said also to me, if the prince did not take his measures 
right, he would find the hardest part of his work before him at London, when 
perhaps we might think he had all in his hands.* 

Om. < The prince ordered . . . had sent' 

Articles are proposed, 

Cf. Hist i. 795 {to ' satisfied with this answer '). 

For * thirty miles * read * twenty ' {see Rouih^s note in BunteVs James U in 

Om, * come on to London and.* 
Om, last stntenct of paragraph. 

^ This treaty is described in Burnetts 
fourth letter to Herbert (Eg. MSS. 
26a I, f. 69), a long and important missive 
dated Hungerford, Dec. 9, 1688. He 
states that Halifiuc and Nottingham 
' seem very little fond of the employ- 
ment, and say that it was put on them 
by their enemies * ; that the trumpeter 
was detained two nights while the 
prince consulted his followers ; that 
till all papists are turned out, the 
prince wiU hold on his march, for 
(f. 70) ' the true design of this treaty is 
to amuse the nation, and to stop the 

prince's march, in which the court 
will be deceived, for we will still go 
on. The commissioners desired to 
speak in private with the prince, but 
he declined it, for he said he was come 
upon the business of the nation and 
that he had no private concern of his 
own. The two first in the com- 
mission behaved themselves so, and 
talked so freely to myself and several 
others in a public room, that we saw 
they were condemned to act a part 
that was very unnatural to them.' 

i688] Harl MSS. 6584, ^ 278 (a) 279 (a) 301 

[Flight of queen. '\ 

Cf. Hist i. 795 (' But now strange counsels . . . such good terms *). 

For ^ But now ... for ever ' read * But in the meantime things took a strange 
turn at London. The whole popish party saw that if a treaty was set on foot 
both they and their reb'gion would be extirpated ; and the severest laws that 
could be contrived would be made against them ; and that many of them would 
be made sacrifices for what they had done/ 

For ' the king*s mother . . . violence * read ' [and] the impeaching queen 
Mary in king Charles the First's time was not forgot ; for they clearly saw that 
nothing could preserve the king in a parliament but the making a sacrifice both 
of his party and the interest of his religion.' 

Om, * The midwife . . . afterwards.* 

Om, * So she went . . . France.' 

^fler ^ disguise ' add ' This was kept secret from all but those that were to 
have a share in it.' 

After * answer ' add ' for the lords, who had it on the Monday morning, sent it 
up by a courier ' (cf. Hist i. 795, supra) ; aptd om, * He ordered . . . great seal.' 

The king flies away in disgitise. 

Cf. Hist, i. 796 (' And the next morning . . . scene which he then acted '). 

Before * And the next morning * insert ' But these did not hinder him.' 

Om. * They passed . . . Foxhall.* 

Jlfter * France ' add * And he got in it out to sea. But before he went it 
seems he disposed of the great seal ; for it was cast into the river above Fox- 
hall ; and was some months after that by accident drawn to the shore by some 
fishermen ; but whether it was dropped there on design or lost is not yet known.' 

[/ 379 a] For ' and of some black . . . support himself' read ^ upon the account 
of tie child ' and om, following paragraph. 

But is taken and brought to Fevershatn. 

Cf. Hist, i. 796 {from ' He was not got far* to p. 797, end of paragraph). 

After * far' add * to sea ' ; for < watching * read * searching all boats ' ; and for 
* came up to him ' read ^got up to the boat in which he was.* 

For ' who had ruled . . . Europe ' read ' who had a few days before carried 
matters so high.* 

Om. ^ Here was an accident . . . active for his interests.* 

Om. * who had been a little quieted . . . prince.* 

For * where they believed . . . management ' read * in a most outrageous 


For * finding ... he was now* read * whom the king had left behind.' 
Om, ' he had disguised . . . But he.' 

For * and after many hours . . . died soon after ' read ' and was at last com- 
mitted to the Tower, which had been seized on by the lord Lucas without any 


The prince is invited to come to London. 

Cf. Hist, 1. 797-8 (/o « and ran away*). 

For * he called ' read * the lord mayor called.' 

Om, * They gave . . . peace' 

3P2 Burnet's Original Memoirs [i688 

For 'This they all signed . . . Culpepper^ rectd 'This message was sent by 
some of the peers, of whom the bishop of Ely was one * ; and insert front 
P« 793> 'Dr. Finch ... he needed it' (after < heads of colleges' adding 
\f, 279 (6)] ' to congratulate his coming to England/ and omitting * and invit- 
ing . , . thither ') ; and at the end of this add * And Mr. Seymour having 
proposed an association (which contained an obligation never to separate nor 
depart from that undertaking till a free parliament should be called, and that 
they should revenge any attempt that might be made upon the person of the 
prince upon all the other party) that was signed by all that came in to the prince 
[cf. Hist, i. 792-3], those of Oxford were willing to enter into this bond like- 
wise, which they afterwards signed ' ; then return to p. 798, * The prince went.' 

After ' thither * add ' he was willing not to make too much haste, since there 
was a treaty set on foot' ; for^ of the strange catastrophe ... till he had ' read 
^ of the king's leaving Whitehall, which were brought him first by flying reports, 
and confirmed by.' 

After ^ from the king * add * Upon which he told me, that though I was not 
much disposed to believe king Charles a prophet, yet the last time he had 
seen him at Windsor he had, among other expressions of his displeasure at his 
brother's heat, said he was confident that if he were once a king he would never 
be able to hold it out four years to an end' (cC Hist, i. 575). 

Om. * so he sent . . . implacable enemies * ; but see supra, 11. 9-1 1. 

Om, ' One of the princess officers . . . expedition.* 

[Various advices,'] 

Cf. Hist* i. 798 {to end of ^, 800). 

For * desertion * read * withdrawal* 

./^yi^rr ' London * add 'to prevent the mischiefs that might arise from those 
multitudes of people that in a tumultuous way were daily committing new 
disorders; and, which was much more formidable, to hinder the army's dis- 
banding itself according to the orders that the king had left for the earl of 
Feversham, which was like to have proved the turning loose 30,000 robbers upon 
the nation ' (cf. Hist, i. 796). 

Om, * otherwise , . . killed him.* 

[/, 980 (a)] For ' Two gentlemen , . . met upon it * read * For as he came on 
in three days to Windsor the privy council at London, hearing that the king 
was at Feversham, met to consider what was fit to be done.* 

After * about him * add ' that night.' 

For * when the news , . , Windsor ' read * The prince was much troubled 
when he heard of the accident at Feversham, and sent Mr. Zulestein immediately 
with orders to set the king at liberty and to let him do what he pleased [cf. 
Hist, i. 799, supra"]. But the privy council had prevented him, with which he 
was much displeased, for.' 

After ' now come to him ' add ' from London.' 

Om, * and the officious flatterers.' 

After 'deserting his people' add * [y^hich'] was looked on as so great an ad- 
vantage against him according to [/. 280 (6)] the sense of all who have writ 
concerning government.' 

After * secured ' add ' or at least that he should be kept till a parliament 
should meet' 

x688] Hari MSS. 6584, ff. 279 (a)-28i {b) 303 

For * It was thought . . . hearken ' rtad * and of this opinion was Clarendon 
not without great sharpness. But since his being a prisoner in England might 
raise great discontents, or perhaps a violent party might in parliament move in 
relation to his person, to which they saw the prince would never consent, there- 
fore they advised the prince to send him over to Breda ; where, as he could 
keep him more securely than he could in England, so his restraint, not being 
exposed to the view of the whole nation, would not raise that compassion which 
his being a prisoner within England must have occasioned. Few argued against 
this till the prince himself declared his opinion ; which was that though.* 
For ' now he had him in his power' read ' the case was different.* 
For < nor did he know . • . called * read * and if the king were made a prisoner, 
as that would beget a great party to him, so the disposing of his person might 
cause such disputes in parliament as might ruin all ; for.' 

[T^s mission of the three lords^ 

Cf. Hist. i. 801 {to ' a guard went with him ')• 

After * drawn off ' add * in the night,* 

Om, * but not . . . murmuring.' 

[/. fl8i (a)] After *9ak!tA them' add ' in the king's name/ 

For * escape. They ' read ' escape ; so they.' 

For * very readily ' read * before morning.' 

For * having ordered . . , came about him ' read * with a small guard and a few 


The prince comes to St. James\ 

Cf. Hist, i. 801 (^from * On the same day' to p. Boa, * this winter '). 

Om, * And even this trifle . . . edge.' 

After ' fermentation * add * among some of the nobility and clergy.' 

Om, * when he was ready . . , everything.' 

For * the saying of ' read * that old saying made use of by.' 

Om, ' disguised and designed.' 

For * the nation had never known ' read 'The country was so little accustomed 
to'; and after 'army' add 'that generally they took nothing for their 

Om, ' and the freedom . . . markets ' ; and after * maintained * add ' by them 
during this interval of government' 

After * winter ' add * But upon all these accounts a discontent began to spread 
itself through the whole army. It was certain that if the king had sUyed at 
Whitehall there might have been so high a fermentation upon it, that from 
thence disorders would have arisen which would have endangered both his life 
and the prince's; and [/ aSi (6)] have exposed the city both to fire and 
pillage'; and om. next two paragraphs, 

[Consultations about a settlement^.'] 

Cf. Hist, I, 803 (' The first thing . . . against that proposition *). 
For * The first thing . . . settled ' read ' And now every man was ready and 
forward to propose his scheme.' 

* Burnet's final letter to Herbert (Eg. Christmas Day, 1688, reflects on the 
MSS. a6ax, f. 83), dated St. James', Feversham incident, the king's second 


Burnetts Original Memoirs 


Om, * which might otherwise . . . tedious/ 

For * such a step ... to raise himself ; and * rwui ' the government was first 
dissolved, and then deserted by king James ; and therefore if the prince should 
now assume the kingship to himself, as it would very much disparage his 
honour, so/ 

He [is] addressed to assume the administration ^ ami to 
call a convention of estates, 

{Fivm abovt, to end of paragraph.) 
Om. < When these were . . . nation.* 

For ' It was agreed ... to make an * read onty * who did all.* 
For * though without . . . earl of Nottingham * read only ' Some * ; and omit 
* he ' before * moved.' 
For ' Few were of his mind . . . nation ' read only * for.* 

The king went to France. 

Cf. Hist, i. 804. 

For * Many that were . • . went to him, and * read * The prince wished him 
gone ; but all his own party.* 

Ont, ' and to see . . . agreement* 

For ' The queen . . . ordered it to be * read ^ But letters that he got from his 
queen which, with g^reat vehemency, pressed his coming over to her, happened 
to be intercepted ; they being writ in so imperious a strain for a point that was 
wished for, they were.' 

For ' So he gave . . . table * read 'So he left behind him a paper.' 

For* And so . . . secretly * read * And a vessel being provided for him he went.* 

Scot/and declares for the prince. 

Cf. Hist. i. 804-5 ('o ' copy after it in England '). 

For ' But before . . . governor * read *■ The afiairs of Scotland were very near 
in the same condition with those of England ; all the forces of that kingdom had 
been brought into England, and so it was left in the hands of the militia, only 
the duke of Gordon was governor of the castle of Edinburgh.' 

For * spirit ' read * parts.* 

withdrawal (' yesterday *), the discus- 
sions as to the next step (some main- 
tain that the princess t)ecomes queen 
andshould issue writs for a Parliament ; 
others advise a convention to make a 
settlement; 'This last is liable to this 
exception, that the slowness of it 
may expose Holland to be lost before 
England can be settled or ready to act '). 
He expresses an evidently sincere 
commiseration for the 'poor king's' 
situation, which Herbert he knows 
shares ('I know it was not possible 

for you to have acted as some others 
have done, but whatever one may think 
of that we must now shut our mouths, 
for there is discontent enough already, 
and the army seem generally out of 
humour and uneasy at what they have 
done, and you know we have not the 
arts of cajolery ... it is now time for 
you to be for a while at rest till we 
make a new expedition into France, 
for I do verily believe the prince 
designs it this summer '). 


i688] Harl: MSS. 6584, /] 281 (b)-282 {b) 305 

[/. a82 (a)] Om, * particularly . . . England.* 

Om. * disguised himself and/ 

For * and put in prison * read *• and has continued a prisoner ever since.* 

After * popery ' add *and that received the news of this deliverance with joy.* 

Ont. ' and was printed . . . gazette.* 

[TAe episcofalictns coalesce with Dundee^ in favour of Jofnes^ 

[This] had rendered them very odious in Scotland; so 
they, finding that the prcsbyterians were like to carry all 
before them, resolved to make what party they could for king 
James and to stick to his interests. * There was one Graham, 
who had served some years in Holland, and was both a very 
good officer and a man of great parts. King James had 
given him considerable employments and made him earl of 
Dundee ; he had taken up a violent hatred against the whole 
presbyterian party, and being a proud and passionate man, 
though in all other respects a man of virtue and probity, 
he had executed the law and obeyed his orders when he was 
quartered in the western parts of Scotland with great rigour 
and severity *. So that now both his engagements to king 
James, his principles, and his passions threw him into that 
party, *» who received him as their head *» ; and thus the disposi- 
tion of matters in Scotland looked very favourable to the 
prince, but very cloudy towards the episcopal interest there. 

\The muting in London^ 
Cf. Hist, i. 805 ('The duke of Hamilton . • • princess hands')- 

The dangerous state of Ireland* 

Cf. Hist, i. 805-6 {to 'supplies should come to them from England';. 

Om. ^ and full of . . . behind them.* 

[/. sSfl {b)] For 'Tyrconnell . . • Upon which ' read* After the faint resistance 
that the protestants made in the field to the troops that Tyrconnell sent to 
reduce the country.' 

After * military men ' add * who came over into England.' 

Ont, entirely firom * I will not enlarge ' to end of foilowing paragraphs 

[Subject continued,] 

Cf. Hist. i. 806 (from < As for the afiairs' to p. 809, 'and was drowned'). 

After * among them * add * at London.' 

• Cf. Hist. I 805. ^ Ibid. 


3o5 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1688-9 

Om, * The earl of Clarendon . . . come to a composition \' 

OtH. ' and it was like him V 

Om. * Probably . . . Tyrconnell.' 

[/ 283 (a)] Om. * (For sir William . . . figure)/ 

For * officers * read * best officers.' 

For * He had served . , . together with a ' read * There was a great/ 

For * Hamilton . • . of war ' read ^ He with the other Irish officers were then, 
in a sort, prisoners of war/ 

Om, Mooking . . . terms that he could.* 

j4/ter * papist* add * (Mountjoy was the protestant).' 

Om. 'The earl of Tyrconnell pretended ... all that he asked/ 

For * And he now fancied ' read * or was quite altered by Hamilton's going 
over; [Hamilton assured him] that there would be great divisions in the con- 
vention of estates, and that king James* party would be very strong in it ; and 
therefore if he stood firm.* 

[/ 383 (6)] Om, ^ and the earl of Clarendon . . . against it.* 

A convenUan of estates called^ 

CC Hist L 809 [^ The sitting . . . formed about the town '). 
Om, ' about the town/ 

Some were for bringing back king James, 
Cf. Hisi, I 809 {from ' The one * to * their doctrine *). 

Others are for naming a prince regent, 

Cf. Hist, i. 809 {Jto p. 81 r, * could be according to their own principles *)« 

Om, * A third party . . . throne ' ; and for * When the archbishop . . . benches 
of the temporal lords ' read ' All the bishops, the archbishop of Canterbury ' 
only excepted, went into this; for he would not appear at the convention/ 

OfH, * in opposition . . . king/ 

Om, * and of men of no religion/ 

[/. 984 (a)] After * bouse of commons * add * who were all those who were 
called the high court party/ 

For * seemed to * read * did.* 

But the greatest part were for declaring the throne vacant. 

Cf. Htst, \, 811 {from * The third ' to p. 815, * tragically represent the matter *), 

[/ 284 (A)] Om, * This was often renewed . . . successors.' 

Om. * Nor was . . . disowned.* 

Om, * by a gentleman . , . came by it *.* 

^ It should perhaps be noted that ' Some comments on this charge 
a very rude note of Swift's on this will be found in the Life 0/ Halifax, 
omitted passage has na'j'ustification ; ' The writef will again observe that 
Burnet evidently means that Temple reflections on Sancroft are omitted, 
had been long in credit with the * Cf. Hist. i. 32, 33, with Dart- 
prince. . mouth*s, Cole*s, and Airy's notes. 

J688-9] Harl MSS. 6584, ^^ 282 (6)-286 (a) 307 

[/ a85 (a)] For *the dispensing . . , continued in it' rtad < [These things] 
were thought a dissolution of the conti^ct between him and his people ; which 
was completed by his deserting of his people ; upon all which they inferred 
that he had abdicated the government and left the throne vacant/ 

Om» ' By this proposition . . . power of a king.' 

For ' And it was to be presumed . . . will ' retid ' The weakness of childhood 
or the disorders of lunacy might be provided for this way/ 

[/. 285 (6)] For * Some among . . . rest ' rwrf* Two different parties appeared/ 

Om, * had his power ... by the law, and ^ ; and after * govern by law ' add 
*and to protect his people.' 

Ofn. ' In extreme . . . allowed of them.' 

Oni. next huo paragraphs, 

[Discussion as to a successor,] 

Cf. Hist. i. 815-6 (' It was a more important debate . . . strictly bound to it'). 

For * It was a more important debate . . . successors ' read ' This was therefore 
the motion that grew most naturally to be entertained ; but in the management 
of this a new debate arose : Whether upon the judging or declaring king James 
to have abdicated they should not inquire who was the next heir, and put that 
person on the throne. All that were against the abdication stood upon this, 
that the oaths of allegiance binding the nation to the king and his heirs, then if 
it could be supposed that the king had absolved the nation from their tie to 
himself, yet they were still bound to his heirs; and upon this ground they 
intended to have had the business of the prince of Wales examined ; and in 
this matter men were much divided/ 

Ont, < it being a maxim . . . living man.' 

And [the majority]^ without examining the birth of 

the prince of IVa/es, 

Cf. Hisi. i. 8x6 (from * It was proposed' to p. 817, * laid before me as to that 

[/. 286 (a)] For 'And it would have gone far . * . king James' read only 
<^d it would be a great article with relation to king James; but others did not 
approve of this/ 

For * Upon which I was ordered ... It is true' read * There were many pre- 
sumptive proofs brought, which I have in the former part of this history set 
down very carefully ; but.* 

/or 'But, when this matter , . . some observed' read *It was said by the 
prince's friends.' 

For <so, if there' read *so since there'; and for 'and then . . . birth' read 
* would do as much harm on the other side.' 

For * When this debate . . . indignation ' read only * It took much with many 
that.' This passage down to ' enemies ' occurs on/. a86 (Jb). 

Om. ' it was also known, that . . . out.' 

For ' But while these things ... in this matter. They ' read only ' But there 
were others who.' 

For 'Wildman thought . . . matter' read only 'This was thought by some 
men a deep piece of policy and they valued themselves upon it. So/ 

X 2 

3o8 Burnet's Original Memoirs . [1689 

were for putting the princess in the throne. 

Cf. Hist. i. 8x8 {Jirom ' The next thing in * to p. 819, ' others for the princess *). 

[/ 286 (6)] Om, * and, that he might get . . . credit with the prince.* 

Om, entirely from * How far the prince * to p. 819, * and died about the end of 

For <The agents . . . knew nothing of it* read *and here the princess of 
Denmark began to make some stir, that the prince might not be set before her ; 
but she quickly desisted/ 

For * The proposition • . . sovereigns ' read * Others were for putting both the 
prince and princess in the throne.* 

After • others for the princess ' read * Danby, Shrewsbury, Sidney, and all the 
moderate church of England men were for putting both in the throne. The 
debate stood for several days at this.* 

The prince was long silent, 

Cf. Hist, \, 8ao {Jo end of Jirst paragraph), 
[/ 287 (a)] Om, * affectation and as a disguised.* 

For *he called for . . . some others' nriMf ' he was prevailed on to call together 
five or six of those on whom he relied most* 

But at last he declared his own sense of those debates, 

Cf. Hist, i. 820 (^from * He told them * /o p. 821, * concur in such a design *). 

Om, * he himself saw . . . accept of it.* 

jifter * did the princess* add * nor reckon himself surer in her than he did.* 

For 'in so cold . • . contrivance* read 'in so unconcerned and so stoical 
a manner, that as many of those who were there have told me, never was any- 
thing said with a more cold and indifferent air thaii all this was.* 

For ^ helped not a little to bring * read only ' brought.* 

After * design * add ' This was in great part removed by myself. Who had a full 
occasion given me to know her mind in that matter.* 

The princess's sense of putting the prince in the administration, 

• For two years before, after my coming to Holland and that 
I was admitted to talk with the prince and princess of the 
affairs of England, ^ I had [/. 287 (*)] taken the liberty to 
lay before her the state of our affairs in case the succession 
should descend on her; that the prince would be only her 
husband with the title but without the power of a king, and 
that, as in the case of king Philip, even the title would fall 
with her life. This I shewed her was a very ridiculous 
posture for a man, and that therefore the jealousy of this 
had made Henry VH put his right to the crown on another 
foot. The princess answered me that she had never thought of 
that before, and so she asked what remedy there could be found 

• Cf. Hist. L 688. »> Ibid, 692. 

1689: Had. MSS. 6584, ff. 286 (6) -287 {U) 309 

for It ; ■ I replied that as no mortal knew that I was to speak 
to her on this subject, so I protested solemnly that if she 
did not like that which I was to lay before her no mortal 
should ever know it. ^ It was that she should resolve to have 
the crown vested in the prince during his life^ and to reign 
in conjunction with her ; I told her nobody could suffer by 
this but she and her sister, and it was but too probable that 
her sister could never be concerned in it. It would put the 
prince in a posture becoming him ; ^ and therefore I begged 
she would consider well of it ; for if she once made the step 
to assure the prince that she would do it, she was never to 
think of retreating again. She immediately answered me 
very frankly, that she would take no time to consider of any- 
thing by which she might express her respect and kindness 
to the prince ; for she was resolved, whatsoever change might 
happen to her, she would be no more but his wife, and that 
she would do all that lay in her power to make him king for 
life. She allowed me to discourse the matter to the prince ; 
and I discoursed it afterwards to them both together, and 
she gave him the assurance very heartily that nothing could 
happen to her that should ever make her more than his wife ^. 
It seemed necessary at this time to let this be known, upon 
which I desired by Bentinck **to know whether the prince 
would allow me to speak of it ^. Bentinck told me that • the 
prince would not talk with me upon that subject nor give me 
any orders concerning it, but left me to my own thoughts* ; 
and so I presumed upon the prince's[s's ?] goodness, and told 
it to those who had the greatest stroke in business. And they 
assured me ^ it helped not a little to settle all people's minds ; 
and it made every one that heard of it conclude that either 
the princess was a wonderful good woman or a very weak 
one ; for they reckoned that such an indifferency for power 
and rule must either flow from an excess of goodness or 
of simplicity. At her coming to England ^ I told her that the 
critical state of our affairs had made me venture in publishing 

• Cf. HisL i. 692-3. »> Ihid. 69a. « Ihid, 693. «« Ibid, 8ai. 

• Ibid. ' Ibid. 

3IO Burnet's Original Memoirs [i68j 

what I knew Concierning her intentions^ ; *^and she justified 
me in it, and seemed not only satisfied but pleased ^ with the 
settlement that had been made. I have since my first writing 
of this learned a very important piece of [/. 288 (a)] the 
secret of this history, 

[Danb/s letter to the princess,] 

Cf. Hist, i. 819 {from * Upon this the earl of Danby ' to end o/par^graph). 

After * Dauby ' add ^ was So much set on having the right of the crown vested 
in the princess that he * ; and after * over * add * express.' 

After * answer to the prince * ittsert * This on both sides is no inconsiderable 
part of their character/ 

For * The prince bore . . . duke * read * and the prince his employing and 
trusting Danby after this was a very extraordinary thing likewise in him.* 

[Further debates,] 

Cf. Hist, i. 8a I {from * There were other differences' to p. Saa, 'declared 
to be king and queen '). 

For * But that was overruled . • . declared to be king and queen ' nod only 
^But a safer way was taken, which was to declare that king James had 
abdicated the government, and that the throne was vacant ; and upon that the 
prince and princess of Orange were desired to accept of it ; and both houses 
declared them to be their king and queen. There were many conferences 
between the two houses, not only upon the main point of exauctorating king 
James, but likewise upon the words Original Contract, Abdicate and Vacant. 
But the commons adhered firmly to their vote, at which the lords stuck almost 
three weeks ' (cf. Hist, ii. 815 and 8ai\ 

[The Ml 0/ rights,] 

Cf. Hist, i, 8aa {from * But before matters ' to p. 833, ettd of paragraph), 

Ont. ' Some officious . . . Magna Charta.* 

For * simply . . . taken away* read * as illegal.' 

Oni. ^ though the main clamour ... so that.' 

Om. * upon the opposition that was made.* 

After ^ disputable points' add * Some thought that the stating the liberties of 
England in the same instrument in which the crown was offered to the king 
and queen, looked like an imposing of conditions on them ; and some that 
pretended [/ a88 (6)] much zeal for them pressed, even a little indecently, that 
it might not be done ; but this was soon set aside.' 

The oaths are appointed to be altered, 

Cf. Hist. i. 8a3-5 (Jo *Thc far greater part of the clergy'), 
For^ Many arguments . . . agree to the new settlement ' read only ' Those who 
had opposed the settlement said.' 

• Cf. Hist. ii. 8a I. 

^ For the misrepresentation sub- ^nm//, &c., p. xa. Sec also Doebner^ 
sequcntly placed on his incidence sec Memoirs^ p. 10. 
Hi ekes, Some discourses upon Dr, 

t689] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 287 (6) -289 (a) 311 

/or < just and reasonable * nad ' expedient/ 

For ^ This tenderness . . . much abused by * read only * But there arose after- 

0»n, ' and that they might act . . . de jure/ 

Om. * The truth was . . . honour or conscience.* 

For * which by its agreement . . . among them ' read ' which is both more 
subtile and more sincere.' 

For ' of those . . . new government ' read ' of the clergy who had been so 
entangled concerning their opinions [/ 289 (a)] concerning sovereign power, 
and were so engaged by having asserted them so often and so publicly 
[cf. ilnd. above]^ that without the help of this new theory they had all gone off 
in a body/ 

Om. * This was chiefly managed . . . Worcester.' 

After < Heaven ' add * especially when it fell on the just side.* 

For * This might . . . clergy ' read • besides several other difficulties.' 

Conclusion *. 
•And thus I have opened the grounds on which the several 
parties proceeded more fully than might have been expected 
from me ; ^ but, as I was in this whole matter and so spent 
a great part of my time during these debates in arguing with 
several sorts of people, so that I was well acquainted with 
men's schemes and reasonings, so I hope it may be both 
a pleasant and useful instruction to posterity to open it with 
all possible clearness and fulness. After many debates in 
both houses and many conferences between them, at last 
a great protestation having been made against king James' 
abdication, and the throne's being vacant, ^ the offer of the 
crown was made and accepted by the prince and princess on 
the 13th of February ^. It happened to be Ash Wednesday ; 
so some wished it might be delayed a day, and imagined it 
would look inauspicious to b^n a reign on a day of fasting ; 
others thought it had a particular decency in it, that princes 
immediately after they were set on the throne should come 
and humble themselves in dust and ashes before God ; and 
thought that the concurrent devotions of the nation at that 
time was no unbecoming circumstance for the beginning of 
a government. 

• Cf. Hist, i. Baa, ba^. ^ Ibid. 8ai-a. • Ibid. Sas. 

^ The defence of the princess's ments on her behaviour and by dis- 
cheerfulness, subsequently inserted, torted Whig versions of his remon- 
was no doubt evoked by Jacobite com- strance ; see Cunningham, i. 103. 

312 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1689 

[Reign of William and Mary] : the king and queen 

are proclaimed 

The king and queen were immediately proclaimed in 
London ; and as soon as was possible over all England with 
great demonstrations of joy ; for though there was a party for 
king James among the nobility and gentry and clergy, yet 
the body of the nation [/. 289 {b)\ had never been observed 
to be so universally well satisfied with any government as 
they were with this. *The king did not change his way in 
any sort upon this new dignity ; he became only a little more 
visible and accessible than he had been, but his cold silent 
way was too deeply rooted in him to be changed ; he was 
then in a very ill state of health; the air and smoke of 
London did not agree with him ; he had been long out 
of exercise, and was fallen so very low that few believed 
he should easily recover his strength again ; so he chose to 
retire to Hampton Court, and there he spent the summer ; 
and since he found that air agreed with him, he designed 
to rebuild that old and irr^ular palace. ^ All this was 
censured^ as a withdrawing from business and the giving 
himself up to ease and laziness. Nor did he study much to 
accommodate himself to the humours of the nation. 

A ministry is formed. 

The ministry that he first made choice of was not of 
, a piece, and wrought different ways. ® Danby was made 
marquess of Carmarthen and president of the council ; 
Halifax was privy seal ; ^Shrewsbury and Nottingham were 
secretaries of state; •Mordaunt (now made earl of Mon- 
mouth) was first commissioner of the treasury ; ^ the great 
seal was put in commission, ^ and so was the admiralty ; but 
though Herbert, who was made earl of Torrington, was set 
at the head of it, he (who designed to be lord admiral) left his 
post there «, and Pembroke was put in it. ^ Almost all the 
chief places, both in the government * and household, were filled 

• Cf. HisU ii. a. *» Ibid. 3. • Ibid. 4. ^ Ibid, 3. • Ibid, 4. 

' Ibid. 3. « Ibid. 5. h Ibid, supra. I Ibid, infra. 

1689] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 289 {p)-2yo (a) 313 

with Whigs •, yet they were highly displeased that they had 
not them all. ^ Godolphin was thought necessary for the 
treasury, since all the rest were strangers to the revenue, 
which he understood well. Yet this gave Monmouth great 
offence ^ ; who set himself at the head of the republican party, 
and had g^eat credit among the citizens, which he at first 
employed to move them to lend the king money ; but after- 
wards, when he saw that the king would not go into all his 
notions, he hmdered the advances of money so effectually 
that the king turned him soon out of the treasury, ® He was 
not corrupt in disposing that vast number of places ^ which 
in a great measure depended upon him, and by this he got 
great reputation ; but as "^he picked out commonwealth's men 
for them all^, so in everything he grew imperious and insolent, 
and n^lecting his own province of the treasury, he set up 
cabals everywhere in order to the breaking of the prerogative, 
and the putting all Tories out of employment. ® Halifax had 
gone into the Whigs' measures during the late debates, and 
had totally lost the Tories; but he found soon that the 
business of the exclusion still stuck in their hearts; the 
delivering up of charters and the quo warrantos were chiefly 
imputed to him, and the slowness of relieving Ireland was 
ascribed to him. He was observed to have great credit with 
the king, but nobody thought that his mercurial wit would 
suit the king's phlegm long •. So the Whigs were inflamed 
to a mighty violence against him. ^Carmarthen could not 
bear the equality, or rather preference [/. 290 (a)], that seemed 
to be given to Halifax ^ ; so he meddled little and complained 
of everything that was done ; and by Monmouth's means, 
upon whom he had great influence as was believed, ^ he raised 
the storm in the house of commons against Halifax^. 
Shrewsbury was the best beloved of the whole ministry, and 
deserved to be so ; ^ there lay no prejudice against him but 
that of his youth, which was soon overcome by his great 
application and wonderful temper. 

» Cf. Hist. ii. 5. " Ibid, 4. « Ibid. 5. * Ibid. - Ibtd. 4. 

' Ibid. » Ibid. i» Ibid. 3. 

314 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1689 

The consequences upon Nottingham's being employed, 

•The employing of Nottingham was very unacceptable to 
all that party that had shewed the greatest zeal for the king*, 
and it gave a present and sensible change to the state of 
affairs ; for ^ the Whigs grew sullen and became jealous upon 
it ''j that the king would fall in with the church party and grow 
fond of prerogative motions. On the other hand, it had a very 
sensible effect on the church party ; ® they had concluded that 
the opposition they had given to the king's coming to the 
throne, and the zeal that others had showed for it, would 
throw him entirely into their hands ^ ; this they thought 
would be so managed by the commonwealth party that 
they, finding they had the king wholly in their power, would 
undermine the .prerogative and rob the crown of its most 
important rights, and by this means they apprehended both 
a subversion of the church and change of government in thd 
state; they also knew that the commonwealth party were 
violent and implacable, so **they looked for severe revenges 
from them for the hardships they had suffered at their hands 
in king Charles* reign. This begot in them great apprehen- 
sions, and put them generally in a disposition of looking 
towards king James ; so Nottingham's being in the ministry 
was looked upon by them as no small part of their security* 
They knew that he would lay before the king the rights 
and prerogatives of the crown ^, and that he would represent 
to him that the church party were those he must trust, who 
would prove his surest and firmest friends. At the same time 
that Nottingham was discoursing those things to the king 
he took much pains, both by himself and all his friends, to 
persuade all the clergy and the friends of the church to take 
the oaths and to come into the interests of the government ; 
and his endeavour had so good effects that I reckon I do not 
exceed the severe rules of history when I say that Notting- 
ham's being in the ministry, together with the effects that 
it had, first preserved the church and then the crown. And 

• Cf. Hist, ii. 3-4. ^ Ibid. 4. ^ Ibid, 3. ** Ibtd, 

1689] HarL MSS. 6584, Jf. 290 (a)-29o (b) 315 

therefore those who intended to ruin both were not without 
reason much troubled at his being employed ; but he went on 
through the rest of the parts of this settlement in pursuance 
to his own principles, which made him be still looked on 
as an enemy to the government, that opposed everything that 
was proposed for its defence ; and his enemies, that could not 
deny that he was zealous in his office for it, said that out 
of parliament he was for the king but in parliament he was 
against him« And this made some impressions even on the 
king himself, who looked on him as one that was too much 
a bigot and too passionately wedded to a party; this did 
indeed show itself upon many occasions, but all that had 
a good effect upon the whole; for it gained him so much 
credit, that it put him in a capacity afterwards to bring them 
almost entirely over to the king's interests. He told the king, 
when he entered into his service that he foresaw there were 
many steps yet to be made in which he [/. 290 (6)] would 
oppose that which would be pretended to be his service ; but 
he would follow his own sense of things in parliament, though 
he would be guided by the king's sense out of it ^. 

TAe convention turned into a parliament, 

Cf. Hist ii. 5-6 (Jo end of paragraph). 

For * the Tories. They said * read * those who thought tliat.' 

Om, * So it was moved . . . election.* 

[Some bishops re/used the oathsJ] 

Cf. Hisi. ii. 6 (from * Eight bishops * to p. 7, end of par agrapK)^ for which read 
^ Eight bishops absented themselves, of whom two died soon after ; and about 
twelve temporal lords and a very few of the house of commons withdrew : 
all the rest took the oaths/ 

An act obliging all persons to take the oaths, 

•The first thing upon this that was proposed was an act 
obliging all such persons to take the new oaths as had been 
by law obliged to take the old ones, together with penalties 
and incapacities upon those that took them not by a prefixed 

• Cf. Hisi. ii. 7. 
* See Von Ranke, cd. 1868, vol. vii. App. ii. pp. 187-8. 

3i6 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1689 

day ; and in particular such of the clergy as took them not 
were to be put under a suspension for the space of six 
months, and deprivation afterwards (if they took them not 
within that time). This was looked on by all the church 
party as a design against the church of England ; for it was 
then given out that the greater party would refuse the oaths ; 
and this, they hoped, would either quite break or divide the 
church. • Others of the Whig party hoped at least to bring 
this matter to such a composition that the church party to 
save this storm from themselves should have consented to 
have taken away the sacrament test, without which no man 
was capable of holding public employments. This would have 
let in dissenters into places of trust ^ and it was represented 
as a thing of such advantage to the king in the present 
juncture, that ^ he was advised by Mr. Hampden to recommend 
it from the throne to both houses, ^ which he did without 
communicating it to his other ministers; this was a great 
error, for there not being any one thing upon which the 
church party reckoned that their security depended more 
than this, they became very jealous of the king as willing 
to sacrifice the church to the dissenters. It was rejected by 
both houses with so great an inequality ^ that the king had 
reason to look better to the motions that came from the 
throne. ^ But the party, finding they had [/. 291 {a)\ failed 
in this, set on the act about the oaths with more heat than 

{Debates concerning the oaths ^ 

Cf. Hist, ii. 8 {Jrom * That which was long' to p. 9, 'and so it passed '). 
Begin * So a great debate and many conferences followed upon it * {vide ibid, 

After * oblige ''for * them ' read ' such as gave cause of suspicion.^ 

After ' by it' add * which was enough for the safety of the government/ 

Om. * distinctions . . . strength from them.' 

Om. ^ especially . . . general terms.' 

Onu * An exception . • . rejected. 

Om, from * I was the chief to end of paragraph, 

• Cf. Hist, ii. a. ^ Ibid. 7. • Ibid, 8. ^ Ibid, 

i689] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 290 {by^gi (b) 317 

An act for a toleration^ 

At the same time *an act passed for the toleration of all 
protestant dissenters % which gave a new disgust to all those 
violent churchmen ^who retained still an implacable hatred 
to the nonconformists, and were longing for occasion to put 
the laws in execution against them. ® Yet this act was both 
penned and offered first in the house of lords by Nottingham ""^ 
who, notwithstanding his zeal for the church, had been always 
both for toleration and comprehension, and ^ had offered the 
same act to the house of commons during the debates con* 
cerning the exclusion. 

[ Views of the wiser party and of the king^ 

Cf. Hist. ii. la (< But wise and good . . . statute that enacted it *). 

For * Christian religion . • . nation* nraof ' Christianity, and to the interest of 
the protestant religion.* 

Om, * chiefly . . . nation.' 

For * gave . . . content ' read ' was very agreeable to the king's inclinations 
and interest,* and place next sentence inpresettt tense, 

Om, ' and he was much troubled . . . nation.* 

[/ 291 {by\ Om, ' in many places of Germany and.* 

Propositions for a comprehension, 

^At the same time that the toleration was proposed to 
both houses, the bishops who resolved to adhere to king 
James's interest, moved before they left the house of lords 
that heads of a comprehension might likewise be considered ^ 
for taking in the presbyterians ; ^ which consisted chiefly in 
moderating the rigour of the subscriptions, and in admitting 
children to be baptized without the cross, and persons to the 
sacrament without obliging them to kneel. ^ Those who pro* 
posed this acted very disingenuously; for not only they 
opposed it underhand and set on all their friends against 
it, but they represented such as were cordially for it as the 
enemies and betrayers of the church, who intended to subvert 
it. "^This, which was likewise prepared and offered to the 
house of lords by Nottingham, ^passed through that house, 

* Cf. Hist. ii. 10. »» Ibid. II. <» Ibid. 6. d Ibid, • Ibid, ' Ibid, 

lo-i. » Ibid. II. ^ Ibid. 6. « Ibid, II. 

31 8 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1689 

^but was let He on the table of the house of commons'* ; and 
so it fell with the prorogation. ^ A party began to be 
formed in the house of commons that was secretly against 
the government ; but they pretended they were for the church 
of England ^ ; and they carried several smaller matters which 
the other party did not much oppose, on design to represent 
this to the king as ^ a cabal formed against him by Nottingham. 
That party carried an address for a convocation of the 
clergy ; they went heavily into the toleratiop, and laid aside 
the comprehension. 

[The dissenters f ami the comprehension billJ] 
Cf. Hist. ii. II (* Nor was this bill . . . fell to the ground *). 

Debates concerning the revenue. 

Zt. 1» 

Cf. Hist. ii. la (from * and the necessary supplies^ /o p. 13, *have refused it 

For * both for the quota . . . Ireland ' read only * for the war.' 

For^ The next care . . . shown for him. But * read ' But as for the main branch 
of the revenue that arose out of the customs, and which was usually granted 
to our kings for life.* 

For * Some Whigs . . . come off for them ' read only * The republican party.' 

Om, ' or, at most . . . years.* 

Om. * and oblige . . . grant.' 

Om. ' made great use . . . success. They.* 

The chimney money surrendered. 

The king had good reason to expect a good return from 
his people ; for though ^ the chimney money was a part of the 
standing revenue and was a sure article upon which in time 
of war money could alway3 be raised, for it never sunk, • yet 
he, understanding that this was a great grievance to the 
people of England, had promised to the people in the west as 
he marched through it that it should be taken away, and 
pursuant to that he offered to the parliament to have it taken 
away, which was done accordingly ; but was much opposed by 
all that were of king James's party, who thought that both it 
would endear the king to [/. 292 (a)] the body of the people, 
and also that if king James should be restored it would lay 

» Cf. Hist, iu II, infra. ^ Ibid. « Ibid, infra. ^ Ibid. 13. 

• Ibid, supra. 

1689] HarL MSS. 6584, ff. 291 (b)-2g2 (a) 319 

an obligation of him not to claim it ; yet it was carried and 
passed*. Now it seemed very unjust and indecent in the 
commons, who had received such an extraordinary favour 
from the king, to deny him that which had been given to 
all former kings ; yet they were resolved not to grant it ; 
so it was pretended that ^ there were many anticipations and 
assignations upon the customs; and since the petitions of 
all persons concerned in those could not be considered, they 
granted the customs for one year to the king, as a provisional 
act till that whole matter should be settled ; but they 
intended never to carry it further than from year to year. 

And an act 0/ indemnify, 

Cf. Hist, ii. 14 (Jo p. 15, * merciful a prince'). 

For * They could not be brought ... set this on * read * The king did likewise 
press for an act of indemnity for settling the minds of all that were either 
criminals, or that apprehended they might be made so ; and here the violent party 
by their fury lost the king upon another head ; or they had no mind to pass 
the act of indemnity.* 

For * severe revenges . . . unjust things ' read * to take revenge of the Tories 
for many things.* 

Om. * till a better . . . offer itself.* 

[T^ militia bi[i;\ 

Cf. Hist, ii. 14 (^ A bill . . . exalted his person *). 

For * both from the crown . . • house of lords * read * out of the crown ; but 
this was so foolishly contrived that it was taken likewise out of the hands of 
the lords lieutenants and put in the hands of the deputy lieutenants ; by this 
means the peers, who are generally the lords lieutenants, were concerned.* 

^/ter * table ' add ' [and] it fell with the prorogation.* 

[TAe Dutch costs.] 

Cf. Hist. ii. 14 {/fvm * One thing the house of commons* to end of paragraph^ 
For * One thing . . . the king ; they gave * nad ' The last act of this session 

was for repaying.* 
For ? revolution* read 'for the late expedition*; ani conclude *and so the 

session ended in August* 

The state of Ireland; [Derry ami Inniskiilingl. 

During this session ® king James was got to Ireland ^ ; and 
that whole kingdom, except the two places formerly men- 
tioned of Londonderry and Inniskilling, submitted to him ; 
*^ he had raised a vastly numerous army there ^, that lived upon 

• Cf. Hist. ii. 13. ^ Ibid. « Ibid. «i Ibid, 

320 Burnetts Original Memoiis [1689 

the spoil of the protestants, who were falling under an 
unspeakable misery. A parliament was summoned to meet 
at'Oublin ; by it all the English of Ireland that had come 
over to England were attainted ; the act of settlement was 
reversed ; only the ancient legal settlement of the protestant 
religion there was not thought fit to be fallen upon at that 
time, though the popish clergy pressed earnestly for it. 
^ Some officers [/. 292 {b)] and provisions were sent thither from 
France, but very little money • ; so that king James was put 
on coining brass money. ^ There were two contrary advices 
offered him for the reduction of Derry ; the one was to send 
the strength of his whole army against it and to press it 
so hard that, cost what lives it would, it should be carried ; 
the other was to block it up so that it should be starved ^ and 
to carry over the rest of his army into Scotland. «Any of 
these advices, if followed, might have had great effect ; but 
king James followed a middle advice of oppressing it slowly <?, 
which ruined his affairs. The king sent a relief of powder 
to Derry in the banning of March ; ^ after that two regiments 
were sent over, but all the military men ^, considering the place 
and the public stores that were in it, ® judged that it was not 
tenable ®, and reckoned that there were not provisions for above 
a week ; ^ so the military men that were in it came back with 
the two regiments to England ^ not doubting but those of the 
town would be forced very quickly to accept of such con- 
ditions as they could obtain. » In this they were abused by 
colonel Lundy the governor, who was in a secret treaty with 
king James, and had engaged himself to let the town fall 
into his hands ^ in such a way that he should not seem to have 
betrayed it, but should go over to England and keep himself 
in a condition to commit new treacheries. ^But they, not 
daunted at this, resolved to stand it out to the last ^ ; and 
there being great store of provisions in private hands, all was 
brought out ; and they resolved to send once more to England, 
and to live and die together. ' Those of Inniskilling entered 

• Cf. Hist ii. 17-8. ^ Ibid, i8. c ibid. 18-9. «» Ibid, 19. « Ibid. 
UbiJ. i Ibid. ^Ibid. ^Ibid. 

1689] Harl. MSS. 6584, Jf. 292 («)-293 (a) 321 

into the same resolutions. A considerable force was sent 
against them, but through their courage and the cowardice 
of the Irish they held out till the end of. July, » that Kirk being 
sent with a fleet and army to their relief the siege was raised 
and the place relieved, '^many thousands having died of 
hunger ^ which grew at last to all extremities possible. There 
was a minister in the place, Dr. Walker \ who acted a very 
noble part in the government and defence of the town; he 
was but a man of ordinary parts, but they were suited to this 
work, for he did wonders in this siege. I will not go further 
in the particulars of this history which were very variously 
represented ; those I leave to ordinary writers ; my chief end 
of writing being very different from that of putting gazette[s] 
together. Those of Inniskilling had some [time ?] after this, 
besides many small advantages, one very considerable victory 
over a great part of the Irish army ; and about a month after 
that, ^ Schomberg, whom the king had made a duke, sailed 
over with an army of 10,000 men ; ^ most of these were new 
levied, and both officers and men had as much of courage 
as they wanted in skill \ Ulster was quickly reduced, except 
the fort of Charlemont, which held out till next year. 

No action, but our men suffered much. 

Cf. Hist, ii. 90 {from * He marched on to Dundalk ' to end of paragraph). 

After ' his number * add * and particularly they excelled in horse/ 

Om, ' much treachery . . . employed.' 

Om, * for want . . . management.* 

{./' ^3 (<<)] ^^* ' Such complaints . . . venture.' 

After * retreat ' add * and if he had succeeded, yet he could never have justified 
the rashness of his venturing too much.' 

For * better judges ' read * some military men.' 

After ' quarters ' add * and then those who had formerly blamed bis caution 
were forced to confess that his care in looking after his army, justified all the 
high character that the world had of him.' 

[Affairs at sea^ 
Cf. Hist, ii, ao-i. 

Om. * Herbert . . . Ireland.* 

After * some of his ships ; and ' add * they went back to Brest, Our fleet' 

• Cf. Hist. ii. 19, supra, ^ Ibid, supra, « Ibid, 19. * Ibid. 

^ Sec Routh's note in loco ; and Macaulay, v. 133, note. 
poxcRorr Y 

322 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1689 

For * But, if we lost . . . designs ' read * And the fleet having been victualled at 
an improper season, our provisions were so soon spoiled, that more seamen 
died of ill food than we could have lost in a very great battle/ 

TAe settlement of Scotland. 

•At the opening the winter session of parliament in 
Scotland there was likewise some disorder in our aflfairs. 
^ In the convention the bishops and all their party opposed 
all the proceedings against king James. ^'The castle of 
Edinburgh was in the duke of Gordon's hands, who acted 
but faintly, and studied rather to gain time ° than to do much 
mischief. The presb5^erian party struck in with zeal to make 
a change of government in the church, and ^ came in g^eat 
numbers armed to Edinburgh, pretending it was necessary 
to guard the convention when the castle was in an enemy's 
hands ^ ; they talked big and threatened high, but did no harm 
to any, even to those they hated most. • Yet Dundee and 
some others left the convention, pretending that they were 
in danger of their lives. ' There was among [them] a g^eat 
variety of opinions ; some were plainly for king James, others 
were for following the method taken in England. 

[The third party.] 

Ct Hist. ii. a I {from 'A third party ' to p. sa, 9fid of paragrapK), 

\J, a93 (&)] Om. *and were for maintaining . . . interregnum,* and * perfected or.' 

Om. * and many . . . into it' 

Om, * since many . . . whereas.^ 

For from * and quick provision ' to end of paragraph read ' It was also 
visible, that since the presbyterian party was like to prevail, those in Eng- 
land that were for the church, and were then jealous of the interest that 
the dissenters had gained with the present government, would never consent 
to have a great many more presbyterian members sent from Scotland *.* 

[Th^ settlement,] 

Cf. Hist. ii. aa (from ' They passed ' to p. as, end of paragraph). 

For * They passed . . . tendered to them * read * So at last on the 13th * of April, 
which was the day on which the king and queen were crowned at Westmin- 
ster, they declared that king James had so broken all the laws of Scotland, 

• Cf. Hist. ii. as. ^ Ihid. ai. « Ibid. an. ^ Ibid, supra. ^ Ibid, infra. 
' Ibid. at. 

* The reason for modifying this * Corrected in margin (qu. in hand 
passage in 1705 is obvious. of f. a ?) to * n ' (the true date). 

1689] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 293 (a)-293 {b) 323 

that he had thereby lost his right to the kingdom, so that the throne was 

/br< which they pretended . . . kingdom* read 'and another petition of 
grievances, which were occasioned by some oppressive laws of which they 
desired a redress ; among the [first ^] of these they had put the abolishing 
the order of bishops.' 

For * though . . « grievance ' read < though the king and parliament might 
afterwards do in ifwhat they pleased ' * ; and omit * whereas . . . see cause.* 

Om, ' to carry . . . unreasonable soever.' 

After * settlement * add *• and thus they claimed many rights, and petitioned 
for the redress of several grievances.' 

[The new ministry i\ 

In all this matter duke Hamilton showed great zeal for 
the king, and as *he was chosen the president of the con- 
vention, so **he carried matters in it with much dexterity 
and courage, so that the chief merit in procuring the settle- 
ment fell to his share ; ® and he was immediately upon it 
made the king's commissioner; the convention being turned 
to a parliament. ^Sir James Montgomery had been the 
busiest man in managing and haranguing the members ^ and 
was much relied on by the presbyterian party. • He was 
a man of parts, but fierce and violent ; ^ and all the episcopal 
party were very apprehensive of his coming into a great post^* 
8 with which he flattered himself. ^ Stair was the man the 
king intended chiefly to trust in Scottish matters, but so many 
complaints were brought against him^ particularly in the 
administration of justice, that it was not advisable to make 
him secretary. 

Melville^ a severe presbyterian^ made secretary, 

* So the lord Melville, who had married the duchess of Mon- 
mouth's sister ^, and that had been all along a zealous presby- 
terian, but was thought a cautious and moderate man, and that 
had been driven out of his estate, and had continued some years 

• Cf. HisU ii. ai. »> Ibid, 23. « Ibid, 24. ^ 7^.23. • Ibid, 

' Ibid. 24. » Ibid. 23. >» Ibid. 24. i Ibid. 

^ The ' last * of the MS. is nonsense, bishops * and ' and yet * in the MS.). 

^ These words originally, no doubt, ' Lady Katharine Lesley, cousin of 

a marginal addition) were misplaced the duchess, 
by the transcriber ^between • order of 

Y 2 

324 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1689 

in Holland, was made [sole (?)]^ secretary. This has proved 
the worse choice of any the king has yet made ; for as he 
is a superstitious bigot ready to [/. 294 a] sacrifice all things 
to the interest of presbytery, so he is a weak, narrow-hearted •, 
and low-minded man, not capable- of taking wise measures 
himself, and yet jealous of everybody else. ^ This choice **, and 
the having a sole secretary, ''gave a universal dista[s]te. 
** Montgomery was angry to find himself disappointed, and 
duke Hamilton was not pleased. 

Great disconiettt given by that, 

Cf. Hist, ii. 35 {fivnt * The parliament there was opened ' to p. a6, tftd 
of paragraph). 

For * The parliament . . . resolved to * read * Sa a great party was formed in 
the parliament of Scotland that was resolved to oppose everything and.' 

For * the majority' read * the party against him.' 

Om, * that relating . . . parliament itself.* 

Oftt. * proper.' 

lifter * desire it ' add * and not continue during the whole parliament.' 

Om, *just ' ; and /or * pretended ' read * believed.' 

After ' away ' add ' and all the factious party struck in with them.' 

For * both to the king . . . like to have ' read * upon everything.' 

Before *dark' read 'such'; and after * orders' rf<?rf*that he saw clearly he 
was resolved to expose him.' 
• Om, 'The revenue . . . England. But even.' 

For ' though of himself . . . easily borne ' i-ead ' was himself against it and 
complained still of defective orders.' 

For from 'and I took ' to p. 26, 'adhered to it there,' read only ' and I spake 
to the king once or twice about it ; but I found the king had no mind to talk 
with me on those matters, so I gave over any further meddling in them.' 

For * It was expected . . . instead of that' read *But now, though the king 
had changed many of those who had been judges before, yet.' 

After * done ' add * in the ordinary way.' 

For * those who opposed everything ' read * tlie parliament ' ; for * in parlia- 
ment ' read * by them ' ; for * they had prepared ' read * many of the members had 

After * list ' add * chi«fly against Stair, that was named for president.' 

For * intending . . . government ' read * this would have been a very invidious 
matter, to have a whole nomination [/, 994 (6)] that was made by the king to 
be thus publicly canvassed and exposed. So.' 

For * nor did he himself read * and he himself, who did not ' ; and for 'chiefly 
. . . president. So he discontinued ' (see supra) read ' not being ill-pleased to 
find it so unacceptable, he obtained leave to discontinue.' 

• Cf. Hist, ii. 24. b Ibid. <» Ihid. d /^v/. 35. 

* The transcript has ' lord secretary ' (a clerical error). 

1689] Hart. MSS. 6584, ff. 293 (6)-294 {b) 325 

A great rising there against the government \KHliecrankie\, 
^ But while they were falling into those heats Dundee went 


about the highlands and got together a considei'able body 
of men, many gentlemen of the low country running in to 
him ; ^ he was supplied from Ireland with powder and arms. 
^ He pressed king James very earnestly to come over ^ which 
if he had done in time he had probably thrown us into a long 
and dangerous war, but the ill-conduct of the siege of Derry 
hindered this. ^Mackay commanded the king's forces'*, 
which were then about 6,coo, ® most of them raw and new- 
levied men ; he made many motions from north to south, and 
found the heads of the clans so doubtful that the most of 
them promised to come to his assistance ; yet they generally 
went in to Dundee. At last, he pursuing. him, they at last 
came to an engagement at Killiecrankie, a place some miles 
above Dunkeld ^ Many blamed Mackay for drawing up his 
army as he did ; others justified him ; but success failed him, 
for '^ Dundee broke through his army, so that they run for 
it, and probably, if Dundee had outlived that day, the victory 
might have been far pursued ; but his side suffered more 
in losing him than they gained by the victory. For Mackay 
rallied his men quickly and made a good stand ' ; so that 
after that, the highlanders, being ill-commanded, were beaten 
in every engagement. Thus Dundee fell with great fame, 
and was esteemed a second Montrose. Scotland suffered 
much by this summer's war ; »a fort was built at Inverlochy, 
called from the king's name Fort William, that did so cut off 
all communication between the northern and southern high- 
landers, that they were never able after this to appear in any 

considerable body. 

\Affairs at sea,^ 
Cf. Hisi, ii. a8. 

Om. 'not setting . . . any more.' 
Om. * Wc seemed . . . there.' 

[Foreign affairs.^ 
Cf. Hist. ii. a8. 

Om, ' which the French . . covered.' 

• Cf. Hiit, ii. a6. ^ Ibid, 37. • Ibid, a6. *» Ibid, 27. • Ibid, infra. 

f Ibid, f Ibid, -. 

326 Burnet's Original Memoirs [i68g 


For *Keiscrwart. . . misfortunes on that side' read 'The king was now 
acknowledged by all the courts of Europe, except the allies of France, and this 
was the state of affairs as to civil matters in the winter [i6]89.' 

The state 0/ the clergy in England, 

Cf. Hist. ii. 28 (' I now return . . . would be preferred '). 

For * I now return . . . recess * rtad ' I must in the next place say somewhat 
of church matters.* 

For * though with many . , . conscience ' read only * yet* 

For ' that were with great' industry . . . church of England ' read * [that] all 
king James* party spread over England, that the king was a presbyterian in 
his heart.' 

[The latitudinarians charged with SocimanisM,] 

[/. 295 (a)] And because many of those were men that studied 
to make out all things by principles of reason, and had with 
great success both^proved the truth of the Christian religion and 
the grounds of morality from rational principles, • it was said 
they denied mysteries and were Socinians ; this aspersion had 
been first cast on them by papists, on design to di^race 
a knot of divines that had both written and acted with much 
strength against them ; and it was now taken up by some at 
Oxford. All which was managed and secretly set on by 
Clarendon and some of the bishops that were now falling 
under deprivation •. The promotions that were made increased 
those jealousies. A great many bishops happened to die in 
a few months ; so that ^ the king made six bishops in the space 
of so many months — Salisbury^ Chester, Bangor, Worcester, 
[Chichester,] and Bristol ^. 

/ was made bishop of Salisbury, 

To the first of these, that was the first that fell, the king 
thought fit to promote me ; he did it of his own motion ; 
for though ^ a great many of my friends, without any encourage- 
ment from me, moved him in it, he made them no manner of 
answer till he took occasion to speak to myself; and he did 
it in a way that was much more obliging than I could have 
expected from him. When I waited on the queen she told 
me she hoped I "^ would set a pattern to others, and ^ would 

• CC Hist ii. a8-9. ^ Ibid. 09. ^ /^y; 8. * Ibid, 

1689] Harl. MSS. 6584, fi. 294* (6)-295 {b) 327 

put in practice those notions with which I had taken the 
liberty sometimes to entertain her ^ She also recommended 
to me the making my wife an example to other clergymen's 
wives, both in the simplicity and plainness of her clothes and 
in the humility of her deportment ^. This I mention to show 
what is the queen's sense of the duties of clergymen and of 
the behaviour of their wives ; the vanity and pride of those 
has risen to a great excess, and I have put many out of 
countenance, and have freed either them of their vanity, or 
at least their husbands of the expense of it, by letting this 
rule that the queen gave me be known. **! came into the 
house of lords 2 when the matter of comprehension and 
toleration was in debate ^, and I went so high in those points, 
that I was sometimes upon the division of the house single 
against the whole bench of bishops. ®But in the point of 
tendering the oaths to all the clergy I did indeed oppose 
that ®, upon this ground, that I thought ^ if they joined in the 
public offices of the church, and performed them sometimes 
themselves, this must needs bind them as firmly to the 
government as any oaths whatsoever. • But in the progress 
of the debate I changed my mind when I understood 
[/. 295 (*)] that the non-swearing bishops did not pray 
for the king and queen by name, but only prayed for the 
king without naming him, which was plainly the praying 
for king James : and so it was generally understood. ' Now 
it seemed contrary to the rules of government to suffer men 
to minister in holy things and to be in such eminent stations 
who considered themselves under another allegiance. Upon 
this I changed my mind '. By those things « I fell under great 
prejudices » ; but that which was the greatest of all was that 
''it was generally thought that I could have hindered the 
change of the government of the church that was made in 
Scotland **, and that I went into it too easily. The truth was, 

• Cf. Hist ii. 8. »» Ibid. • Ibid. 9. * /W/. SHpra, • Ibid 9-10. 

r Ibid, 9. * Ibid. 10. i" Ibid, a6. 

* See Autobiography, tH/ra, f. aia. 

* Here too a reflection upon Sancroft has been inserted in the History, 

328 Burnetts Original Memoirs [X689 

the king desired me to let the clergy of England understand 
the necessity he lay under to consent to it, " since the whole 
episcopal party, a very few only excepted, went into king 
James's interest : and therefore, since the presbyterians were 
the only party that he had there, the granting of their desires 
at that time were unavoidable. But he assured me he would 
take care to moderate the violence of presbytery, and this 
was likewise promised very solemnly to me by Melville, 
who I believe did intend it at first ; but, he seeing that those 
who were engaged in a faction against him built their hopes 
chiefly on their interest in that party, he resolved to take 
the party out of their hands ; and that, he knew, could not 
be done but by proceeding with great rigour against all the 
ministers of the episcopal persuasion ; and in order to this he 
entered into a close correspondence with the earl of Crawford, 
whom he got to be made president of the parliament. And, 
it being universally understood that he had Melville's secret, 
he came to bear great sway, though he is a very weak and 
passionate man in his temper, and is become furious by his 
principles ; ** so he upon every address turned out ministers 
and encouraged the rabble to fall on such as gave no occasion 
of complaint against them. 

[Crawford's conducts effect in England^ 

Cf. Hist, ii. 29 {from ' the convention, when they passed ' to p. 30, ' episcopal 
persuasion '). 

For *the next Sunday* read 'the very next day (for they voted it on a 

Om, * for the most part . . . read.' 

After ' queen ' aiid * by name.' 

For * much eagerness . . . afterwards. And upon * read * so much eagerness 
and rudeness that all the violent men of the party brought in complaints 
to the council of their minbters, for not reading it [/. 1296 (a)] on the day 
appointed, [or] for.' 

After * government * add ' and all those were so well received that upon the 
slightest proofs.' 

[Burnet blamed for t/tis.] 

And because I had to a great many of the clergy ® excused 
what the king had done in Scotland from the necessity of his 

'^ Cf. Hist, il 99. <> y»M/. 30. « Ibid. 

1689) Harl MSS. 6584, Jf. 295 (6) -296 (a) 329 

affairs, and had assured them that the king would moderate 
the fury of presbytery, this gave very bad impressions of me * 
to the whole body of the clergy ; and the sense of this, 
together with the principles which I had been so long forming 
of the function of a bishop, made me ^ lay down a scheme 
to myself^ which I write here as that which shall be a witness 
against me if ever I depart from it. 

[Burnet draws up a scheme of his duties *.] 

® I reckoned that the beginning of all the reformations was 
to be laid down in the education of those who were to serve 
in the church ; and therefore I resolved to choose ten students 
of divinity, to whom I would give 30 lib. a year apiece, and 
whom I would train up at hard study, and in a course of as 
much devotion as they could be brought to, with whom* 
I would discourse an hour a day of matters of learning and 
piety, and particularly of such things as related to the 
pastoral care ; that so I might have a sufficient number of 
persons ready to be put in such cures as fell to my disposing** ; 
and this I have hitherto kept to, and have seen the good 
effects of it ^. ^ I resolved in the next place to go round my 
diocese once every year (in a private visitation) in eleven 
different places, where I should order the clergy of that 
division to meet me. I intended to preach and confirm, 
and after that to hold conferences with them concerning 
some points of divinity, that so I might grow acquainted 
with my clergy and with the state of my diocese, and that 
I might have frequent opportunities to set the clergy to their 
studies and to the discharge of their pastoral care, I judged 
that nothing would be a likelier means to raise the spirit of 
religion (that was generally sunk and dead) than the calling 
on persons to be confirmed, not in their childhood upon their 

* Cf. Hist, ii. 3a ^ Cf. Life (appended to Hist, ii), p. 706. 
^ Ibid, 708-9. * Ibid. 706. 

* This should be compared, not only of the Life) ; with App. V, infra ; and 
with the Life, but with the Autobio- with the Pastoral Can, 
graphy(i«yni), ff. ai 1-5 (which, based "But sec Autobiography, injra, 
on the above, forms the foundation f. 313 ; Life (in Hist, ii.), p. 709. 

330 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1689 

having the church catechism by rote, but when they were 
come to the years of discretion ; that so by an act and 
sponsion of their own they might engage themselves to 
Christianity*. I thought this would likewise give the clergy 
an opportunity of going from house to house about their 
parishes and of inquiring into their deportment, and so 
entering upon such methods of treating with them as they 
should find to be most effectual. [/. 296 {b)\ This I have 
observed on my part ; but it is not easy to bring the cleigy 
to desire to take pains among their people, nor are the people 
very willing to submit to it, so this goes on but slowly. 
** I resolved likewise to preach constantly every Lord's day, 
not only at the place of my residence, but in as many 
churches as lay within such a distance that I could decently 
go to them and return on a Sunday ^. And because my diocese 
consisted of two counties, Wiltshire and Berkshire, I resolved 
to divide the year between them. The former is much the 
bigger county, and is my seat, so I intended to be eight 
months of the year at Salisbury and four at Windsor ; and 
by this means I have already preached in above fifty churches 
of my diocese, and confirmed at them all. *^I resolved to 
ordain no persons without knowing them well, and examining 
them strictly myself, and after I was satisfied by examining 
them in private, I resolved to do it with the concurrence of as 
great a number of the clergy as I could gather about me, 
without whose approbation and consent I resolved never to 
ordain any *'. And this I have hitherto observed ; but I find 
that the strictness of my examinations frightens the clergy, 
so that few come to me. These were the rules that I set 
to myself at first, and in which I do hitherto continue. 
^ I thank God I have not met with much scandal among my 
clergy, but many of them are too ignorant ; they seem to 
have no great sense of devotion, and none at all of the 
pastoral care, but imagine they acquit themselves well when 
they perform the public functions ^. Covetousness, aspiring to 
preferments, and a restless seeking after great livings, which 

• Cf. Life in Hist ii. 706. »> lUid. 707. <= Ibid, 707-8. <» Cf. Hist ii. 640-1. 

1689] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 296 (^)-297 (a) 331 

they desire to hold one upon another, has often made my 
life a burden to me among them ; » and the foul suspicion 
of simony in the disposal of most benefices (which by 
a carnal and secular word are called livings) is a dreadful 

Great abuses of the church courts. 

But the worst part of all is the horrid abuse of the bishops' 
courts, which ought to be the means of reclaiming sinners, at 
least of making them ashamed of their sins ; but they are the 
most corrupt courts of the nation, ^in which they think of 
nothing but of squeezing and oppressing people by all the 
dilatory and fraudulent ways that are possible; and I do 
not see how it is possible to reform them ^, for they seem to 
subsist upon nothing but disorder ; and whether in this age 
we shall be able to find out an effectual remedy to those or 
not, is that which I do much doubt. 

A comprehension of dissenters endeavoured. 

The first business that we had with the clergy related to 
the heads of ® a comprehension of the presbyterians ; it had 
been set forth in the petition which the bishops had given to 
king James ®, that they were ready to come to a temper in 
those matters in convocation and parliament ; and all 
messages that come over from them to us in the Hague 
carried many positive assurances that almost all people were 
come off from their stiffness in those matters and were 

ashamed of [it 
ministers that 

so that we had assured all the Dutch 
J' 297 {a)\ we should take care of their 
brethren the presbyterians ; for none of them (in some con- 
ferences that I had with them) desired that we would change 
any of the foundations of our church, only they wished that 
in indifferent matters some regard might be had to the 
scruples of men of tender consciences. ^By many advices 
from England the prince was also moved to send to the chief 
of the presbyterians advising them not to comply with the 
offers that king James was a-making them, but to join with 

* Cf. Hist, ii. 645-6. ^ Life in Hisi, ii. 707. • Hist ii. 30. ^ Ibid, i. 708 ; ii. 3a 


Burnetts Ongtnal Memoirs 


the church of England for the supporting the interest of the 
protestant religion ; upon which he assured them that in due 
time regard should be had to them. Upon all those reasons 
it was that * the prince had promised in his declaration that he 
would endeavour all that in him lay to procure an union 
between those of the church of England and all protestant 
dissenters ^ Therefore it was resolved to lay that matter 
before a convocation. 

[ The preliminary conference,] 

Cf. Hist. ii. 30 {fro9H ' but it seemed necessary ' /o p. 33, end of paragraph). 

For * but it seemed necessary ... So ' read only * But to prepare it to them 
a committee was named.* 

On p. Z^ifor * a number of* fcad * a commission of the most eminent.' 

After * several weeks * add ' and digested an entire correction of everything 
that seemed liable to any just objection in the whole common prayer-book. 
[Cf. ibid, infra."] All that lies together in Dr. Tenison's hands ^ and I make no 
doubt but it will be preserved till a fit opportunity comes for making use of it. 
The whole was very carefully weighed, a!s became scholars and divines.* 

For * they ' {bis) read * we ' ; for * them ' read ' us.' 

For * matters . . . objection ' read ' everj'thing was inquired into very critically, 

Om. * as well as very learned.* 

Om, * who showed herself . . . children.' 

Before * It was not offered * add * For instance.' 

For * that so we might draw over . . . gaining of them * read [f, 297 (6)] * and 
therefore the present occasion was not to be neglected.' 

' [/ 47 (rt)] After ' on both sides ' add ' Clarendon and others of.' 

Om. * and presbytery ... set up.' 

/Tor 'while it went off. . . concessions' nad *by the corrections that were 

After * universities ' add * particularly Oxford.' 

For * severe reflections . . . shelter themselves ' itad * and the king's interest 
came to suffer considerably by it.' 

■ Cf. Hist. \. 776 ; ii. 30. 

^ In Birch's valuable account of 
this preliminary conference, Life of 
TilioisoH,8cc., 1753, pp. 166-83, mention 
is made of the scrupulous reticence ob- 
served by Tenison with regard to these 
papers, of which he had the custody 
(p. 176}. They were published in a 
Parliamentary Blue Book in 1854. 

' At the words * could not appoint 
a [select] number' (which occur on 
p. 3a, vol. ii. of the published History) 
Transcript A becomes again available ; 

since here begins (at Harl. MSS. 6584, 
f. 47) No. 2 in Dr. Gifford's arrange- 
ment, and the narrative is continued 
in duplicate. We shall however only 
give the foliation of the earlier and 
better version. Folios 47 ^/ sqq, are 
lettered in the transcriber's hand a 
et sqq. successively. Folio 46 and the 
upper part of f. 47 contain some notes of 
the discrepancies between this portion 
and the printed History^ in the hand of 
Dr. Gifford. 

1689] Hart. MSS. 6584,^. 297 («)-(*); 47 («)-(*) 333 

For * a thing not known . . . times ; so * read * and they were so much heated 
by those instruments who hoped to have weakened (if not pulled down) the 
government by their means.* 

[A convocation mc/] and tite f natter was let fall, 

Cf. HisU ii. 33-4 {to * more hurt than good '). 

Btfort 'message * instrt ' kind and gracious.* 

Onu < But the lower house . . . message ; and.* 

For * their owning some . . . not agree to it * rtad ^ an expression favour- 
able to those churches that had not bishops ; and though the avoiding to name 
the protestant religion seemed to be a very invidious thing at that time, yet they 
refused to do it rather than give the least advantage to any healing propositions.* 

Om. ' and they had not their metropolitan with them.* 

For * to set things forward * read * to govern the lower.' 

For * and thus ... to no purpose * read *■ which was done, and they have 
never met since.* 

A/fer * entirely forgot * add * The clergy, on the other hand, said (to justify 
themselves) that it was very visible from all the proceedings in Scotland that the 
king was no friend to the church, and that therefore it was necessary for them 
to stand their ground, and to stick firm to one another. By this means the high 
church party became very jealous of the court.' 

For * in this matter ' read * in the miscarriage of the convocation and of the 
design of comprehension.' 

Ofn. * Jacobite.* 

A session of parliament, 

Cf. Hist, ii. 34 (/o * could be grounded *). 

[/ 47 (*)] For^lii winter . . . ill-humour* readonly 'which was the parliament' 

Ont, 'The ill-conduct . . . made on him.* 

After * Eolton* add * and the other Whig lords.* 

After * reign * add ' (the lord RusselPs, CoL Sidney ['s], and others).* 

Afler ' charters* add ' It appeared visibly that all this was levelled at Halifax.* 

\Halifax retires; the king annoyed with the Wiiigs^ 
So nothing came of it, only Halifax saw such a tide raised 
against him in both houses, that ^ he thought fit soon after to 
quit his place and withdraw from business ; and ever since 
he has seemed to lean to king James' party ; he has always 
favoured them, and he is finding fault with everything the 
government does • ; so that he is thought a Jacobite. Yet 
I believe his commerce that way goes no further than that 
he is laying in for a pardon, and perhaps for favour if a 
revolution should happen, for he is neither a firm nor a stout 
man. ^ Yet the party that was thus pursuing their old resent- 
ments with so much violence^ when the necessity of afllairs 

• Cf. Hist, ii. 34. »> Ibid, 

334 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1689 

called all that wished well to the government to a more entire 
union in their councils, ^lost much in the king's good opinion \ 
But as the house of commons is the chief scene, so the pro- 
ceedings there did quite alienate the king from them. 

[The king demands the revenue.] 

Cf. Hist, ii. 34 (^ He expressed . . . unless that was done ^). 

For * without that * read * without the power and the necessary means to 
support it/ 

For ' And he spoke of this . . . vehemence * read ^ And he seemed so much set 
on this/ 

For * an empty name ' read * the government/ 

Om. * he said once . . . without power.' 

Jealousies of the king, 

**But a jealousy was raised as if he would grow very 
arbitrary if the revenue were once settled ; some began to 
give out that he was hearkening after prerogative notions, 
and that if he were settled on the throne he would strain for 
as high a stretch of his authority^ as any that had gone 
before him had done ; and both he himself and Bentinck, 
whom he had made earl of Portland, spake to a great many 
upon this subject in a style of such earnestness and positive- 
ness that all this tended to increase the jealousy. ^^ Those 
of the Whigs who had lived long at Amsterdam ® and had 
been there possessed with the jealousies of that city ^told 
about all the little stories they had heard of the king s sullen- 
ness and arbitrariness. 

{Intrigues between Si, Gertnain and the Scots malcontents^ 

Zt Hist. ii. 35 (Jrom *the Scotch, who were now come up,* to end of paragraph). 

For ' the Scotch . . . apprehensions ' read * but that which made the greatest 
impression came from the Scots.* 

Om, *■ so he was oft admitted . . . good spy/ 

j4f!er * agents ' add * he was [/ 48 («)] a papist/ 

For * the best spy the court had ' read only * a good spy/ 

For ' When he had gained . . . Portland ' read only * When he [had] told as 
much truth as served to give him credit, he began to tell stories for raising/ 

For* so by other hands it was ' read * he by Payne's means got it to be/ 

For * that the court . . . them and ' read only * that Portland/ 

• Cf. Hist, ii. 34. b Ibid, 35. <= Ibid, ^ Ibid. 

1689] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 47 {b)-^Q (b) 335 

Many turn about to king James, 

Cf. HisU ii. 35 {Jmm ' Sir James Montgomery ' to p. 37, #»€/ of paragraph). 

For * Sir James Montgomery . , . management * read * When sir James 
Montgomery with the other lords of his party came up to justify themselves 
they found the king was so possessed against them that they by Simpson*s means.* 

For ' princes in exile . . . power * read only ' so this being easily g^nted 

After * close treaty ' add * with Payne.' 

Om, * because, by duke Schomberg^s . . . cut ofil' 

For * and on both sides . . . secure them * read * who saw themselves marked 
out for destruction by the violence of presbytery ; and so they pretended that 
self-preservation forced them to join with any party that might secure them. 
At first they seemed to design nothing by their uniting together^ but the joining 
interests in parliament to oppose Melville ; and this was all that the leading 
men set out to those of their party; but king James was at the bottom of 
it all * (cf. ibid, infra). 

For < against Montgomery' read 'against them, particularly sir James 

Om, ' who did not know . . . lord Stair ' {but see supra), 

Om, ' particularly . . . Bolton.' 

For ' this wrought . . . trust him ' read * who seemed marked out to be the 
next person to be fallen upon after they had got rid of Halifax. Many of the 
Whigs went much further and entered into treaty with king James.' 

For * and who endeavoured to prevent it ' read ' for he did not think it safe to 
go further with me.' 

After ' faintly ' add ^ I let the first proposition he made of this pass as a ramble 
of discourse, upon which I made no reflection ; but the second conversation 
ujjon that subject gave me greater cause to apprehend that he was engaged 
in the thing.' 

For 'matters were trusted to' read ^ He trusted [/ 48 (6)] himself in it to.' 

For ' and Ferguson . . . they were given ' read ^ and [Monmouth] undertook 
to engage a great part of the citizens into it' 

For * weary ' read * so weary ' ; for * and saw his error ... as he had done ' 
read ' that he might be well trusted on that head.' 

For 'This corrupted party . . . that the restoring him' read 'and in a word 
the restoring him was represented as that which.' 

For ' that the matter . . . convinced of it' read 'that this was more than an 
idle way of talking, set forth to frighten the court' 

A conspiracy discovered, 

• But at last a brother of one of the chief plotters •, whose 
name for certain reasons I do not think fit to write down^, 
^ sent me some letters by a disguised name : he asked a pardon 
for himself, and such of his friends as he should afterwards 

• Cf. Hist, ii. 37. «» Ibid, 
' Montgomery's brother ; see Hist, in loco. 

336 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1689 

name ; not to be made evidence ; and never to be named 
in the whole matter ; and he undertook to discover the 
whole negotiation, the articles agreed to, the methods that 
were concerted ; and added that an invitation was sub- 
scribed by the whole cabal to king James to come over*; 
and he charged me, if discoveries were expected from him, 
to speak of the matter to no person but the king only. When 
I showed his letters to the king, I saw he was not surprised 
at it, but was well prepared to believe all except that of 
subscribing a paper. ** He did not think that probable** ; but 
*^ he gave me leave to promise everything that had been asked, 
only he stuck at the indefinite demand of his friends' pard(Mi. 
He would make no such general, promise ; but even in that 
the discoverer might trust his inclinations °, which were not 
cruel, as all the world saw. ^So upon .those assurances he 
came to me and told me many particulars ^ which I do not 
yet think fit to mention ; ' he was in hope of putting mc on 
a way of finding out the original paper signed by them all ; 
and after a few days he came and told me that one William- 
son was gone down that day to Dover on his way to France 
with all the papers; he told me where he was to lie. So 
I acquainted Shrewsbury with this, and he took care to send 
one down in such haste that he found Williamson abed next 
morning; there were other suspicions against him, for he 
had procured a pass for Flanders, but was treating with some 
to carry him to France. All his clothes and his portmantle 
were strictly visited, but nothing was found. This did so 
vex the discoverer, who reckoned that upon that he would 
be ill looked at ®, that he never came near me more, and he is 
now at St. Germain. The truth was the papers were signed 
and given to Williamson ; king James' party pressed that 
they might be signed ; for some supplies from France and the 
French fleet's coming into our seas were necessary for the 
design ; those of St. Germain thought it necessary for giving 
them credit in the court of France to be able to show the 
subscriptions of many who [were] foriperly thought enemies, 

« Cf. Hist, ii. 37. »• Ibid, * Ibid, supra. ^ Ibid, • Ibid. 

1689] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 48 (6)-49 {a) 337 

to persuade that court that the nations were coming about 
to them. But unknown to my discoverer, * Simpson, who 
resolved to go over with Williamson, told him that he knew 
Kent well, and so would go down in byways to Dover ; 
whereas the other, trusting to his pass, was to go down in the 
stage-coach ; therefore he thought it was safer to trust the 
papers to him. To [/. 49 (a)] this Williamson consented^ 
so Simpson had thenl ; and according to appointment he 
came to Dover, when Williamson was in arrest, and upon 
that he got out of the way, and so carried the letters safe to 
St. Germain; upon which money was sent over, together 
with the promise of a larger supply ; ^ but all this was after* 
wafWs discovered^. The only thing that the plotters could do 
in winter was to alienate those with whom they had credit 
all that was possible from the king, and to create ^jealousies 
in the city^ especially in the rich citizens who made the 
advances of money. **The house of commons granted the 
supplies that were demanded for the reduction of Ireland 
and for the fleet, and continued the gift of the revenue for 
another year ^ ; and this was all that could be obtained from 

A bill concerning corporations. 

Cf. Hist, ii. 38-9 {to * litUe doubt was made of the passing of the act^. 

For * The Tories ... a bill, by which * rtad only * At the same time they 
carried a bill by which they thought to have established their party and.* 

For *' mayors and recorders . • . London * read onfy ^ who had been concerned 
by voting to, or procuring, the [late *] surrenders of charters.* 

Om, * for six years.* 

Om, * for they saw . . . kingdom.* 

After * severity * add * it was pretended in most corporations it would not be 
possible to find a sufficient number to serve, if all should be incapacitated that 
had acted in that matter.* 

For * And now . . . king ' read ' So now both parties looked on this as a crisis. 
The Tories looked upon themselves as ruined if the bill should pass.* 

A/Her * bill passed * add * in the house of lords, where it was like to meet 
with great difficulty.' 

Om, * And the Tories . . • dissolved.* 

* Cf. His/, ii. 38. »» /Ud, supra. • Ibid, infra. ^ IM. 

^ Transcript A reads, erroneously, Mater.' 


338 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1689 

For 'The bill , .. surrendered' nod * For upon the first points (whether 
corporations could be surrendered up or not) there was a great opposition made.* 

After < Holt ' add \ that was chief justice.' 
. For * in which the abbeys . • • regular times ' nod * in which the Burrenders 
of abbeys had been so much supported, that upon that all other ecclesiastical 
corporations were also surrendered ; for there were no other precedents 
brought but of those/ 

For < for the bill * rtad * in iavour of the surrender.' 

For 'after which • • • act' read 'yet it was visible that the weight of the 
house of commons would have carried the matter at last' 

TAe king' was in great straits, 

^ But now the king was much pressed by Nottingham and 
all the Tory party to dissolve the parliament, and call a new 
one. It was said that the corporations who saw themselves 
struck at by the change which this act would have made 
would not choose any of those violent men whose heat was 
like to set all on fire ; the breaking upon this point, as it 
would make the new elections sure to the church party in 
many places, so it would oblige them to the king, since he 
preserved them from the fury of this bill*. This state of 
affairs looked very melancholy. The king saw the Whigs 
would not trust him nor indeed support him, but in a depen- 
dence upon their passions and humours ; on the other hand 
he thought he could not trust the Tories, they seemed all 
linked to king James' interests and to be jealous of him. 

[He resolves for Holland,'] 

Cf. Hist ii. 39-40 {to * to put an end to the war in Ireland*). 

For * He was once . . • resolution * read^He for some days took [/. 49 (6)] 
up a resolution that had been fatal if he had followed it* 

Om. ' he thought . • . the Whigs.* 

For * the Tories . . . confide in her* read ' the churph party would trust .the 

For ^ So he called . • . few more* read * He went so far in this that he called 
some of those he trusted most about him.* 

For * a convoy ' read * three or four good ships.* 

For * since . • . brought him ' read * This was a great surprise to them all.' 

For * to lay aside • . . necessity ' read * not to think more of it, since it would 
certainly ruin all the afi)iiirs of Europe.' 

For * among them . . . resolution ' read * on all hands upon this occasion, but 

• Cf. Hist. ii. 39. 

i69^] Had: MSS. 6584, ff, 49 (a)-49 {b) 339 

it ende4 well ; for the king was prevailed on to lay aside all those thoughts, 
and to go on with the resolution he had taken.' 
Om. * this was told me ... so nearly.' 

He designed to go in person to Ireland. 

• But when this came to be known a great many of both 
sides were resolving to oppose it*; the Jacobites could not 
be supposed to be much concerned for his person, so their 
secret reason was believed to be that ^they were afraid he 
should have too good success there ^ and bring that war too 
soon to an end. °The rest were really concerned for his 
person®, since they reckoned that all their safety depended 
upon it. ^ But upon the first motions that were made in both 
houses (for by consent it was proposed in both on the same 
day) the king, seeing that it would certainly have ended in 
an address to him against it, came next day and prorogued 
the parliament. There was not money enough given for the 
whole campaign ^, so it was necessary to have another session 
before the king should go ; or dissolve the parliament and call 
a new one. The king by this time saw that the leading men 
of the Whig party were not only resolved not to give him 
the revenue, but that they were beginning to treat with king 
James, and were generally standing off from advancing 
money upon the credit of the money bills ; and therefore he 
thought the safest course was to trust the promises that the 
Tories were making him and to try a new parliament. * So 
the parliament was dissolved and a new one was called ^ 

New parliament called. 

Cf. Hist, ii. 40 {from ' There was a great struggle ' /o p. 41, ^ how to manage 
matters for him *). 

For * One thing . . . Tories had made ' read * Among other things that they had 
proposed to the king, to give their party a confidence in him, one.* 

For *' given . . . excluded ' nad ^ put the military power of London into the 
hands of the Whigs.' 

For ^ which was such a mortification . . . commission ' read * so a change was 
desired to such a degree, that the Tories should be the stronger.* 

For ^ the bishop ' read ^ but he, who is apt to do things without advice.* 

Om, * who had been engaged . . . reign.' 

• Cf. Hist. ii. 40. »» Ibid. c /^. a /^,v/. • Ibid. 


34P Burnetts Original Memoirs [1690 

For * to examine the list . . . approved of it * read ' to examine and settle that 
matter, and they agreed to the list They seemed to blame the liishop of 
London for taking so little care in the preparing of it ; but they thought since 
such persons [/. 50 (a)] were once named it would be an affront that would be 
resented by the whole party if their names should be struck out K* 

For *• a set of officers . . . king James ' nad * those very men who had been 
the wickedest instruments in the end of king Charles, and the beginning of 
king James' reign.' 

For ' This matter . , • government * rtad Ofdy * Here Shrewsbury began first 
to show his discontent ; for all this matter was managed by Carmarthen and 

For * The elections • . • declared ' rtad ' When the list of elections of parlia- 
ment appeared, all that loved the government were under great apprehensions ; 
for it was generally believed that the far gpreater part of them were in their 

Om, * The king made a change . . . money bills.* 

[The ^recognising* biil,] 

Cf. Hist ii. 41 (front * The first great debate ' to p. 42, ' it passed in two days 
in that house '). 

For ' The first part passed . . . warm debate "* read only < This held long in 
the house of lords.' 

After * declaratory way ' add * [for if so] the strength of the crown was 

Om, ' and brought .... question.' 

For * times : but . . . juncture ' read ^ times, [so] the want of the writs 
could not be supposed to carry in it a nullity in such a juncture.* 

For * when all ' read * It was called in an interregnum, in the best method 
that could then be thought of; alL' 

Om. ' both ' and < and people.' 

For * a long debate ' read * a fourth night's debate.' 

Om, * declaring and * {see Speaker Onshw's note, Hist, in loco^. 

For * many lords ... at court ' read only ' a great part of the house of lords not 
only opposed it, but protested against it.* {Tliis appears earlier in the passage.) 

Om. < It was expected . . . act. But * ; and for ' in that house * read * in the 
house of commons.' 

For from * without any debate or opposition ' to end of paragraph, read only 
* but the party that prevailed in it was willing to give the king this early assur- 
ance of their fidelity to him ; and the leaders of the Tory party drew in their 
followers (before they were aware of it) to consent to it ' ; and onu next 

The rei'enue granted for a term of years. 

Cf. Hist. 42-3 {from *The house of commons ' to end of paragraph) , 

For * The house of commons * read * They also.' 

After * frequent parliaments ' add ^ and they thought that such a precedent 

* In the History this passage is shortened to such an extent as to become 



i69o] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 49 (^)-5i (a) 341 

might be begun with greater advantages [/ 50 (6)] in the present reign than in 
any other.' 

For * and if he * read * and since this was thought a greater security than any 
bills for triennial parliaments, if he, that was our deliverer.' 

For * which probably . . . done * read / nor could the revenue have been 
granted for life.' 

Ont. * which they thought . . . running into a great arrear.' 

After * king's absence ' add * at any time.' 

For ' to take no notice . . . nor of those who* read < to be so unconcerned that 
she never asked after the bill, and took no notice of any person's behaviour 
whether they/ 

Plact Uo the great grief of the Whigs* after ' lieutenancy of London,' and 
proceed : * who were now in so high a ferment that they hindered all their party 
in London from advancing more money ; nor did the other party lend so 
liberally as had been promised ; so that between the two, the government for 
some time was at a stand.' 

Debates for abjuring king James, 

Cf. Hist, ii. 43-5 {to 'affront of its being rejected *). 

For ' But the greatest debate . . . session * read *• And then came on in both 
houses a great debate.* 

Afer *' Whigs ' add ' and some votes were passed for it' 

For ^ with a great copiousness . . . arguing * readonly * with all their strength.' 

For * and that all . . . settlement ' read * and therefore they would not consent 
to any new imposition.' 

[/. 51 (a)] For *The Whigs pressed the king' read *But in private the 
Whigs pressed the king vehemently.' 

For ' At the same time . . , bestowed on it, or not * read * On the other hand, it 
was laid before the king that this could not be'easily carried ; much time would 
be lost in the debates, and much heat would be raised by them ; for a great 
number of men can hang long upon a debate.' 

After * service ' add ' so that it would rend both the parliament and the 

After * carried ' add ' (of which great doubt was made).* 

Om. ' who might otherwise . . • neutrals.* 

For ' intimation ' read ^ indirect message.' 

For * and go to other matters . . . Tories \read ' which was a wise and good 
resolution, though I myself was at that time of another mind. And this, though 
it enraged the Whigs, who hoped now to have all the places of trust or profit, 
and by consequence the government again into their hands, yet generally it 
had a good effect ; it gained the Tories more entirely to the king.' 

For * it had indeed . . . people ' read * It gave indeed great hopes to the 
French, and was given out there as a certain sign that the parliament was for 
king James.' 

After * rejected* add * so it animated them extremely.* 

Shrewsbury vnthdrew from business. 

CC Hist, ii. 45 (' The eari of Shrewsbury was at the head • . • eould not 
be prevailed on ')• 

342 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1690 

Onu ^ or success.' 

For < such things as should have . • . too much ' read ^ those things that should 
have broken him quite with the king.' 

j4/ier *' word of it ' add * as soon as might be.* 

Om, *who thought him before • « • how firm he was.' 

A/itr ' ever ' add ' it would make them conclude that the king was so 
entirely gone in to the Tories, that for that reason he had withdrawn himself 
from the public counsels.* 

After * purpose ' add * for he was fixed in his resolution, though [/ 51 (^)].* 

For 'though he should not act . • . prevailed on' read 'to which once 
he seemed to have consented; yet the night before the king went he sent 
them to him by Russell. Thus by a very unreasonable peevishness, the best 
minister that I know about the king left his service in so disobliging a manner 
that I am afraid the king will not easily forget it.' 

[T^ second abjuration bill; end of session^ 

Cf. Hisi, ii. 45 {from * The debate for the abjuration lasted ' to p. 46, < generally 

For * The debate . . . king James ' read * But to return to the public ; after 
the business of the abjuration was laid aside by the commons, the lords took 
up a debate very like it, for such an engagement as should bind all that were in 
public trust to be faithful to the government in opposition to king James. This 
was long and warmly debated. Halifax began upon this occasion to dbcover 
himself, for he has ever since appeared to be in king James' interests ; though 
I believe he will put nothing to hazard for them.' 

For ' The Tories offered ' read ' The party that opposed all these motions 

For ' with severe penalties • • • refuse it ' read ' and offered to put this to all 
persons whatsoever '.* 

After ' lost the next * add * so that it was impossible to make any progress 
in iw 

\ Jacobite intrigues; Fuller, \ 

» Many little discoveries were now made of the corre- 
spondences and motions of the Jacobites •, for so king James's 
party came to be named. A little boy ^ that had been a page 
and had turned papist went over to St. Germain, and offered 
himself with so much spirit to manage for them that he was 
trusted ; he brought over with him one Crone, an Irishman, 
with many letters. It was pity that so much life as he had 

• C f j; i. 46. 

^ There is an obvious hiatus in the original MS. 
transcript at this passage, clearly due * Fuller. See Macaulay, ed. 1858, 

to the accidental identification of aax-4, 033-5 ; Life of Halifax^ ii. 

two successive ' whatsoevers * in the 147-8. 

i69o] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 51 {ay ^2, (b) 343 

was so ill-turned. He discovered Crone and all that negotia- 
tion. Crone was condemned, but has since saved himself by 
■ a discovery ; it was chiefly about providing money and arms, 
and the putting the party in a readiness to appear upon 
a call. 

TAe queen in the administration. 

Cf. Hist, ii. 48 {from *the queen was now* to p. 49, 'happy under her'). 

After * administration * add ' by the king's going for Ireland, in which she was 
so exact to the law, that she would not enter upon it till she heard that he was 
upon the sea.' 

[/ 59 (a)] Befort ' all this was nothing to the public * insert ' nor was she ever 
uneasy or displeased with any that brought new objects in her way ; ' 

Ont, from * The king named * to end of panngraph,. 


\The kin^s sense of affairs^ 
CC Hist, ii. 46 {frrom < the day before * to < all that he had said*). 

The kin^s tenderness of king fames, 

Cf. Hist. iL 47 {first paragraph). 

For 'having learned . . . made to the king* read 'for one had sent by me 
a proposition to him, which seemed fair.* 

For * (for he was well known to liim)* read ' (for he had served at sea and wa& 
known to him).* 

For ' as the king should desire . . . ashore * read ' for he would not engage in 
it unless he were assured that he were not to be made a prisoner. When 
I carried this to the king,* ^c. 

For ' king James would certainly * read ' if king James should.* 

After ' the king had made * insert * me.* 

The king goes for Ireland. 

a Hist. ii. 47-8 {to 'things went far otherwise*). 

Before * Charlemont * insert ' save that * ; and om. * Which was . . . hands.* 

[/. 53 (6)] For * they flattered . . . false hopes * read ' as he loves to be flattered 

with false news, so he was filled with them [sic] upon this occasion and 

After ' days come, before * add * by a prisoner that was taken.* 
After < immediately ' add < drew back his army [and].* 
After ' French foot * add ' that Laozun had brought over.' 
For ' countiy on to Dublin ' read * plain country to Dublin.* 
For ' the strengthening . . . body of foot* read* the marching away towards 

the Shannon ; the strengthening their garrisons ; and keeping only a flying 

camp together.* 
After ' king's transports. This ' add * was a great design and.* 

• Cf. Hist. ii. 46. 

344 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1690 

The state of affairs at sea; [and on land\, 

Cf, Hist, ii. 49-50 ('an unhappy compliment . . . and then a rising ground*). 

For * and it was joined . • . chief command, was * trad ' And Herbert, whom 
the king had made earl of Torrington, was ordered to go about with the rest of 
our fleet to join both the squadron at Plymouth and that which Shovel was to 
bring him out of the Irish seas. He [was].* 

For ' our main fleet lay long* read ' he was forced to lie some days.* 

[/ 53 W] For ' so they . . • Channel * read ' Upon this advice from England 
their fleet (consisting of eighty capital ships) was ordered to sail into the 
Channel, which they did on the twenty-second of June.* 

For * near the Isle * read ' at the bight of the Isle.' 
. For ' surprised * read * both surprised and destroyed.* 

/br 'and abandoned Dublin* read 'they would be forced to abandon Dublin 

Om, < it would also . . . England.* 

For ' for his crown * read ' for it ; for he said he forgave the prince of Orange 
all he had done against him, since he was now come to give him battle.* 

Om. * of the struggle and even.' 

For * rose . . . tide ' read ' swelled twice a day with the tide.' 

TAe king was wounded with a cannon-ball. 

Cf. Hist. ii. 50 ijrom ' On the last of June ' /o p. 51, < military men '). 
For * a grieat body ' read * his body * ; for * in the face of the enemy* read only 
* in another place * ; om, * a little below him.* 

TAe Ixxttle of the Boyne, 

Cf. Hist ii. 51 {from * It was a complete victory * to p. 5a, * did also capitulate *). 

[/• 53 (^)] Before * threw down ' instrt * very soon.* 

For ' The army of the Irish . • . king thought * read < Besides, it was generally 
believed that, considering the cowardice of the Irish.* 

For * a party ' read * twenty or thirty.' 

Om» * for most . . . cut off,' and * like another Epaminondas.* 

For * a very indecent ' read ' a great.' 

Om. ' This was not . • • 0ed.' 

For * he rode . . . parts of his life ' read ' and left Dublin early next morning, 
and rid with all the haste that was possible to Duncannon, which was about 
seventy Irish miles from Dublin ; he had been so provident that he had sent 
sir Patrick Trant thither to have a ship ready for him, and all the way as he rid 
he was taking care to have bridges cut, and was in so much dread that when he 
came to Duncannon, though the fort was of a considerable strength, yet he would 
not trust himself to it, but lay aboard. Thus did his courage sink with his 
affairs to so great a degree that those who believed he was brave before 
concluded that there was now some extraordinary guilt upon him which has 
brought him under so much fear.* 

For ' their officers * read * their general officers.* 

For * and king James's officers . . • revenges after it' read * The Irish marched 
in their flight through Dublin, in so much haste, and with so much disorder. 

x69o] Harl. MSS. 6584, /! 52 (*)-54 {b) 345 

that whereas it was much feared that if they had been beat they would have 
taken their revenges upon that town, and have plundered and burnt it, they 
were now so far from that, that they made all the haste possible to be 

For 'declared for the king' rmd 'declared presently for the king, who sent 
immediately some troops thither to secure that city.* 

A battle in Flanders \_Fleurus\ and at sea [Beachy HeadK 

Cf. Hist. ii. 5a {from * but to balance ' to p. 53, ' pursuing his victory *y 

[/. 54 («)] Om, * did at the first charge.' 

For * yet the stand . . . they able ' read * yet their loss was believed greater ; 
they were certainly so much weakened that they were not able.* 

For * This was the battle . . . consequence of it * read * This weakening of theii' 

For * On the day . . . Boyne ' read * For about a week after that, on the last 
of June.* 

j4/fer *at sea' add * Our fleet got under sail upon the news of the arrival of 
the French fleet.' 

After * at Plymouth ' add * and that which was commanded by Shovel.* 

For * what was fittest to be done ' read ' whether our fleet [without them] 
should be ordered to make towards the French and to engage them or not.' . 

After * his coming in ' add ' for some time.' 

For 'some began to call' read 'Now his enemies began to .spread about 
stories that brought.* 

For * they thought • . . mischievous to us ' read * It was looked on as ex- 
tremely unbecoming for us to bring in our fleet upon the French coming into 
our seas, and to leave them masters of our coast and trade. For all our fleets 
of merchantmen (reckoning that the two royal fleets would be at that time 
waiting upon one another) were then coming home, And would be by this 
means exposed to the enemy. It would have raised the credit of the arms of 
France, and sunk ours, if we should have fled from them.* 

For * that it was reasonable . . . admiral ' read * that we might well fight them ; 
and in this they were seconded by some on whom the administration relied 
much, who writ from the fleet that though the enemy exceeded them in num- 
ber, yet they took ours to be the stronger fleet. It is true in the council of war 
the much greater number were of Torrington's opinion. But in conclusion lie 
had orders.' 

For • to a council of war ' read * to him. So on the 30th of June.* 

/or 'both the Dutch .. . general opinion' read 'The Dutch, as they had 
sufiercd much, so they compUined that they had been abandoned by Torrington ; 
those of the blue squadron complained as much ; and all (except his friends) 
who were in that action do Still say.* 

[/. 54 (b)] For * many of our ships ' read ' our floet quite.* 

After * his victory * add « So.' 

[TAe Frjtnch masters of the sea^ 

Cf. Hist, il 53 {from 'Our fleet came in ' to p. 55, ' French should prevail*). 
After ' refitting it ' add ' and f^rcat care was had of the sick and wounded of 
the Dutch.' 

346 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1690 

For ^ seven thousand * nod ' a thousand V 

After 'raised' insert 'and continued out a month.* 

For * in this melancholy . . . expected * mui ' The Scotch plot, as shall he 
afterwards told, was both discovered and broke ; and now it appeared that 
neither the taxes nor the ill success could alienate the nation from the govern- 
ment, for though it was now harvest-time, jret the militias continued together 
with great cheerfulness, and showed a great zeal for the service** 

Om, ' kept out of the way * ; and after *■ rabble * add ' again.* 

After * coast * add < and then returned again to ours.* 

After * confederate armies * otn, * when . . . direction.* 

For ' The French . . . understood afterwards, that * read ' During the fitting 
out of our fleet, the French rid triumphing in our seas, but did us no harm. 
AU the while.* 

For * excused * read ' were glad to excuse.* 

For ' weakened * read * much weakened ; they had many sick men aboard.* 

[77te queet^s behaviour upon this occasion,] 

Cf. Hist, ii. 55 (Jrom ' In all this time * io middle of frillowing paragraph^ ' re« 
quired his presence here *). 

(/ 55 W] Om. 'for I . . . Windsor.* 

Om, ' she apprehended . . . danger.* 

Om, * For she told me . . . king was in Ireland.* 

For 'and acquainted her* read *he gave it her with the letters.* 

After * presence here * add ' more than Ireland could then do.* 

[Aj^irs abroad,] 

Cf. Ilisf. ii. 64-5 (/rom 'As for affairs* io * carrying on the war*). 

For 'As for affairs • . . alliance* read 'At this time the allies gained upoa 
the duke of Savoy to enter into a confederacy.* 

Om. *with the emperor.' 

For * ripe for it. They demanded* read 'ready for it, by demanding* ; and 
after * in their hands ' add * during the war.* 

Om, * This was . , . vassal prince.* 

Om. * when their affairs require it * and 'who had promised him nothing.* 

After * prey to the French ' add * The war upon the Upper Rhine, where the 
elector of Bavaria commanded, produced no actions, but many marches back- 
wards and forwards ; and.* 

Om, ' yet he ... on the war.* 

The affairs of Scotland. 

Cf. Hist. ii. 61 ijrom ' From the affairs of Ireland * /d p. 69, < his instructions *}. 
Om. ' From the affairs • • . what passed.* 4 

For 'by a Dutch oflScer . • . forces in Scotland' read only 'by sir Thomas 

[/ 55 (^)l For ' Lord Melville . . . post himself* read ' Melville was sent down 

> ' 7000 sais [sic] the printed edition * (note by Dr. Gifford). See also f. a 
(in Appendix VII, infrd). 

i69o] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 54 (*)-56 («) 347 

with powers to be high commissioner for the parliament, but he stayed there 
some weeks before he made use of them/ 

For 'assured the king* rtad^\aA told the king before he had went down.* 

After ' cany anything * add ' So the matter was secretly managed.* 

For ' would not consent * nad ' stuck a little.* 

For from * yet he found * to end of paragraph read < And for those he was 
forced to send one over to Ireland ; and it is generally said that though he 
ventured to give up those, yet he had no instructions for it But the king is so 
secret in those matters that it is not possible to find them out ; only it is visible 
that he is not pleased with MelviUe*s behaviour in parliament.* 

\A parliofneftt /Aere.] 

Ct Hist. ii. 69 (' The Jacobites • • . second message *). 

For * for many . . . swear to him * read * on design that thereby they might 
have the greater number there, and be able to break that which they swar^ 
to maintain.* 

For 'by Paterson . . . archbishops* read* even [by] one of the bishops that 
was in that party.* 

Om, ' for he thought . . . parliament.* 

After * prerogative ' add * even in the point of the dispensing power.* 

[A plot discovered?^ 

Cf. Hist, ii. 69-3 {to * ruined his fortune,* near end of paragraph), 

Om, all alhisions to Argyll, 

Om, * pretending, as they said afterwards, that.* 

After * pressed the king * add ' since all was broken.* 

After ' upon a full discovery * add * This he refused to do.* 

For < discovered all . . . Scotch * read only * made discoveries.* 

After < against others * add ' This was granted him, so he told all he knew.* 

Before 'treated* insert 'immediately.* 

[/ 56 (a)] Om, « He continued . . . life.* 

[Results of the ploi.l 


Cf. Hist. ii. 63 {front * The lord Melville had now * /o p. 64, end tf paragraph). 

For * by which . . . condemnation of it * read only ' was Ihe settling of pres- 

For *• But it was not so easy . . • ; if * read* But this could not be safely done, if.* 

For ' the pattern . . . 1638 * read ' any of the former patterns ; for then.* 

Before * episcopal ' read * for the greater part.* 

For ' and all those who . . . presbyterian way * read * who had taken pres- 
byterian ordination of late.* 

For * this was like . . . the old men * read ' by an error that may prove fatal 
to the whole party ; [because] many of the old men.' 

For ' so these broke out . . . deiame them * read * they began to raise accu* 
sations against the episcopal clergy; some were grounded only upon their 
being of that persuasion, others were charged with scandalous disorders ; but 
in many places these were not pretended to be proved, but were only made 
use of to defame those whom they intended to deprive.* 

348 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1690 

The progress of the war in Ireland. 

C£ Hist, ii. 55 {from *for it was hoped the reduction of Ireland* to p. 57, 
* decently towards him *). 

For * for ' read * But while affairs went thus in all other places.* 

[/• 56 (6)] For *By these he understood . . . and ended it thus' read *By 
these it appeared that they looked upon their business as desperate before the 
battle. Tyrconnell*s last letter to queen Mary that had not been sent ended thus.* 

Om. < the king went to Ireland * and * an Irishman . . . languages well * ; and 
for * was to be ' read * had been sent ' ; and after * murder the king* add * which 
seemed to be much confirmed by this letter.* 

Om. ' sir Robert Southwell . . . retaliating in that way.' 

For 'The escape ... at the battle of the Boyne' read * But as God preserved 
the king from the many dangers through which he passed at the last battle 
[when] ' ; and after * friends * add * so God has likewise preserved him hitherto 
from all secret practices.* 

For ' the king was pressed . . . apprehend * read * The king^s chief care was 
now to secure a station for his transport ships ; for as he found by the letters 
that had fallen into his hands that the French intended to send over some 
frigates and fireships to burn them, so their advantage at sea made the execu- 
tion of this easy to them ; and therefore, finding Dublin was no safe station for 
them, and that Waterford was the nearest place where they could lie securely, 
instead of pursuing the Irish during their first consternation to Athlone or 
Limerick, to which their main body had retired, he sent only a detachment 
to Athlone, and he marched himself towards Waterford; both the town, and 
Duncannon fort, which commanded the port, capitulated ; so that now his 
transport fleet was safe ; though indeed it was not in so much danger as was 

[/• 57 {a)"} For * He fell under' read * And ever since that lime he has been 

[7 he situaUon in Irelami,] 

Douglas, who led the detachment to Athlone, said he could 
do nothing for want of great cannon ; though others thought 
he had no mind to make too quick an end of the war. * The 
king sent his army forward * to Golding bridge near Cashill ; 
^ and he himself came back to Dublin in order to his return to 
England, to which he had been pressed ** by many letters from 
England. This had a very ill effect on his affairs ; for the 
Irish (who are apt to believe all the lies that their priests set 
on among them) were persuaded that he was forced to go 
to England to defend it against the French, and that he 
would be obliged to carry over his army very soon thither ; 
therefore they were made believe that if they could but stand 

• Cf. Hist. ii. 57. '• Ibid. 

i69o] HarL MSS. 6584, ff. 56 {d)-^^ (b) 349 

out a little while, the island would be soon their own again. 
By these means they were wrought on to make a stand. • But 
when the king came to Dublin he found letters of another 
strain from England ; the fitting out of the fleet went on 
apace; the militias were all up, and expressed much zeal 
for the government ; the most dangerous men were secured ; 
and there was now no reason to apprehend a descent from the 
French. So the king went back to his army, and moved 
towards Limerick. 

Limerick besieged. 

Cf. Hist, ii. 57 {ftvm * Upon this, Lauzun* to p. 59, end of firsi paragraph). 

For * It was hoped * read * There was good reason to hope *.' 

For ' he had left * read * he [had been] obliged to leave.' 

Om. *best/ 

j4fter * and scarce * insert * possible to work in [or].' 

After * some great guns ' add * which were brought very near him.' 

For * who despised . . . distance that they ' read only ' who thinking them- 
selves secure ' ; and fir 'and went to bed ' read 'all nfght, and kept very little 

For ' Sarsficld ... in time' read only 'The king had a timous advertisement 
that Sarsfield with a body of horse had passed the Shannon.' 

[/. 57 (6)] For *thc convoy . . . morning but they* read 'the ammunition ; 
for he believed the design must be upon that ; yet (by whose fault I do not 
know, for when 1 asked the king about it he did not answer) the orders which 
he gave in the morning were not executed till it were midnight Lanier 
commanded it ; he marched slow and.' 

Om, * the general observation . . . side) was, that ' ; /or * they had ' read ' he 
had'; /or 'themselves' read 'himself; /or 'their master' read* his master'; 
and after * conclusion of it ' reati ' so he came back without doing anjrthing.' 

A/ler ' channel. Yet ' insert ' as soon as the cannon came up.' 

After ' retired ' add ' by which the garrison took heart' 

For ' the king saw that ... he must leave ' read ' and if another body had 
come the king had been forced to have left.* 

For ' and it was thought . . . too much ' read ' and had exposed his person so 
often that it appeared upon many new occasions that the providence of God 
was as watchful over his person as he seemed careless in exposing it.' 

7/te siege raised, 

Cf. Hist. ii. 59 [from * The king lay ' to end 0/ third clause, * disorder the 
retreat ') ; /or which rend ' Upon all this the king saw the necessity of raising 
the siege, after three weeks lost before it They within were very happy in 
their own thoughts that they had scaped so great a danger ; and, content with 

• Cf. Hist. ii. 57. 

' Dr. Gifibrd notes this difference. 

350 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1690 

that, they did not think fit to venture out and disturb the king as he marched 
ofiT. He presently ordered the army to go into quarters; only some bodies 
were drawn near Cork.* 


\Marlbo9-ougICs campaign^^ 

Cf. Hisi. ii. 60 {from * While he lay' to p. 6i, end of first paragraph). 

For < While he . • . proposed that * read * For Marlborough had offered an 
advice, that when our fleet should be ready to go out (upon which we had 
reason to believe that the French would go in)/ 

Om, <and with the assistance . . . should try.* 

For * and ordered . . . with them ' read only * and gave orders for it.' 

Onu {at this point) * And so he broke . • . London.' 

Before * person ' add * only ' ; and/or * the greatest ' read ' any.' ( This occurs on 
/ 58 {a).) 

Om, * in a season so far advanced.' 

For <The Irish . . . divert it' read only 'But during the siege, the Irish, in 
order to the diverting the forces.' 

[/ 58 (fl)] Om. < which cut off* . . . Ireland.* 

For ' without staying . . • orders * read < with the first wind.' 

^y?tfr < submitted to the king' add 'and lived in his quarters.' 

For <had a sad time' read 'were like to have a terrible winter of it' ; /or 
'almost quite destroyed in many places' read 'so destroyed that a famine was 
generally apprehended for the next year.' 

[TJte king's rc/urn.] 

The king came over to England within a few days after 
the siege was raised ; and though *^ the last action of Limerick 
as coming latest had very much damped the joy of the former 
successes ^, yet he was everywhere received with great expres- 
sions of joy in the countries through which he passed from ^ the 
place where he landed, which was near Bristol, till he came 
to London ^ ; his behaviour in small a